No More Learning



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ALIGARH
345
madans at Aligarh. In 1878 the school was raised to a second-grade
college and affiliated to the Calcutta University. At first Sayyid
Ahmad was fiercely opposed by conservative Muhammadans. But,
strongly encouraged by the government, he triumphed over all
obstacles. Princes and nobles, Muslim and Hindu, offered munificent
endowments. Viceroys and lieutenant-governors came forward as
benefactors.
While primarily intended for Muhammadans, and insisting on
religious instruction for its Muslim students, the Muhammadan
Anglo-Oriental College admitted pupils of all faiths, and after ten
years of struggle became a highly esteemed seat of education. It
started with an English and an Oriental department. In the former
all subjects were taught in English, and Arabic, Persian or Sanskrit
was taken up as a second language; in the latter either Arabic or
Persian literature was studied; history, geography, mathematics, etc.
were taught in Urdu, while English was a second language. The
commission of 1882 reported that the Oriental department attracted
hardly any students. The principal of the college and the headmaster
of the school were both Europeans. "
The obstacles to the spread of female education have been described
in a previous chapter. These had hardly lessened with time and are
strong even now. In 1882 it was ascertained that the percentage of
girls at school to girls of a school-going age was •85 for all India,
1. 59 for Bombay, 1•50 for Madras, •80 for Bengal, . 72 for the Panjab
and •28 for the North-Western Provinces. From 1823 to 1851 female
education in Bombay had engaged the attention of the missionaries.
Then the Parsi and the Hindu merchants of Gujarat had taken the
matter up, and their example had been followed by certain Maratha
chiefs. Since 1871 the Bombay Government had been endeavouring
to collect an efficient staff of female teachers. In Madras, too,
missionaries had led the way. Indian societies had followed. In
Northern as well as in Southern India, missionary societies were the
pioneers and in 1882 were still foremost. But progress was very slow.
There was a great dearth of female teachers due to an impression that
such a calling could not be pursued by a modest woman. *
As the aristocracy and titled classes were disinclined to allow their
sons to associate with the scholars and students of government schools,
regarding them as their social inferiors, Lord Mayo initiated the
establishment of chiefs' colleges, making known to the Rajput nobles
in durbar at Ajmer his strong desire to establish in that city a college
“for the sons and relatives of the chiefs, nobles, and principal thakurs
of Rajputana”,5 A liberal endowment fund was subscribed; the
1 Mahmud, op. cit. pp. 163-4 n.
: Cf. The Statutory Commission's Interim Report, pp. 150-83.
• Report of 1882 Commission, PP. 525, 5357 Report of 1882 Commission, p. 487.
• Burn, op. cil. p. 160.


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346
THE GROWTH OF EDUCATIONAL POLICY
1
government gave an equivalent sum, and the Mayo College at Ajmer
under carefully selected British principals proved a remarkable
success. Similar in character though smaller in scale was the Rajaram
College at Kathiawar. Other colleges started special classes for the
sons of native chiefs and large landed proprietors. All these innova-
tions were designed to encourage good education, “a healthy tone
and manly habits” among the sons of chiefs and nobles. But even so
the cadets of aristocratic or opulent families were frequently brought
up to lead idle lives.
In struggling to carry out the policy laid down in 1854, the govern-
ment found it necessary more than once to pause and take stock of
conditions and tendencies. This was done by means of commissions
appointed with the concurrence of the secretary of state. The first
education commission was charged by Lord Ripon's government in
1882 with the duty of enquiring into “the manner in which effect had
been given to the principles of the dispatch of 1854, and of suggesting
such measures as might seem desirable. in order to further carrying
out of the policy laid down therein”. The principal object of enquiry
was to be the present state of elementary education and the means
by which this can everywhere be extended and improved". 1 The
general operation of the universities was withdrawn from the field of
investigation, but the work carried on in the colleges was to be
reviewed. The commission, which was highly officialised, consisted of
twenty-two members (British and Indian) under the late Sir William
Hunter as president. Nearly 200 witnesses were examined: over 300
memorials were presented: 222 resolutions were passed, 180 unani-
mously. The main conclusions of the commission were that while
higher and secondary education was popular and successful among
the middle classes, particularly in Bengal, primary education needed
the strongest encouragement and should be declared "that part of the
system of public instruction which possesses an almost exclusive claim
on provincial revenues”. It might well be provided, irrespective of
private co-operation, by the state or by the local self-government
boards, district and municipal, which were then taking more definite
shape and assuming new responsibilities. The means of secondary
education, on the other hand, should ordinarily be provided only
where local or private co-operation was forthcoming.
The commission was favourably impressed by the results of grants-
in-aid in Bengal where for one high school maintained by government
there were three, two aided and one unaided, established by private
effort, and only a few English middle schools supported wholly by
the state. In the hope that, as had happened in England, Western
education in India would lead to increased industrialism and there-
fore to fresh opportunities of employment, it recommended the in-
1 Resolution of the Government of India, Home Dept. (Education), Nos. 1-60,
3 February, 1882, para. 8.
.
$


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THE HUNTER COMMISSION
347
stitution of school-courses alternative to the established “entrance"
course, and including subjects chosen with a view to the requirements
of commercial and industrial pursuits. Anxious to de-officialise higher
education as far as possible and to render it self-dependent, it advised
that all secondary schools should be made over to private manage-
ment whenever this could be done without lowering the standard or
diminishing the supply of instruction, and that the managers of aided
schools and colleges should be allowed to charge fees lower than those
payable at state schools of the same class. At the same time it urged
that, whatever withdrawal there might be from direct supervision of
education, there should be none from indirect but efficient control.
But “only in cases of extreme necessity" should private schools be
interfered with. In effect it recommended that system of cheap, un-
controlled venture schools, which has done so much to lower the
standard of education in Bengal.
The commission proposed special measures for encouraging educa-
tion among Muhammadans. It considered that all elementary schools
should be subject to the inspection and supervision of the govern-
ment's educational officers, but should be made over to the care of
district and municipal boards, whose educational responsibilities
should be defined by legislation. It pointed out the importance of
physical education as well as mental, and considered that although
religious teaching must be excluded from the government schools,
something should be done, in response to a widespread feeling, to
develop the sense of right and wrong in the minds of scholars of all
grades. After long debate, it resolved by a narrow majority, (a) that
an attempt should be made to prepare a moral textbook based upon
“the fundamental principles of natural religion” and suitable for use
by teachers in all government and other colleges; (b) that the principal
or one of the professors in each government or aided college should
deliver to each college class in every session a series of lectures “on the
duties of a man and a citizen”. But these suggestions were severely
criticised by the various local governments and were rejected by the
Government of India and by Lord Kimberley, secretary of state. The
general trend of criticism is indicated by the words of Sir Alfred Lyall,
lieutenant-governor of the North-Western Provinces. It was, he wrote,
no part of the functions of the Government of India to draw up a code
or morality, and issue it officially for the instruction of students, since
these could hardly be charged with ignorance of the commonly
accepted code of civilised communities, or with an acceptance of
principles contrary to that code. The objcction to instituting courses
of lectures on the duties of a man and citizen was that possibly no two
professors would agree as to what these duties were; and it was clearly
undesirable to introduce into schools and colleges discussions on
subjects that opened qut a very wide field of debate. 2
· Cf. Croft, op. cit. p. 330; Mahmud, op. cit. chap. xxii. • Croft, op. cit. p. 332.
a
.


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348
THE GROWTH OF EDUCATIONAL POLICY
The majority of the commission's recommendations were accepted
by the Government of India. In 1886 a Public Services Commission
was appointed which divided the educational department into three
branches-imperial, provincial and subordinate. The first of these
would be recruited in England and called the Indian Educational
Service;' the second and third would be recruited in India. In effect,
while stimulating a devolution of control to local boards and school
committees, the government in spite of criticism” reduced the British
element in both its inspecting and its teaching agencies. The process
was carried far in Bengal. In Madras, under the able twelve-years'
direction of the late H. B. Grigg, devolution to local bodies worked
well. But nowhere else were municipal and district boards disposed
to spend much money on elementary education. 3
The labours of the over-burdened Calcutta University were lightened
by the formation of the Panjab University in 1882 and the Allahabad
University in 1887. Both were examining bodies. The former differed
from its elder sisters in possessing a faculty of Oriental learning and
in conducting proficiency and high proficiency examinations in
vernacular languages. It owed its origin to a college established at
Lahore in 1869 in part fulfilment of the wishes of chiefs, nobles and
prominent men of the Panjab and with the aid of their contributions.
The Allahabad University developed from a college opened originally
in a hired building by Sir William Muir, lieutenant-governor of the
North-Western Provinces, in 1872. It awarded degrees to students in
affiliated colleges and possessed no faculty of Oriental languages,
although Sir William Muir had asked for one. But these provinces
already possessed the famous Queen's College at Benares, where
Sanskrit was regularly taught by a staff of learned Brahmans; and
examinations were held to which students were admitted who came
from affiliated institutions situate within and without the provincial
boundaries.
Between 1886 and 1901 college students throughout India increased
from 11,501 to 23,009, and pupils in secondary schools from 429,093
to 633,728. English games had reached Indian schools and soon
achieved popularity. But English professors and inspectors became
fewer although Anglo-vernacular schools multiplied in Bengal and
increased elsewhere. English was thus more and more taught by men
to whom it was a foreign tongue, with results which were highly
creditable to the ability and industry of the learners, but unsatisfactory
in various respects. In the private venture schools of Bengal teachers
were underpaid and teaching suffered. Everywhere education was
largely memorisation of textbooks. A century earlier Charles Grant
1 Seton, India Office, p. 144.
2 Chirol, Indian Unrest, p. xiv.
: Cf. Report of Calcutia University Commission, 1, 54.
• See Satthianadhan, op. cit. pp. 284, 289.
5 Ronaldshay, Heart of Aryavarta, chap. i; Sayyid Amir Ali Bilgrami, English Education in
India, p. 35.


## p. 349 (#387) ############################################

CURZON'S POLICY
349
had wisely urged the importance of teaching the principles of me-
chanics and their application to "agriculture and the useful arts”.
The authors of the 1854 dispatch had not forgotten this counsel. But
the passion for literary courses of study had even then acquired a
strong momentum which gathered force as time went on. 1 Outlay
on education by the government and local boards rose from 132. 82
lakhs of rupees in 1885 to 177. 04 lakhs in 1901; but the general
tendency to regard schooling simply as a means of qualifying for
clerical or professional employment retarded primary instruction
among the masses. At this juncture a governor-general arrived who
combined enthusiastic idealism with abounding energy and great
insight into the details of administration. Fearing no problem, how-
ever thorny, he gradually set himself to grapple with the thorniest
problem of all.
Toward the close of his third year of office, after examining the
whole educational field with elaborate care, Lord Curzon summoned
the principal officers of the educational department to meet him at
Simla in September, 1901. There he reviewed the situation with
characteristic thoroughness and trenchancy, claiming that the suc-
cesses of imparting English education to India had been immeasurably
greater than the mistakes and blunders. 2 Moral and intellectual
standards had been raised, and might be raised still higher. But we
had started by too slavish an imitation of English models, and had
never purged ourselves of that taint. Examinations too had been
pushed to an unhealthy excess. Students were being crammed with
undigested knowledge. Teachers were obsessed with percentages,
passes and tabulated results. The various provincial systems of public
instruction were not inspired by unity of aim, and showed misdirection
and wastage of force which must be laid to the charge of the central
government.
The universities were merely examining bodies. The colleges were
for the most part collections of lecture-rooms, class-rooms and
laboratories flung far and wide over great provinces, bound to each
other by no tie of common feeling and to the university by no tie of
filial reverence. Greater unity should be infused into these jarring
atoms and higher education should be inspired by nobler ideals.
Hostels or boarding-houses should be adequately provided for colleges
in large towns and should be subject to systematic inspection. Senates
and syndicates should be reformed and converted into business-like
bodies containing a sufficiently strong element of experts. Academic
standards needed to be raised. Yet he had been invited after Queen
Victoria's death to celebrate her memory by lowering examination
standards all round. Secondary education presented more encouraging
features than university education. The demand for English teaching
· Cf. Report of the Education Commission, 1882, p. 281.
· Cf. Raleigh, Lord Curzon in India, pp. 313-39.


## p. 350 (#388) ############################################

350
THE GROWTH OF EDUCATIONAL POLICY
was increasing; schools were being started to meet it, and the income
from fees therein obtained was rising. On the other hand the middle-
class public still attached a superior commercial value to literary
courses, which often led to nothing because they had not been
sufficiently practical or co-ordinated with technical or commercial
instruction in an advanced stage.
Primary education, the teaching of the masses in the vernacular
had shrivelled and pined since the cold breath of Macaulay's
rhetoric
passed over the field of the Indian languages and textbooks. This was
a mistake. Not only did the vernaculars in no way deserve such
neglect, for they contained literary treasures; but the greatest of all
dangers in India was ignorance. As the masses gained knowledge, so
would they be happier and become more useful members of the body
politic. Yet we had rushed ahead with English education and left the
vernaculars standing at the post. Both were equally the duty and
the care of the government; but it must be admitted that the main
obstacles to a spread of primary education sprang from the people
themselves.
In this part of his speech Lord Curzon hardly did justice to his
predecessors. From 1854 onwards the government had endeavoureo
to encourage the diffusion of knowledge through the vernaculars
This aim had been thwarted by the stolid conservatism of the masses
by the limitations imposed by the caste-system, and by the zeal of the
Indian, and especially of the Bengali, middle classes for a Western
education that offered new interests, new hopes, and more ambitious
prospects. The vernaculars too had not remained stagnant. On the
contrary, vernacular prose had profited by English influences. 1
For technical education, that practical instruction which qualifies
a man for the practice of some handicraft or industry or profession,
Lord Curzon considered that much more might be done on more
business-like principles. Female education, too, was extremely back-
ward. Moderate as was the attendance of boys at school, only one
girl attended for every ten boys, and only 2 ) per cent. of girls of a
school-going age. As regards moral teaching for the young generally,
books could do something but teachers could do more. Competent
teachers, selected for character and ability, able to maintain discipline
and devoted to their work, were the main essential. Religious in-
struction must be carried on in private institutions only, Christian,
Hindu or Muhammadan, which could all be assisted by state grants.
The various provincial governments had in respect of education
become "a sort of heptarchy in the land”. They needed inspiration
by a common principle and direction to a common aim. A measure
of the inadequate consideration which had been given to education
at headquarters was the fact that it was merely a sub-heading of the
work of the home department. Expert advice was needed to prevent
1 Cf. Ronaldshay, op. cit. chap. iii, and Times Literary Supplement, 11 February, 1932.


## p. 351 (#389) ############################################

THE UNIVERSITIES ACT OF 1904
351
the central government from “drifting about like a deserted hulk on
chopping seas”. He besought his hearers to realise that they were
“handling the life-blood of future generations”.
Action followed quickly on speech. The central government de-
clared that education must be a leading charge on the public funds,
and began a series of liberal grants to local governments on its behalf.
Private generosity and enterprise, the efforts of directors, inspectors
and teachers, were strongly stimulated. An inspector-general of
education was brought out from England and posted to headquarters.
A Universities Commission was appointed; and after much enquiry
and deliberation a Universities Bill was framed which became law in
1904 after acute controversy. It was a cautious measure, introducing
no radical change, but converting senates and syndicates into more
business-like bodies which contained majorities of educational experts,
leaving the training of undergraduate students mainly to the colleges,
but providing that the universities should themselves conduct post-
graduate courses of study. The senates were to tighten up conditions
for affiliation of colleges. They were to be responsible for courses,
textbooks and standards of examination. They were to propose to the
government regulations for the recognition of high schools and were
to pay attention to the conditions under which students and school-
boys were working. Vice-chancellors would be appointed by the
government; senates were to include directors of public instruction;
and in Calcutta the director would be a permanent member of the
syndicate. All affiliations and disaffiliations of colleges were to be
finally determined by the government; all professors, readers and
lecturers must be approved by it; and many details of university
policy were made subject to its supervision.
The commission was anxious that minimum fee rates should be
fixed for all colleges.
This would have done something to restrict the
cut-throat competition which was going on in Bengal among managers
of private institutions with results disastrous to the youths concerned.
But the proposal excited so much clamour that (after Lord Curzon's
departure) it was dropped. The commission noted that the universities
possessed no machinery for inspecting high schools, and that at
Calcutta the syndicate had sometimes insisted on recognising new
venture schools "without due regard to the interests of sound
education and discipline”. It urged that the university should
recognise only schools recommended by the department of public
instruction, and this advice was in principle adopted in all provinces
but Bengal, where it was rejected, after Lord Curzon's departure,
because the managers of a large number of unaided schools declined
to admit departmental inspectors.
The commission regarded with apprehension the growing neglect
of the vernaculars and of Oriental classical languages, for a moral
danger was involved. It announced the rather tardy discovery that


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352
THE GROWTH OF EDUCATIONAL POLICY
1
I
.
the literature of the West had its roots in a past in which Oriental
students had no part and was based upon beliefs and ideas which were
meaningless to them. It was desirable to promote diversified types of
secondary education corresponding with the varying needs of after-
life. The government considered that this object would best be attained
by instituting a school-leaving certificate based on class-work as well
as on a final examination, which would be alternative to the entrance
and would be recognised not only by private employers, who were
increasingly discounting the value of an entrance pass, but by the
government and the universities. It should afford evidence of char-
acter and of the general and practical capacity of a candidate.
Lord Curzon did much to broaden the whole basis of higher educa-
tion, and to initiate technical, industrial and commercial courses.
With the assistance of a donation of £30,000 from Mr H. Phipps, an
American gentleman, he established an agricultural college at Pusa,
in Bihar, which became the parent of similar institutions in other
provinces. He improved the chiefs' colleges; he inspired the depart-
ments of public instruction with fresh vitality and stimulated private
benevolence. But with all his splendid energy, he came twenty years
too lateus In the 'eighties he would have exercised a far more fruitful
and permanent influence on the subsequent course of education. As
things were, his very zeal inspired a belief that his real purpose was
to curb the increase of the restless English-educated. The cry went
forth that reaction was intended. Vested interests in private schools
and colleges bitterly protested. The partition of Bengal inflamed the
angry suspicion with which his university legislation was viewed in
that province and elsewhere.
He left India in November, 1905; and then followed years of
political and racial agitation due to various causes. The effect of the
Russo-Japanese War on Indian political thought, the gathering-in of
some of the harvest of the study of English history and literature, in-
creasing contact with an increasingly democratic Britain, combined
with the congested state of the bar, with rising prices which pressed
hardly on clerical and professional incomes, with a n st-growing
disproportion between applicants for and openings in government
service, with ill-disciplined schools and boycott propaganda, to
produce in Bengal an unprecedented ferment, which in a minor
degree affected the educated classes all over India. Senates, syndi-
cates, colleges, high schools, felt the contagion. Revolutionary litera-
ture and teaching were introduced into many of the far-flung, ill-
controlled colleges and schools of Bengal with marked effect; racial
animosity was constantly preached by press and platform. But while
the tide of impatience of British rule was rising among the English-
educated, the appetite for Western knowledge rapidly intensified.
There was a loud call for more expenditure not only on higher,
but also on technical and vocational education. To this demand


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LATER TROUBLES
353
a
.
the government made strenuous endeavours to respond. In 1910
education was transferred from the supervision of the home depart-
ment of the central government to a new and separate department.
In 1913 Sir Harcourt Butler, the first education member of the
governor-general's council, published a resolution laying down care-
fully considered lines for advance and expansion. Money was to be
freely forthcoming; and although the war intervened, expenditure in
1916–17 from imperial, provincial and local funds rose to 614·10 lakhs,
more than double the figure of 1906–7. Private enterprise on the part
of missionary and other societies, of school and college committees,
and of benevolent individuals, swelled the total outlay of 1916–17 to
1128-83 lakhs. Numerical progress was marked in many directions. .
Sir Henry Sharp's quinquennial review for 1912–17 brings out in no
uncertain fashion the persevering efforts of the government to guide
and stimulate genuine advance, to broaden the whole basis of public
instruction by establishing agricultural colleges, engineering, com-
mercial, weaving, mining, carpentry and leather-work schools. The
obstacles, however, were real. Sir Henry Sharp insists strongly on the
fact that quality in industrial education must depend upon quality
in school-work. 1 And here it is that all the old difficulties were and
still are rampant.
Nowhere have these been more clearly or authoritatively defined
than in the Interim (Education) Report of the Statutory Commission recently
published. As the commission points out, it is comparatively easy to
vote money and to secure plausible figures of numerical progress in
attendance at primary classes. But to spend that money to solid
practical advantage in pursuance of a well-directed policy carried out
by efficient agencies is not so easy. And to secure that a large increase
in numbers of pupils attending primary schools produces a com-
mensurate increase in literacy is harder still, for at present compara-
tively few of these pupils stay long enough at school to reach a stage
in which the attainment of literacy may be expected.
Under present conditions of rural life, and with the lack of suitable vernacular
literature, a child has very little chance of attaining literacy after leaving school;
and indeed, evca for the literate, there are many chances of relapse into illiteracy:
The wastage in the case of girls is even more serious than in the case of boys. ?
The whole system of secondary education, although in some respects
improved, is still dominated by the ideal that every boy who enters a
secondary school should prepare himself for the university; "and the
immense numbers of failures at matriculation and in the university
examinations indicate a great waste of effort”. After noticing im-
provements in the universities, the commission observes :
But the theory that a university exists mainly, if not solely, to pass students
through examinations still finds too large acceptance in India; and we wish that
there were more signs that the universities regarded the training of broad-minded,
1 Sharp, Review, p. 155.
· Interim Report, p. 345. Cf. also pp. 150–83.
23
CHIVI


## p. 354 (#392) ############################################

354
THE GROWTH OF EDUCATIONAL POLICY
tolerant and self-reliant citizens as one of their primary functions. They have been
hampered in their work by being over-crowded with students who are not fitted
by capacity for university education and of whom many would be far more likely
to succeed in other careers.
These words were written ten years after the close of our period.
Since January, 1921, education has been entrusted to the charge of
ministers in the major provinces. The central government has stood
aside. But the old problems are as formidable as ever. As regards
financial obstacles, there is no reason to suppose that any parlia-
mentary government in India, government in which one group would
compete for popularity with another group, would care to raise money
by fresh taxation. But the difficulties are not only financial. On
28 January, 1926, a debate took place in the Legislative Assembly at
Delhi on a resolution moved by a private member requesting the
central government to investigate unemployment among the middle
classes and suggest remedies. The government was told that its duty
was “to remove the causes of this discontent and grapple with this
evil”; but the most notable contribution to the discussion was the
speech of Mr Bipin Chandra Pal, a Bengal nationalist leader, who
frankly said that the mentality of the middle classes was very largely
the cause of middle-class unemployment. “We must change our social
system, we must change our system of education, and we must induce
our young men not to avoid, even if they do detest, manual labour.
That is the real difficulty. ” Truer words were never spoken; but the
assimilation of such ideas must be a slow and arduous process. The
solution of such problems rests with Indians themselves.
A feature of our own times has been the considerable growth in the
number of Indian students who finish their education abroad and
particularly in Britain. It is improbable that in any year before 1880
there were more than 100 in Europe. In 1894 there were 308; in 1907
there were 780; in 1921 there were 1450; in 1929-30 there were in Great
Britain 1761, of whom 583 were entered on the books of the various
Innsof Court. The experience of such men, who are able to observe and
examine educational and economic problems common to all nations,
should be useful to their country. There is plenty of idealism in India.
There is the enthusiasm for national or communal advance which in
the field of education has led to the foundation of Hindu and Muslim
universities. There have been notable and strenuous enterprises such
as Dr Rabindranath Tagore's School at Bolpur and Mrs Besant's
Central Hindu College at Benares. There is the Christian idealism of
the missionaries; and what this can achieve on emergencies is shown
by an incident of the war period.
All the staffs and schools of the Punjab University and its colleges sent fewer men
to fight than a single middle school of the Belgian Franciscan fathers at Dalwal in
the Salt Range, from which nine teachers and 95 boys, practically all who were of
age and fit, were enlisted. 1
Sir Michael O'Dwyer, India as I knew it, p. 228.


## p. 355 (#393) ############################################

GENERAL REVIEW
355
a
a
If a considerable portion of Indian idealism could be perseveringly
devoted to village uplift, what might not be achieved? Enthusiasm
has often welled up here and there. But it has frequently been spas-
modic, impatient of careful deliberation, prone to hurry on rather
than to make sure, to accept the show rather than the substance. 1
“We have now, as it were before us, in that vast congeries of peoples
we call India, a long, slow march in uneven stages, through all the
centuries from the fifth to the twentieth. ” As Mr Mayhew writes, a
the educational system established among these peoples by the British
Government is not a natural or free expression of national life. It is
a rambling and unfinished house, showing signs everywhere of change
of plans during construction, but, with all its defects, habitable and
capable at any time of modification and expansion. It has stimulated
vitality of all kinds, religious, commercial, social and political. This
vitality has brought unrest due, in the words of a Western-educated
Hindu,“to the deep-seated reason that people are throbbing with new
sensations and groping their way from darkness to light”. 4 The
writer added that in the darkness Indians could not distinguish friend
from foe, but that the day would come when there would be clearer
vision. 5
The system initiated in 1854 has produced a long line of excellent
public servants, of writers and public men acquainted not only with
the English language but with English ideals and English methods;
it has gone far to combat social evils and to develop the industrial and
commercial resources of India. In combination with the devoted
efforts of the missionaries it has raised the hopes and enlarged the
interests of sections of the people formerly sunk in social degradation;
it has strongly stimulated the education of women and has opened the
way to progressive self-government. On the other hand, it cannot
alter the physical facts of India, the blazing sun, the enervating rains,
the climate which depresses physical energy, and, in the case of the
vast peasant majority, activity of mind. It has failed to spread know-
ledge far among the masses; and among that comparatively small
minority who take readily to education, it has produced numbers of
men who, disgusted with meagre rewards for years of laborious study,
expect far too much from a government that has always been strug-
gling with a great variety of needs and calls, and has shrunk, as any
government of India must always shrink, from imposing fresh taxa-
tion. From the first, well-meant efforts produced mixed results, and
expenditure was hampered by inadequate resources. Psychological
questions of extreme difficulty arose, remained, and have for years
· Cf. Interim Report of Statutory Commission, chap. xvii.
: Education of India, p. 101.
: Cf. Bevan, Thoughts on Indian Discontents, p. 54.
• Gobinda Das, Hinduism and India.
6 Cf. Report of the Royal Commission on Agriculture in India, chap. xv; Darlıng, Rusticus
loquitur, pp. 9–11, 25, 66, 180, 203.
23-2


## p. 356 (#394) ############################################

356
THE GROWTH OF EDUCATIONAL POLICY
been greatly aggravated by political influences. In the background
all along has been "the eternal mystery of the East”, the segregating
religious and social traditions of ages. A tendency to revive and
multiply the old patshalas and maktabs, separate schools on a com-
munal basis, is marked in certain provinces to-day. Well might Lord
Curzon say: “What the future of Indian education may be neither
you nor I can tell. It is the future of the Indian race, in itself the most
hazardous though absorbing of speculations”. But to that great
cause not only high-souled pioneers but numbers of our countrymen,
“by the cause which they served unknown”, have devoted years of
unobtrusive and impersonal activity. “Tantus labor ne sit cassus! ”
1 Cf. Bevan, op. cit. pp. 106, 144.
2 Interim Report of Statutory Commission, pp. 199–201.
>


## p. 357 (#395) ############################################

CHAPTER XX
THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE SERVICES
1858–1918
“AFTER all they are our servants. They are the servants of this
government, engaged by this government ihrough the secretary of
state to administer British dependencies. "1 These words were spoken
of the Indian Civil Service but apply also to the higher ranks of the
other public services which throughout the period 1858–1918 con-
stituted the frame of the Indian Government. The present chapter
will describe their organisation, trace their history, and describe the
circumstances which eventually overshadowed their prospects.
The Indian Civil Service was formerly known as the covenanted
civil service because its members entered into covenants originally
with the East India Company and afterwards with the secretary of
state in council. It provides officers who fill those posts of general
supervision which are commonly known as “superior”, both in the
general executive administration of British India, and in the adminis-
tration of justice. Its members also fill the higher posts in the govern-
ment secretariats, in the political or diplomatic service (along with
officers of the Indian Army), and in other departments. Some are
nominated to serve on the various legislative councils. All first learn
their work in lower administrative posts.
The service derives its constitution from various acts of parliament.
Developed originally out of the establishment of junior and senior
merchants, factors and writers employed for purposes of trade by the
East India Company, it first received statutory recognition in the East
India Company Charter Act of 1793 which provided that “all
vacancies happening in any of the offices, places or employments in
the civil line of the Company's service in India should, subject to
certain specified restrictions, be filled from among the Company's
civil servants". At first recruits underwent no period of probation or
training; then in 1800 Wellesley founded a college at Calcutta where
young civil servants were to be instructed in literature, science and
Oriental languages. By his famous minute of 10 July, 1800, this great
governor-general put an end to“ the loosc and irregular system” which
he found in existence and marked out a fresh course to the great
benefit of posterity. Finally in 1806 the Company established an “East
India College” at Haileybury for the training for two years of youths
who had received nominations. 2 Admission lay with the directors who,
1 Speech by Mr Acland in the House of Commons, Hansard, 15 June, 1922, p. 624.
? Memorials of Haileybury College, p. 17.
2


## p. 358 (#396) ############################################

358 THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE SERVICES, 1858-1918
as a matter of courtesy, made over a proportion of nominations to the
Board of Control. Wellesley's Calcutta college survived till 1854 as a
language school for Bengal civil servants. În 1853, when the maxi-
mum age for admission to Haileybury was twenty-one, the question
of the renewal of the East India Company's charter came before
parliament for the last time. Among other changes proposed by the
president of the Board of Control, Sir Charles Wood, was the intro-
duction of open competition, “a great experiment which would
justify itself by securing intellectual superiority while affording as
good a chance as then existed of obtaining in successful candidates
those qualities which no examination can test". 1 Wood was warmly
supported by Macaulay, who urged in the House of Commons 2 that
even the character of the governor-general was less important than
the character and spirit of the servants by whom the administration
of India was carried on; and parliament resolved that admission to
Haileybury and to the covenanted civil service should be open to all
natural-born subjects of Her Majesty, whether European, Indian, or
men of mixed race, who could establish their claim by success in
competitive examinations held in England under regulations framed
by the Board of Control. That body, advised by a distinguished com-
mittee presided over by Macaulay, decided that endeavours should
be made to secure candidates between eighteen and twenty-three
years of age who had received the best and most liberal education
obtainable in this country. Successful candidates were to pass through
a period of probation before appointment. The first batch went to
Haileybury; but this fine college was soon considered to have served
its purpose and was closed by an act of 1855 with effect from
31 January, 1858, when the Mutiny was in full swing. By section 32
of the Government of India Act of 1858 the power of regulating
appointments to the Indian Civil Service was made over to the secre-
tary of state in council who would act with the advice and assistance
of Her Majesty's civil service commissioners. The competitive prin-
ciple was reaffirmed. In 1859 the maximum age for admission was
lowered to twenty-two and a year's probation in England was pre-
scribed for selected candidates. 3
On 6 June, 1861, Wood, now secretary of state for India, introduced
a measure which became law under the title of the Indian Civil
Service Act of 1861 (24 & 25 Vic. c. 54). Its object was to legalise
certain appointments to civil posts which had in the past been made
in contravention of the act of 1793. Annexations of territories, growth
in population, increasing resort to the law courts, had compelled the
appointment of military officers, domiciled Europeans, Eurasians and
Indians, to posts which, under the statute of 1793, should have been
· Hansard, 3 June, 1853, CXXVII, 1158. · Idem, 24 June, 1853, CXXVIII, 745.
• See p. 13, Selection and Training of Candidates for the Indian Civil Service (H. M. Stationery
Office), 1876.


## p. 359 (#397) ############################################

THE ACT OF 1861
359
held by covenanted civil servants. Such appointments must now be
legalised and should be legally permissible in future. Lord Stanley,
Wood's predecessor in office, supported this proposal but emphasiseu
the importance of not diminishing the value of appointments to the
civil service to such an extent as to deter men of intelligence and
ability from joining it and thus raising men less intelligent and able
"to a position in life to which they were not equal”. Neither must
there be openings for jobbery. Parliament decided that the bill should
include a schedule of offices reserved exclusively for civil servants
except in cases where the governor-general in council, for special
reasons, desired to appoint other persons who must have resided in
India for at least seven years. These exceptional appointments would
require confirmation by the secretary of state and a majority of his
council called together to consider each case. Parliament, at the same
time, declared its adherence to the principle laid down by the Charter
Act of 1833, and reiterated in Queen Victoria's proclamation of 1858,
that "no native of India by reason only of religion, place of birth,
descent, colour, or any of them, would be disabled from holding any
office or employment under the Company”.
The appointments entered in the schedule of the statute of 1861 as
exclusively reserved for covenanted civil servants were almost en-
tirely posts in the older or regulation provinces; but later orders,
passed in 1876 by the secretary of state in council, directed that the
privileges conferred by statute in regulation provinces should be
extended mutatis mutandis to non-regulation provinces also. 8
At first no fee was charged for admission to competitions for the
Indian Civil Service. British competitors gradually increased. From
1866 the maximum age for admission was lowered to twenty-one, and
probationers passed through a special two-years' course at an approved
university. The total number of competitors rose from 154 for eighty
vacancies in 1860 to 284 for fifty-two vacancies in 1865, and 325 for
forty vacancies in 1870. In that year there were seven Indian com-
petitors, of whom one was successful. In 1869 three Indians had been
successful, all Bengalis. Indian aspirants had in those days to brave
serious social obstacles in their own country. The late Sir Surendranath
Banerjee, who competed in 1869, observes in his memoirs:
I started for England on March 3, 1868 with Romesh Chandar Dutt and Bihari
Lal Gupta. We were all young, in our teens, and a visit to England was a more
serious affair then than it is now. It not only meant absence from home and those
near and dear to one for a number of years, but there was the grim prospect of
social ostracism, which for all practical purposes has now happily passed away.
We all thrce had to make our arrangements in secret, as if we were engaged in some
nefarious plot of which the world should know nothing. “
In such circumstances Indians were naturally very slow to come
forward. The pioneers were Hindus and belonged to the "English-
1 Hansard, clxm, 652-9.
Idem, CLXI, 665-6.
Cf. pp. 76-7, supra.
• Banerjee, À Nation in the Making, p. 10.


## p. 360 (#398) ############################################

360 THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE SERVICES, 1858–1918
>
educated" class in the presidency provinces which contained the
great seaports. The paucity of candidates caused searchings of heart
among the members of John Lawrence's government, which estab-
lished nine scholarships in 1868, each of the annual value of £200,
tenable in Great Britain, with a view to encourage natives of India
"to resort more freely to England for the purpose of perfecting their
'
education, and of studying for the various learned professions or for
the civil and other services in India”. The scholarships were to be
awarded partly on the results of competition and partly on nomina-
tion of duly qualified persons. This somewhat paltry expedient did
not commend itself to the Duke of Argyll who was then secretary of
state.
He was, however, seriously concerned at the failure of the existing
system to make good the pledges of 1833 and 1858, and stated in
parliament on 11 March, 1869, that he had always felt that the com-
petitive system, as by law established, rendered nugatory the promises
of 1833. 1 Lord Houghton observed that the declaration, which stated
that the government of India would be conducted without reference
to differences of race, was magnificent but had hitherto been futile;'
and the duke replied that while the queen's proclamation of 1858
contained declarations of principle which had been found exceedingly
inconvenient in practice and had been quoted against us in cases to
which they were not meant to apply, the pledges of 1833 must be
honoured as far as possible. Eventually it was provided by section 6
of the Government of India Act of 1870 (33 Vic. c.