No More Learning

XIII. " That he had caused the king's letters
" under the great seal to one Dr. Crowther to
** be altered, and the enrolment thereof to be
" rased.

XIV. " That he had in an arbitrary way ex-
" amined and drawn into question divers of his ma-
" jesty 's subjects concerning their lands and proper-



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 313

" ties, and determined thereof at the council-table, 1667.
" and stopped the proceedings at law, anid threatened ~~
" some that pleaded the statute of 17 Car.

XV. " That he was a principal author of that
" fatal counsel of dividing the fleet in June 1666. "

The committee reported another article for his
charge, which was, " that he had kept corre-
" spondence with Cromwell during the time of the
" king's being beyond the seas, and had sent over
" his secretary to him, who was shut up with him
*" for -many hours :" but there were many members
of the house, who wished it had been true, knew
well enough that foolish calumny had been examined
at Paris during the time that his majesty resided
there, when persons of the highest degree were very
desirous to have kindled a jealousy in the king of
the chancellor's fidelity ; and that the scandal ap-
peared so gross and impossible, that his majesty had
then published a full vindication of his innocence ;
with a further declaration, " that when it should
" please God to restore him to his own dominions,
" he should receive such further justice and repara-
" tion, as the laws would enable him to procure. "
And it was well known to divers of the members
present, that the persons who were suborned in that
conspiracy had acknowledged it since the king's re-
turn ; and the persons themselves who had suborned
them had confessed it, and begged the chancellor's
pardon : of all which his majesty had been particu-
larly and fully informed. And that it might be no
more ripped up or looked into, they seemed to reject
it as being included under the act of indemnity,
which they would have left him to have pleaded for



314 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1667. the infamy of it, if they had not very well known
~ the grossness of the scandal.

Though the fierceness of the malice that was con-
tracted against him was enough known and taken
notice of, yet the heads for the charge, which upon
so much deliberation were prepared and offered to
the house against him, were of such a nature, that
all men present did in their own conscience acquit
him : and therefore it was generally believed the
prosecutors would rather have acquiesced with what
they had done to blast his reputation, than have
proceeded further, to bring him to answer for him-
self. But they had gone too far to retire. And
they who had first wrought upon the king, only by
persuading him, " that there was so universal a
" hatred against the chancellor, that the parliament
" would the first day accuse him of high treason ;
" and that the removing him from his office was the
" only way to preserve him, except he would in
" such a conjuncture, and when he had so much
" need of the parliament, sacrifice all his interest
" for the protection of the chancellor," (and this was
the sole motive that had prevailed with him, as his
majesty not only assured him the last time he spake
with him, with many gracious expressions, but at
large expressed it to very many persons of honour,
who endeavoured to dissuade him from pursuing
that counsel, " that it was the only expedient for
" the chancellor's preservation," with as great a
testimony of his integrity and the services he had
done him as could be given :) the same men now
The kmg importuned him, " to prosecute with all his power,
an( j to j et those of his servants and others who



to encou-



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 315

" regarded his commands know, that they could not 1667.
" serve him and the chancellor together ; and that ra ,, e the
" he should look upon their adhering to him as the P rosecutlon -
" abandoning his majesty's service. That the chan-
" cellor had so great a faction in both houses, that
" no proposition on his majesty's behalf would have
" effect ; and that he would shortly come to the
" house of peers, and obstruct all proceedings there. "

This prevailed so far, that they resumed their proceedings
former courage, and pressed " that he might be ac- f t f t
' cused by the house of commons of high treason : [ c n s m ~
" upon which the lords would presently commit him
" to the Tower : and then nobody would have any
" longer apprehension of his power to do hurt. "
Hereupon they resolved again to consider the several
heads of the charge they had provided, to see if
they could find any one upon which they could
ground an accusation of high treason. They spent
a whole day upon the first head, which they thought
contained enough to do their work, it containing
the most unpopular and ungracious reproach that
any man could lie under ; " that he had designed a
" standing army to be raised, and to govern the
" kingdom thereby ; he advised the king to dissolve
" the present parliament, to lay aside all thoughts of
" parliaments for the future, to govern by military
" power, and to maintain the same by free quarter
" and contribution. "

The chancellor had been bred of the gown ; and
in the first war, in which the last king had been in-
volved by a powerful rebellion, was known always to
have advanced and embraced all overtures towards
peace. Since the king's return he laboured nothing
more, than that his majesty might enter into a firm



316 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1667. peace with all his neighbours, as most necessary for
""the reducing his own dominions into that temper of
subjection and obedience, as they ought to be in. It
was notorious to all men, that he had most passion-
ately dissuaded the war with Holland, with much
disadvantage to himself; and that no man had taken
so much pains as he to bring the present peace to
pass, which at that time was grateful to all degrees
of men : and, in a word, that he had no manner of
interest or credit with the soldiers ; but was looked
upon by them all, as an enemy to the privileges
which they required, of being exempted from the
ordinary rules of justice, in which he always op-
posed them.

But let the improbability of this charge be what
it would, there were persons of the "house who pre-
tended that it should be fully proved ; and so the
question was only, " whether upon it they should
" charge him with an accusation of treason :" and
after a debate of eight hours, it was declared by all
the lawyers of the house, " that how foul soever the
" charge seemed to be, yet it contained no high
" treason ;" and in that conclusion they at last con-
curred who were most relied upon to support the
accusation. But when the speaker directed the
order to be drawn, " that the earl of Clarendon
" should not be accused of high treason," it was al-
leged, that the order was only to relate to that first
head ; some men declaring, " that though that ar-
" tide had missed him, yet there were others which
" would hit him :" and so the night being come, the
farther debate was adjourned to another day.

When the day appointed came, (in which interval
all imaginable pains and arts were used, by threats



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 317

and promises, to allure and terrify as many as could J667.
be wrought upon, either to be against the chancel- ~
lor, or to be absent at the next debate that con-
cerned him,) upon reading the several other heads
as they had been presented from the committee, it
appeared to all men, that though all that was alleged
were proved, the whole would not amount to make
him guilty of high treason. And they got no ground
by throwing aspersions upon him upon the several
arguments, which they did with extraordinary li-
cense who were known to be his enemies ; for there-
by other men of much better reputations, and who
had no relation to the chancellor, took occasion to
answer and contradict their calumnies, and to give
him such a testimony, as made him another man
than they would have him understood to be ; and
their testimony had more credit : so that they de-
clined the pursuit of that license, and intended
wholly the discovery of the treason, since no other
accusation would serve their turn.

When they had examined all their store, they
pitched at last upon that head, " that he had de-
" luded and betrayed his majesty and the nation in
" all foreign treaties and negotiations relating to the
" late war :" which when read and considered, it was
said, " that in those general expressions there was
" not enough contained upon which they could ac-
" cuse him of high treason, except it were added,
" that being a privy counsellor, he had discovered
" the king's secret counsels to the enemy. " Which
was no sooner said, than a young confident man,
the lord Vaughan, son to the earl of Carbery, a per-
son of as ill a face as fame, his looks and his man-
ners both extreme bad, asked for the paper that had



318 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFK OF

lfiG7. been presented from the committee, and with his

""own hand entered into that place those words, " that

" being a privy counsellor he had discovered the

" king's secrets to the enemy," which he said he

would prove ; whilst many others whispered into the

ears of those who sat next to them, " that he had

" discovered all the secret resolutions to the king of

" France, which," they said, " was the ground of

" the king's displeasure towards him. " Upon ' this

confident insinuation from persons who were near

the person of his majesty, and known to have much

credit with him ; and the positive averment by a

member, " that the disclosing the king's secrets to the

" enemy," which nobody could deny to be treason,

" would be positively and fully proved against him,"

and the rather because no man believed it to be

true; it was voted, " that they should impeach

" him of high treason in the usual manner to the

Mr. Sey- " house of peers. " Whereupon Mr. Seymour, who

CUSM MM had appeared very violent against him, was sent up

treuwi at to tne l r ds ; and at the bar he accused Edward earl

the bar of of Clarendon of high treason and other crimes and

the house

of lords, misdemeanours, and desired " that he might be se-

" questered from that house, and his person secured. "

Debate* in And as soon as he was withdrawn, some of the

that house i i

concerning lords moved, " that he might be sent for : and now
the warmth that had been so long within the walls
of the house of commons appeared in the house of
peers. Many of the lords, who were not thought
much inclined to the person of the chancellor, re-
presented, " that k the consequence of such a pro-
" ceeding would reflect to the prejudice of every one

' Upon] Omitted in MS. *> that] Not in JI/. 9.



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 319

" of the peers. If upon a general accusation from 1 667.
" the house of commons of high treason, without ~
" mentioning any particular, they should be obliged
" to commit any peer ; any member that house should
" be offended with, how unjustly soever, might be
" removed from the body : which would be a greater
" disadvantage than the members of the house of
" commons were liable to. " And therefore they ad-
vised, " that they should for answer let the house
" of commons know, that they would not commit
" the earl of Clarendon until some particular charge
" was exhibited against him. "

On the other side, it was urged with much pas-
sion, " that they ought to comply with the house of
" commons in satisfying their requests, according to
" former precedents :" and the case of the earl of
Strafford, and some other cases in that parliament,
were cited ; which gave those who were of another
mind opportunity to inveigh against that time, and
the accursed precedents thereof, which had produced
so many and great mischiefs to the kingdom. They
put them in mind, " that they had committed eleven
" bishops at one time for high treason, only that
" they might be removed from the house, whilst a
" bill passed against their having votes any more in
" that house, which was no sooner passed than they
" were set at liberty ; which had brought great
" scandal and l great reproach upon the honour and
" justice of the parliament : and that both those bills,
" for the attainder of the earl of Strafford and for the
" excluding the bishops out of the house of peers,
" stand at present repealed by the wisdom and an-

1 and] and brought



320 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1667. " thority of this parliament. " In a word, after many
hours' debate with much passion, either side ad-
hering obstinately to their opinion, no resolution
was taken ; but the house adjourned, without so
much as putting the question, to the next day.

From the time of the parliament's coming together,
and after the king's displeasure was generally taken
notice of, many of the chancellor's friends advised
him to withdraw, and transport himself into foreign
parts ; and some very near the king, and who were
witnesses of the very great displeasure his majesty
every day expressed towards him, were of the same
opinion : but he positively refused so to do, and re-
solved to trust to his innocence, which he was sure
must appear.

Differences The debate continued still between the two houses,
the houses, which would entertain no other business : the house
of commons in frequent conferences demanding the
commitment of the chancellor ; and the major part
of the house of peers, notwithstanding all the indi-
rect prosecution and interposition from the court,
remaining as resolved not to commit him. In this
unhappy conjuncture, the duke of York, who ex-
pressed great affection and concernment for the
chancellor, fell sick of the smallpox ; which proved
of great disadvantage to him. For not only many
of the peers who were before restrained by their re-
spect to him, and supported by his countenance in
the debates, either' changed their minds, or absented
themselves from the house; but the general, who
had always professed great friendship to the chan-
cellor, who had deserved very well from him, and
had endeavoured to dissuade the king from with-
drawing his favour from him with all possible im-



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 321

portunity, was now changed by the unruly humour
of his wife, and the frequent instances of the king;
and made it his business to solicit and dispose the
members of both houses, with many of whom he had
great credit, "no longer to adhere to the chancellor,
" since the king resolved to ruin him, and would
" look upon all who were his friends as enemies to
" his majesty. " Notwithstanding all which, the
major part by much of the house of peers continued
still firm against his commitment : with which the
king was so offended, that there were secret con-
sultations of sending a guard of soldiers, by the ge-
neral's authority, to take the chancellor out of his
house, and to send him to the Tower ; whither di-
rections were already sent what lodging he should
have, and caution given to the lieutenant of the
Tower, who was thought to have too much respect
for the chancellor, " that he should not treat him
" with more civility than he did other prisoners. "

He had many friends of the council and near the The
king, who advertised him of those and all other in- ag ain ad.
trigues, and thereupon renewed their importunity
that he would make his escape ; and some of them
undertook to know, and without question did be-
lieve, " that his withdrawing would be grateful to
" the king," who every day grew more incensed
against him, for the obstinacy his friends in both
houses expressed on his behalf. They urged " the
" ill condition he must in a short time be reduced
" to, wherein his innocence would not secure him ;
" for it was evident that his enemies had no purpose
" or thought of bringing him to a trial, but to keep
" him always -in prison, which they would in the
" end one way or other bring to pass : whereas he

VOL. III. Y



322 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1667. " might now easily transport himself, and avoid all
""" the other inconveniences. " And they undertook
to know, " that if he were gone, there would be no
" further proceeding against him. "

There could not be a more terrifying or prevalent
argument used towards his withdrawing, than that
of a prison ; the thought and apprehension where-
of was more grievous to him than of death itself,
which he was confident would quickly be the effect
But refuse*, of the other. However, he very resolutely refused
to follow their advice ; and urged to them '" the ad-
" vantage he should give his enemies, and the dis-
" honour he should bring upon himself, by flying, in
" having his integrity condemned, if he had not the
" confidence to defend it. " He said, " he could now
" appear, wherever 'he should be required, with an
" honest countenance, and the courage of an inno-
" cent man : but if he should be apprehended in a
" disguise running away, which he could not but
" expect by the vigilance of his enemies, (since he
" could not make any journey by land, being at that
" time very weak and infirm,) he should be very
k * much out of countenance, and should be exposed
" to public scorn and contempt. And if he should
" make his escape into foreign parts, it would not
" be reasonable to expect or imagine that his ene-
" mies, who had so far aliened the king's affection
" from him, and in spite of his innocence prevailed
" thus far, would want power to prosecute the ad-
" vantage they should get by his flight, which would
" be interpreted as a confession of his guilt ; and
" thereupon they would procure such proceedings
" in the parliament, as might ruin both his fortune
" and his fame. "



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 323

His friends, how unsatisfied soever with his reso- 1667.
lution, acquiesced for the present, after having first"
prevailed with him to write himself to the king;
which he did, though without any hope that it
would make any impression upon him. He could
not comprehend or imagine from what fountain, ex-
cept the power of the great lady with the conjunc-
tion of his known enemies, which had been long
without that effect, that fierceness of his majesty's
displeasure could proceed. He had, before this Thekin s

1 . offended

storm fell upon him, been informed by a person of with him
honour who knew the truth of it, " that some per- duke of >e



" sons had persuaded the king, that the
" lor had a principal hand in the marriage of
" the duke of Richmond, with which his majesty
" was offended in the highest degree : and the
" lord Berkley had reported it with all confi-
" dence. " Whereupon the chancellor had expostu-
lated with the lord Berkley, whom he knew to be
his secret enemy, though no man made more out-
ward professions to him : but he denied he had re-
ported any such thing. And then he took notice to
the king himself of the discourse, and desired to
know, " whether any such story had been represent-
" ed to his majesty, since there was not the least
" shadow of truth in it :" to which the king an-
swered with some dryness, " that no such thing had
" been told to him. " Yet now he was assured,
"that that business 'stuck most with his majesty,
" and that from that suggestion his enemies had
" gotten credit to do him the worst offices ; and his
" majesty complained much of the insolence with
" which he used to treat him in the agitation and
" debate of business, if he differed from him in

Y 2



384 CQNTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1667. " opinion. *' Upon these reasons he writ this letter
- in his own hand to the king, which was delivered to
him by the lord keeper, who was willing to perform
that office. The letter was in these words.

" May it please your majesty m ,

His letter to " I am so broken under the daily insupport-
ufat " able instances of your majesty's terrible displea-



" wish. The crimes which are objected against me,
" how passionately soever pursued, and with cir-
" cumstances very unusual, do not in the least de-
" gree fright me. God knows I am innocent in
" every particular as I ought to be ; and I hope
" your majesty knows enough of me to believe that
" I had never a violent appetite for money, that
" could corrupt me. But, alas ! your majesty's de-
" clared anger and indignation deprives me of the
" comfort and support even of my own innocence,
" and exposes me to the rage and fury of those who
" have some excuse for being my enemies ; whom I
" have sometimes displeased, when (and only then)
" your majesty believed them not to be your friends.
" I hope they may be changed ; I am sure I am
" not, but have the same duty, passion, and affection
" for you, that I had when you thought it most un-
" questionable, and which was and is as great as
" ever man had for any mortal creature. I should
" die in peace, (and truly I do heartily wish that
" God Almighty would free you from further trou-



m May it please your ma- Laurence first earl of Roches-
jesty, &c. ] This letter is in the ter.
handwriting of his lordship's son



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 325

" ble, by taking me to himself,) if I could know or
" guess at the ground of your displeasure, which I
" am sure must proceed from your believing, that I
" have said or done somewhat I have neither said
tf nor n done. If it be for any thing my lord Berkley
" hath reported, which I know he hath said to many,
" though being charged with it by me he did as po-
" sitively disclaim it; I am as innocent in that whole
" affair, and gave no more advice or counsel or coun-
" tenance in it, than the child that is not born :
" which your majesty seemed once to believe, when I
" took notice to you of the report, and when you con-
" sidered how totally I was a stranger to the persons
" mentioned, to either of whom I never spake word,
" or received message from either in my life. And
" this I protest to your majesty is true, as I have
" hope in heaven : and that I have never wilfully
" offended your majesty in my life, and do upon my
" knees beg your pardon for any over-bold or saucy
" expressions I have ever used to you ; which, being
" a natural disease in old servants who have received
" too much countenance, I am sure hath always pro-
" ceeded from the zeal and warmth of the most sin-
" cere affection and duty.

" I hope your majesty believes, that the sharp
" chastisement I have received from the best-na-
" tured and most bountiful master in the world, and
" whose kindness alone made my condition these
" many years supportable, hath enough mortified me
" as to this world; and that I have not the presump-
" tion or the madness to imagine or desire ever to

n nor] or not] now

Y 3



326 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1667. " be admitted to any employment or trust again.
~~" But I do most humbly beseech your majesty, by
" the memory of your father, who recommended me
" to you with some testimony, and by your own gra-
" cious reflection upon some one service I may have
" performed in my life, that hath been acceptable to
" you ; that you will by your royal power and in-
" terposition put a stop to this severe prosecution
" against me, and that my concernment may give
" no longer interruption to the great affairs of the
" kingdom ; but that I may spend the small remain-
" der of my life, which cannot hold long, in some
" parts beyond the seas, never to return ; where
" I will pray for your majesty, and never suffer
" the least diminution in the duty and obedience

"of,

" May it please your majesty,
" Your majesty's

" Most humble and most

" Obedient subject and servant,

From my house " CLARENDON. "

" this IGth of November r

The king was in his cabinet when the letter was

delivered to him ; which as soon as he had read, he

burned in a candle that was on the table, and only

The king said, " that there was somewhat in it that he did

Sethis " not understand, but that he wondered that the

wuhdraw. tt chancellor did not withdraw himself:" of which

the keeper presently advertised him, with his earnest

advice that he would be gone.

The king's discourse was according to the persons
with whom he conferred. To those who were engaged



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 327

in the violent prosecution he spake with great bit- 1667.
terness of him, repeating many particular passages,"
in which he had shewed much passion because his
majesty did not concur with him in what he ad-
vised. To those who he knew were his friends he
mentioned him without any bitterness, and with
some testimony of his having served him long and
usefully, and as if he had pity and compassion for
him : yet " that he wondered that he did not absent
" himself, since it could not but be very manifest to
" him and to all his friends, that it was not in his
" majesty's power to protect him against the preju-
" dice that was against him in both houses; which,"
he said, " could not but be increased by the obstruc-
" tion his particular concernment gave to all public
" affairs in this conjuncture ; in which," he said,
" he was sure he would prevail at last. " All these
advertisements could not prevail over the chancellor,
for the reasons mentioned before ; though he was
very much afflicted at the division between the two
houses, the evil consequence whereof he well un-
derstood, and could have been well content that
the lords would have consented to his imprison-
ment.

The bishop of Hereford, who had been very much The bishop
obliged to the chancellor, and throughout this whole sen t to ad-
affair had behaved himself with very signal ingrati- JjJ^iJe*
tude to him, and thereby got much credit in the kin & dom :
court, went to the bishop of Winchester, who was
known to be a fast and unshaken friend to the
chancellor ; and made him a long discourse of what
the king had said to him, and desired him " that he
" would go with him to his house ;" which he pre-
sently did, and, leaving him in a room, went himself

y 4



328 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1667. to the chancellor/ and told him what had passed
~ from the bishop of Hereford, " who was in the next
" room to speak with him, but would not in direct
" words to him acknowledge that he spake by the
" king's order or approbation ; but that he had con-
" fessed so much to him with many circumstances,
" and that the lord Arlington and Mr. Coventry had
" been present. " The chancellor had no mind to
see or speak with the bishop, who had carried him-
self so unworthily towards him, and might probably
misreport any thing he should say : but he was over-
ruled by the other bishop, and so they went both
into the next room to him.

The bishop of Hereford in some disorder, as a
man conscious to himself of some want of sincerity
towards him, desired " that he would believe that he
" would not at that time have come to him, with
" whom he knew he was in some umbrage, if it
" were not with a desire to do him service, and
" if he had not a full authority for whatsoever
" he said to him. " Then he enlarged himself in
discourse more involved and perplexed, without
any mention of the king, or the authority he had
for what he should say ; the care to avoid which
was evidently the cause of the want of clearness in
all he said. But the bishop of Winchester supplied
it by relating all that he had said to him : with
which though he was not pleased, because the king
and others were named, yet he did not contradict
it ; but said, " he did not say that he was sent by
" the king or spake by his direction, only that he
" could not be so mad as to interpose in such an af-
" fair without full authority to make good all that
" he should promise. " The sum of all was, " that if



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 329

" the chancellor would withdraw himself into any 1667.
" parts beyond the seas, to prevent the mischiefs"
" that must befall the kingdom by the division and
" difference between the two houses ; he would un-
" dertake upon his salvation," which was the ex-
pression he used more than once, " that he should
" not be interrupted in his journey ; and that after
" he should be gone, he should not be in any degree
" prosecuted, or suffer in his honour or fortune by
" his absence. "

The chancellor told him, " that he well under- which he

. refuses to do

" stood what he must suffer by withdrawing himself, without re-

" and so declining the trial, in which his innocence command

" would secure him, and in the mean time preserve f hlsma ~

" him from being terrified with the threats and ma-

" lice of his enemies : however, he would expose

" himself to that disadvantage, if he received His

" majesty's commands to that purpose, or if he had

" but a clear evidence that his majesty did wish it,

" as a thing that he thought might advance his

" service. But without that assurance, which he

" might receive many ways which could not be

" taken notice of, he could not with his honour or

" discretion give his implacable enemies that advan-

" tage against him, when his friends should be able

" to allege nothing in his defence. "

The bishop replied, " that he was not allowed to
" say that his majesty required or wished it, but
" that he could not be so mad as to undertake what
" he had promised, without sufficient warrant ;"
and repeated again what he had formerly said.
To which the other answered, " that the vigilance
" and power of his enemies was well known : and
" that though the king might in truth wish that he



380 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1667. " were safe on the other side of the sea, and give no
""" direction to interrupt or trouble him in his jour-
" ney ; yet that it was liable to many accidents in
" respect of his weakness and infirmity," which was
so great at that time, that he could not walk with-
out being supported by one or two ; so that he
could not be disguised to any body that had ever
known him. Besides that the pain he was already
in, and the season of the year, made him appre-
hend, that the gout might so seize upon him with-
in two or three days, that he might not be able to
move : and so the malice of those who wished his
destruction might very probably find an opportunity,
without or against the king's consent, to apprehend
and cast him into prison, as a fugitive from the
hand of justice. For the prevention of all which,
which no man could blame him for apprehending,
he proposed, " that he might have a pass from the
" king, which he would not produce but in such an
" exigent : and would use all the providence he
" could, to proceed with that secrecy that his
" departure should not be taken notice of; but if it
" were, he must not be without such a protection,
" to preserve him from the present indignities to
" which he must be liable, though possibly it would
" not protect him from the displeasure of the parlia-
" ment. " The bishop thought this proposition to be
reasonable, and seemed confident that he should
procure the pass : and so that conference ended.

The next day the bishop sent word, " that the
" king could not grant the pass, because if it should
" be known, by what accident soever, it would much
" incense the parliament : but that he might as se-
" curely go as if he had a pass ;" which moved no



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 331

further with him, than his former undertaking had 1667.
done. Nor could the importunity of his children, or~
the advice of his friends, persuade him to depart
from his resolution.

About the time of the chancellor's disgrace, mon- Tlie French

ambassador

sieur Ruvigny arrived at London as envoy extraor- urges him
dinary from the French king, and came the next France:
day after the seal was taken from him. He was a
person well known in the court, and particularly to
the chancellor, with whom he had been formerly as-
signed to treat upon affairs of moment, being of the
religion and very nearly allied to the late earl of
Southampton. And as these considerations were
the chief motives that he was made choice of for the
present employment, so the chief part of his instruc-
tions was to apply himself to the chancellor, through
whose hands it was known that the whole treaty
that was now happily concluded, and all the pre-
liminaries with France, had entirely passed. When
he found that the conduct of affairs was quite
changed, and that the chancellor came not to the
court, he knew not what to do, but immediately
despatched an express to France for further instruc-
tions. He desired to speak with the chancellor ;
which he refused, and likewise to receive the letters
which he had brought for him and offered to send
to him, all which he desired might be delivered to
the king. When the proceedings in parliament
went so high, Ruvigny, who had at all hours admis-
sion to the king, and intimate conversation with the
lord Arlington, and so easily discovered the extreme
prejudice and malice that was contracted against the
chancellor, sent him frequent advertisements of
what was necessary for him to know, and with all



832 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1667. possible earnestness advised him, when the divisions

"grew so high in the houses, " that he would with-

" draw and retire into France, where," -he assured

which he him, " he would find himself very welcome. " All
which prevailed no more with him than the rest.
And so another week passed after the bishop's pro-
position, with the same passion in the houses : and
endeavours were used to incense the people, as if
the lords obstructed the proceeding of justice against
the chancellor by refusing to commit him ; and Mr.
Seymour told the lord Ashley, " that the people
" would pull down the chancellor's house first, and
" then those of all the lords who adhered to him. "

At length By this time the duke of York recovered so fast,
that the king, being assured by the physicians that
there would be no danger of infection, went on Sa-
turday ntorning, the 29th of November, to visit him :
and being alone together, his majesty bade him
" advise the chancellor to be gone," and blamed him
that he had not given credit to what the bishop of
Hereford had said to him. The king had no sooner
left the duke, but his highness sent for the bishop
of Winchester, and bade him tell the chancellor
from him, " that it was absolutely necessary for him
" speedily to be gone, and that he had the king's
" word for all that had been undertaken by the
" bishop of Hereford. "

Heunwm- As soon as the chancellor received this advice

and heaves*' and command, he resolved with great reluctancy to
n kmg ~ obey, and to be gone that very night : and having,
by the friendship of sir John Wolstenholme, caused
the farmers' boat to wait for him at Erith, as soon
as it was dark he took coach at his house Saturday
night, the 29th of November 1667, with two servants



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 333

only. And being accompanied with his two sons
and two or three other friends on horseback as far"
as Erith, he found the boat ready ; and so embarked
about eleven of the clock that night, the wind indif-
ferently good : but before midnight it changed, and
carried him back almost as far as he had advanced.
And in this perplexity he remained three days and He lands at

O til tii s,

nights before he arrived at Calais, which was not a
port chosen by him, all places out of England being
indifferent, and France not being in his inclination,
because of the reproach and calumny that was cast
upon him : but since it was the first that offered
itself, and it was not seasonable to affect another,
he was very glad to disembark there, and to find
himself safe on shore.

All these particulars, of which many may seem
too trivial to be remembered, have been thought ne-
cessary to be related, it being a principal part of his
vindication for going away, and not insisting upon
his innocence ; which at that time made a greater
impression upon many worthy persons to his disad-
vantage, than any particular that was contained in
the charge that had been offered to the house. And
therefore though he forebore, when all the promises
were broken which had been made to him, and his
enemies' malice and insolence increased by his ab-
sence, to publish or in the least degree to communi-
cate the true ground and reasons of absenting him-
self, to avoid any inconvenience that in so captious
a season might thereby have befallen the king's serv-
ice ; yet it cannot be thought unreasonable to pre-
serve this memorial of all the circumstances, as well
as the substantial reasons, which disposed him to
make that flight, for the clear information of those,



334 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF ,

1667. who in a fit season may understand his innocence
~ without any inconvenience to his majesty, of whose
goodness and honour and justice it may be hoped,
that his majesty himself will give his own testimony,
both of this particular of his withdrawing, and a vin-
dication of his innocence from all the other re-
proaches with which it was aspersed.

An instance I w ill not omit one other particular, for the ma-
be- nifestation of the inequality that was between the
. nature of the chancellor and of his enemies, and
upon what disadvantage he was to contend with
them. Before the meeting of the parliament, when
it was well known that the combination was entered
into by the lord Arlington and sir William Coventry
against the chancellor, several members of the house
informed him of what they did and what they said,
and told him, " that there was but one way to pre-
** vent the prejudice intended towards him, which
" was by falling first upon them ; which they would
" cause to be done, if he would assist them with
" such information as it could not but be in his
" power to do. That they were both very odious
" generally : the one for his insolent carriage towards
" all men, and for the manner of his getting in to
" that office by dispossessing an old faithful servant,
" who was forced to part with it for a very good
" recompense of ten thousand pounds in money and
" other releases and grants, which was paid and
" made by the king to introduce a secretary of very
" mean parts, and without industry to improve them,
" and one who was generally suspected to be a pa-
" pist, or without any religion at all ; it being gene-
" rally taken notice of, that he was rarely seen in a
" church, and never known to receive the commu-



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 335

" nion. The other was known by his corrupt be- 16C>7.
" haviour, and selling all the offices in the fleet and "~
" navy for incredible suras of money, and thereby
" introducing men, who had been most employed
" and trusted by Cromwell, into the several offices ;
" whilst loyal and faithful seamen who had always
" adhered to the king, and many of them continued
" in his service abroad and till his return into Eng-
" land, could not be admitted into any employment :
" the ill consequence of which to the king's service
" was very notorious, by the daily manifest stealing
" and embezzling the stores of ammunition, cord-
" age, sails, and other tackling, which Were com-
" monly sold again to the king at great prices.
" And when the persons guilty of this were taken
" notice of and apprehended, they talked loudly of
'* the sums they had paid for their offices, which
" obliged them to those frauds : and that it might
" not be more notorious, they were, by sir William
" Coventry's great power and interest, never pro-
rt ceeded against, or removed from their offices and
*' employments. "

They told him, " that he never said or did any
u thing in the most secret council, where they two
" were always present, and where there were fre-
" quent occasions of mentioning the proceedings of
" both houses, and the behaviour of several mem-
" bers in both, but those gentlemen declared the
" same, and all that he said or did, to those who
" would be most offended and incensed by it, and
" who were like in some conjuncture to be able to
" do him most mischief i and by those ill arts they
" had irreconciled many persons to him. And that
" if he would now, without its being possible to be



336 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1667. " taken notice of, give them such information and
light into the proceedings of those gentlemen, they
" would undertake to divert the storm that threat-
" ened him, and cause it to fall upon the others. "
And this was with much earnestness pressed to him,
not only before the meeting of the parliament, and
when he was fully informed of the ill arts and un-
gentlemanly practice those two persons were engaged
in to do him hurt, but after the house of commons
was incensed against him ; with a full assurance,
" that they were much inclined to have accused the
" other two, if the least occasion was given for it. "

But the chancellor would not be prevailed with,
saying, " that no p provocation or example should
" dispose him to do any thing that would not be-
*' come him : that they were both privy counsellors,
" and trusted by the king in his most weighty af-
" fairs ; and if he discerned any thing amiss in them,
" he could inform the king of it. But the aspersing
" or accusing them any where else was not his part
" to do, nor could it be done by any without some
" reflection upon the king and duke, who would be
" much offended at it : and therefore he advised
" them in no degree to make any such attempt on
" his behalf; but to leave him to the protection of
" his own innocence and of God's good pleasure, and
" those gentlemen to their own fate, which at some
" time would humble them. " And it is known to
many persons, and possibly to the king himself, for
whose service only that office was performed, that
one or both those persons had before that time been
impeached, if the chancellor's sole industry and in-
terest had not diverted and prevented it.
P no] Omitted in MS.



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 337

When the chancellor found it necessary, for the 1607.

reasons aforesaid, to withdraw himself, he thought

it as necessary to leave some address to the house
of peers, and to make as good an excuse as he could
for his absence without asking their leave ; which
should be delivered to them by some member of
their body, (there being many of them ready to per-
form that civil office for him,) when his absence
should be known, or some evidence that he was
safely arrived on the other side of the sea. And
that time being come, (for the packet boat was
ready to depart when the chancellor landed at Ca-
lais,) the earl of Denbigh said, " he had an address
" to the house from the earl of Clarendon, which
" he desired might be read ;" which contained these
words.

" To the right honourable the lords spiritual and'^^ clian -

7 7 . 77777 cellor'sapo-

" temporal in parliament assembled; the hum- io gy to the
" Me petition and address of Edward earl of i^ for
" Clarendon. ^ hdraw -

" May it please your lordships,

" I cannot express the insupportable trouble and
" grief of mind I sustain, under the apprehension of
" being misrepresented to your lordships ; and when
" I hear how much of your lordships' time hath been
" spent upon my poor concern, (though it be of no
" less than of my life and fortune,) and of the dif-
" ferences in opinion which have already or may
" probably arise between your lordships and the ho-
" nourable house of commons ; whereby the great and
" weighty affairs of the kingdom may be obstructed
" in a time of so general a dissatisfaction.

VOL. III. Z



338 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1667. ** I am very unfortunate to find myself to suffer so
~~ " much under two very disadvantageous reflections,
" which are in no degree applicable to me : the first,
" from the greatness of my estate and fortune, col-
" lected and made in so few years ; which, if it be
" proportionable to what is reported, may very rea-
" sonably cause my integrity to be suspected. The
" second, that I have been the sole manager and
" chief minister in all the transactions of state since
" the king's return into England to August last ;
" and therefore that all miscarriages and misfor-
" tunes ought to be imputed to me, and to my
" counsels.

" Concerning my estate, your lordships will not
" believe, that after malice and envy hath been so
" inquisitive, and is so sharpsighted, I will offer any
" thing to your lordships but what is exactly true :
" and I do assure your lordships in the first place,
" that, excepting from the king's bounty, I have
" never received or taken one penny, but what was
" generally understood to be the just and lawful
" perquisites of my office by the constant practice of
" the best times, which I did in my own judgment
" conceive to be that of my lord Coventry and my
" lord Ellesmere, the practice of which I constantly
" observed ; although the office in both their times
" was lawfully worth double to what it was to me,
" and I believe now is.

" That all the courtesies and favours, which I
" have been able to obtain from the king for other
" persons in church or state or in Westminster-hall,
" have never been worth me five pound : so that
" your lordships may be confident I am as innocent
" from corruption, as from any disloyal thought ;



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 339

" which, after near thirty years' service of, the crown 1 667.
" in some difficulties and distresses, I did never sus-~"
" pect would have been objected to me in my age.

" That I am at present indebted about three or
" four and twenty thousand pounds, for which I pay
" interest ; the particulars whereof I shall be ready
" to offer to your lordships, and for which I have
" assigned lands and leases to be sold, though at
" present nobody will buy or sell with me. That
" I am so far from having money, that from the
" time the seal was taken from me I have lived upon
" the coining some small parcels of plate, which
" have sustained me and my family, all my rents
" being withheld from me.

" That my estate, my debts being paid, will not
" yield me two thousand pounds per annum, for the
" support of myself, and providing for two young
rt children, who have nothing : and that all I have
" is not worth what the king in his bounty hath
" bestowed upon me, his majesty having out of his
" royal bounty, within few months after his coming
" into England, at one time bestowed upon me
'. ' twenty thousand pounds in ready money, without
" the least motion or imagination of mine ; and,
" shortly after, another sum of money, amounting to
" six thousand pounds or thereabouts, out of Ireland,
" which ought to have amounted to a much greater
" proportion, and of which I never heard word, till
" notice was given me by the earl of Orrery that
" there was such a sum of money for me. His ma-
" jesty likewise assigned me, after the first year of
" his return, an annual supply towards my support,
" which did but defray my expenses, the certain
" profits of my office not amounting to above two

z 2



340 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

Ifi67. " thousand pounds a year or thereabouts, and the
"~ '* perquisites not very considerable and very uncer-
" tain : so that the said several sums of money, and
" some parcels of land his majesty bestowed upon
" me, are worth more than all I have amounts to.
" So far I am from advancing my estate by any indi-
" rect means. And though this bounty of his majesty
" hath very far exceeded my merit or my expecta-
" tion ; yet some others have been as fortunate at
" least in the same bounty, who had as small pre-
" tences to it, and have no great reason to envy my
" good fortune.

" Concerning the other imputation, of the credit
" and power of being chief minister, and so causing
" all to be done that I had a mind to ; I have no
" more to say, than that I had the good fortune to
" serve a master of a very great judgment and im-
" derstanding, and to be always joined with persons
" of great ability and experience, without whose ad-
" vice and concurrence never any thing hath been
" done. Before his majesty's coming into England,
" he was constantly attended by the then marquis
" of Ormond, the late lord Colepepper, and Mr. Se-
" cretary Nicholas ; who were equally trusted with
" myself, and without whose joint advice and eon-
" currence, when they were all present, (as some of
" them always were,) I never gave any counsel.

" As soon as it pleased God to bring his majesty
" into England, he established his privy-council, and
" shortly out of them a number of honourable per-
" sons of great reputation, who for the most part
" are still alive, as a committee for foreign affairs,
" and consideration of such things as in the nature
" of them required much secrecy ; and with these



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 341

" persons he vouchsafed to join me. And I am con- 1667.
" fident this committee never transacted any thing
" of moment, his majesty being always present,
" without presenting the same first to the council-
" board : and I must appeal to them concerning
" my carriage, and whether we were not all of one
" rnind in all matters of importance. For more
" than two years I never knew any difference in the
-" councils, or that there were any complaints in the
" kingdom ; which I wholly impute to his majesty's
" great wisdom, and the entire concurrence of his
" council, without the vanity of assuming any thing
" to myself: and therefore I hope I shall not be
" singly charged with any thing that hath since
" fallen out amiss. But from the time that Mr.
" Secretary Nicholas was removed from his place,
" there were great alterations ; and whosoever knows
" any thing of the court or councils, knows well how
" much my credit since that time hath been dimi-
" nished, though his majesty graciously vouchsafed
" still to hear my advice in most of his affairs. Nor
" hath there been, from that time to this, above one
" or two persons brought to the council, or preferred
" to any considerable office in the court, who have
" been of my intimate acquaintance, or suspected to
( ' have any kindness for me ; and many of them no-
" toriously known to have been very long my ene-
" Hues, and of different judgment and principles
" from me both in church and state, and who have
" taken all opportunities to lessen my credit to the
" king, and with all other persons, by misrepresent-
" ing and misreporting all that I said or did, and
" persuading men that I had done them some pre-
judice with his majesty, or crossed them in some

z 3



342 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1667. " of their pretences; though his majesty's goodness
""" and justice was such, that it made little impres-
" sion upon him.

" In my humble opinion, the great misfortunes of
" the kingdom have proceeded from the war, to
" which it is notoriously known that I was always
" averse ; and may without vanity say, I did not only
44 foresee, hut did declare the mischiefs we should
" run into, by entering into a war before any alli-
44 ance made with the neighbour princes. And that
" it may not be imputed to his majesty's want of
44 care, or the negligence of his counsellors, that no
** such alliances were entered into ; I must take the
" boldness to say, that his majesty left nothing un-
44 attempted in order thereunto : and knowing very
44 well, that France resolved to begin a war upon
** Spain, as soon as his catholic majesty should de-
" part this world, (which being much sooner expected
44 by them, they had two winters before been at great
" charge in providing plentiful magazines of all pro-
" visions upon the frontiers, that they might be
" ready for the war,) his majesty used all possible
" means to prepare and dispose the Spaniard to that
" apprehension, offering his friendship to that de-
" gree, as might be for the security and benefit of
" both crowns.
But Spain flattering itself with an
44 opinion that France would not break with them,
'* at least, that they would not give them any cause
44 by administering matter of jealousy to them, never
44 made any real approach towards a friendship with
44 his majesty ; but Ixrth by their ambassador here,
44 and to his majesty's ambassador at Madrid, always
44 insisted, as preliminaries, upon the giving up of
44 Dunkirk, Tangier, and Jamaica.



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 343

" Though France had an ambassador here, to 1667.
" whom a project for a treaty was offered, and the ~
" lord Hollis, his majesty's ambassador at Paris, used
" all endeavours to promote and prosecute the said
'* treaty : yet it was quickly discerned, that the
'* principal design of France was to draw his ma-
" jesty into such a nearer alliance as might advance
" their designs ; without which they had no mind
<( to enter into the treaty proposed. And this was
" the state of affairs when the war was entered into
" with the Dutch, from which time neither crown
" much considered their making an alliance with
" England.

" As I did from my soul abhor the entering into
** this war, so I never presumed to give any advice
" or counsel for the way of managing it, but by
" opposing many propositions which seemed to the
" late lord treasurer and myself to be unreasonable;
*' as the payment of the seamen by tickets, and many
" other particulars which added to the expense.
" My enemies took all occasions to inveigh against
" me : and making friendship with others out of the
** council of more licentious principles, and who knew
*' well enough how much I disliked and complained
" of the liberty they took to themselves of reviling
" all councils and counsellors, and turning all things
" serious and sacred into ridicule ; they took all
" ways imaginable to render me ingrateful to all
" sorts of men, (whom I shall be compelled to name
" in my own defence,) persuading those who mis-
" carried in any of their designs, that it was the
" chancellor's doing ; whereof I never knew any
" thing. However, they could not withdraw the
" king's favour from me, who was still pleased to

z 4



344 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1 667. " use my service with others ; nor was there ever
" any thing done but upon the joint advice of at
" least the major part of those who were consulted
" with. And as his majesty commanded my ser-
" vice in the late treaties, so I never gave the least
" advice in private, nor writ one letter to any per-
" son in either of those negotiations, but upon the
" advice of the council, and after it was read in
" council, or at least by the king himself and some
" others : and if I prepared any instructions or me-
" morials, it was by the king's command, and the
" request of the secretaries, who desired my assist-
" ance. Nor was it any wish of my own, that any
" ambassadors should give me an account of the
" transactions, but to the secretaries, with whom I
" was always ready to advise ; nor am I conscious
" to myself of having ever given advice that hath
" proved mischievous or inconvenient to his majesty.
" And I have been so far from being the sole man-
" ager of affairs, that I have not in the whole last
" year been above twice with his majesty in any
" room alone, and very seldom in the two or three
" years preceding. And since the parliament at
" Oxford, it hath been very visible that my credit
" hath been very little, and that very few things
" have been hearkened to which have been proposed
" by me, but contradicted eo nomine, because pro-
" posed by me.

** I most humbly beseech your lordships to re-
" member the office and trust I had for seven years ;
" in which, in discharge of my duty, I was obliged
" to stop and obstruct many men's pretences, and to
" refuse to set the seal to many pardons and other
" grants, which would have been profitable to those



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 345

" who procured them, and many whereof, upon my \6t\7.
" representation to his majesty, were for ever"
" stopped ; which naturally have raised many ene-
" mies to me. And my frequent concurring with
" the late lord treasurer, with whom I had the ho-
" nour to have a long and a fast friendship to his
" death, in representing several excesses and exor-
" bitances, (the yearly issues so far exceeding the
" revenue,) provoked many persons concerned, of
" great power and credit, to do me all the ill offices
" they could. And yet I may faithfully say, that I
" never meddled with any part of the revenue or
" the administration of it, but when I was desired
" by the late lord treasurer to give him my assist-
" ance and advice, (having had the honour formerly to
" serve the crown as chancellor of the exchequer,)
" which was for the most part in his majesty's pre-
" sence : nor have I ever been in the least degree
" concerned in point of profit in the letting any part
" of his majesty's revenue, nor have ever treated or
" debated it but in his majesty's presence : in which,
" my opinion concurred always with the major part
" of the counsellors who were present. All which,
" upon examination, will be made manifest to your
" lordships, how much soever my integrity is blasted
" by the malice of those, who I am confident do not
" believe themselves. Nor have I in my life, upon
" all the treaties or otherwise, received the value of
" one shilling from all the kings and princes in the
" world, (except the books of the Louvre print sent
" me by the chancellor of France by that king's di-
" rection,) but from my own master ; to whose entire
" service, and to the good and welfare of my coun-
" try, no man's heart was ever more devoted.



CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1667. " This being my present condition, I do most

" humbly beseech your lordships to retain a favour-

" able opinion of me, and to believe me to be inno-
" cent from those foul aspersions, until the contrary
" shall be proved ; which I am sure can never be by
" any man worthy to be believed. And since the
" distemper of the time, and the difference between
" the two houses in the present debate, with the
" power and malice of my enemies, who give out,
" that I shall prevail with his majesty to prorogue
" or dissolve this parliament in displeasure, and
" threaten to expose me to the rage and fury of the
" people, may make me looked upon as the cause
" which obstructs the king's service, and the unity
" and peace of the kingdom ; I must humbly be-
" seech your lordships, that I may not forfeit your
" lordships' favour and protection, by withdrawing
" myself from so powerful a persecution ; in hopes
" I may be able, by such withdrawing, hereafter to
" appear, and make my defence ; when his majesty's
" justice, to which I shall always submit, may not
" be obstructed nor controlled by the power and
" malice of those who have sworn my destruction. "

The chancellor knew very well, that there were
members enough in both houses who would be very
glad to take any advantage of his words and expres-
sions : and therefore as he weighed them the best
he could himself in the short time from which he
took his resolution to be gone ; so he consulted with
as iriany friends as that time would allow, to the end
that their jealousy and wariness might better watch,
that no expression might be liable to a sinister inter-
pretation, than his own passion and indisposition



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 347

could provide. And as they all thought it necessary 16G7.
that he should leave somewhat behind him, that"
might offer an excuse for his absence ; so they did
not conceive, that the words before mentioned could
give any offence to equal judges. But the least va-
riety or change of wind moved those waters to won-
derful distempers and tempests.

This address was no sooner read, by which they
perceived he was gone, but they who had contributed
most to the absenting himself, and were privy to all
the promises which had invited him to it, seemed
much troubled that he had escaped their justice ;
and moved, " that orders might be forthwith sent to
'* stop the ports, that so he might be apprehended ;"
when they well knew that he was landed at Calais.
Others took exceptions at some expressions,"which,"
they said, " reflected upon the king's honour and jus-
" tice :" others moved, " that it might be entered in
" their Journal Book, to the end that they might
" further consider of it when they should think fit ;"
and this was ordered.

The houses till this time had continued obstinate
in their several resolutions ; the commons every
day pressing, " that he might be committed upon
" their general accusation of treason," (for though
they had amongst themselves and from their com-
mittee offered those particulars which are mentioned
before, yet they presented none to the house of
peers ;) and the lords as positively refusing to com-
mit him, till some charge should he presented against
him that amounted to treason. But now all that
debate was at an end by his being out of their
reach, so that they pursued that point no further ;
which, being matter of privilege, should have been.



348 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1667. determined as necessarily as before, for the preven-
~~ tion of the like disputes hereafter. But the com-
mons wisely declined that contention, well knowing
that their party in the house, that was very pas-
sionate for the commitment of the chancellor, would
I if as much against the general order as any of the
rest had been : and the lords satisfied themselves
with sending a message to the house of commons,
" that they found by the address which they had
" received that morning, and which they likewise
" imparted to them, that the earl of Clarendon had
" withdrawn himself; and so there was no further
** occasion of debate upon that point. "

capoio- The address was no sooner read in that house,



by onk'of but tne y wno ^d industriously promoted the for-
b th mer resolution 1 were inflamed, as if this very instru-

Louses.

ment would contribute enough to any thing that
was wanting ; and they severally arraigned it, and
inveighed against the person who had sent it with
all imaginable bitterness and insolence: whilst others,
who could not in the hearing it read observe that ma-
lignity that it was accused of, sat still and silent, as if
they suspected that somewhat had escaped their ob-
servations and discovery, that so much transported
other men ; or because they were well pleased that
a person, against whom there was so much malice
and fury professed, was got out of their reach. In
conclusion, after long debate it was concluded,
*' that the paper contained much untruth and scan-
" dal and sedition in it, and that it should be pub-
* " licly burned by the hand of the hangman ;" which
vote they presently sent to the lords for their con-

i resolution] reason



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 349

currence, who, though they had not observed any 1GG7.
such guilt in it before, would maintain no further"*"
contests with them, and so concurred in the sen-
tence : and the poor paper was accordingly with so-
lemnity executed by the appointed officer, which made
the more people inquisitive into the contents of it ;
and having gotten copies of it, they took upon them
to censure the thing and the person with much more
clemency and compassion, and thought he had done
well to decline such angry judges.

When the chancellor found himself at Calais, he
was unresolved how to dispose of himself, only that
he would not go to Paris, against which he was able
to make many objections : and in this irresolution
he knew not how to send any directions to his chil-
dren in England, to what place they should send his
servants and such other accommodations as he should
want ; and therefore stayed there till he might be
better informed, and know somewhat of the temper
of the parliament. In the mean time he writ let-
ters to the earl of St. Alban's at Paris, from whose
very late professions he had reason to expect civility,
and that was all he did expect ; never imagining
that he should receive any grace from the queen, or
that it was fit for him to cast himself at her feet,
whilst he was in his majesty's displeasure. Only he
desired to know, " whether there would be any ob-The ci. an-
" jection against his coming to Roan," and desiring, tothV"'
' if there were no objection against it, that a coach f^for
" might be hired to meet him on such a day at Ab- leave to re -

move to

" beville. " The lieutenant governor of Calais had, Roan :
upon his first arrival there, given advertisement to
the court of it : and by the same post that he re-
ceived a very dry letter from the earl of St. Alban's,



350 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

I6G7. in which he said, " he thought that court would ap-
""" prove of his coming to Roan ;" he received like-
wise a letter of great civility from the count de
Louvois, secretary of state, in which he congratu-
lated his safe arrival in France, and told him, " that



granted.

" his majesty was well pleased with it, and with his
" purpose of coming to Roan, where he should find
" himself very welcome. " At the same time letters
were sent to the lieutenant governor of Calais, Bou-
logne, and Montrevil, "to treat him as a person of
" whom the king had esteem, and to give him such
" an escort as might make his journey secure ;" of
all which he received advertisement, and, " that a
" coach would be ready at Abbeville to wait for him
" at the day he had appointed. "

He begins And now he thought he might well take his reso-
hw journey : j ut j on . an( j thereupon gave direction, " that such of
" his family, whose attendance he could not be well
" without, might with all expedition be with him at
" Roan ; and such monies might be likewise return-
" ed thither for him, as were necessary," for he had
not brought with him supply enough for long time.
And so he provided to leave Calais, that he might
be warm in his winter-quarters as soon as might be,
which both the season of the year, it being now
within few days of Christmas, and his expectation
of a speedy defluxion of the gout, made very requi-
site. When he came to Boulogne, he found orders
from the marshal D'Aumont to his lieutenant for a
guard to Montrevil, the Spanish garrisons making
frequent incursions into those quarters : and at
Montrevil the duke D'Elboeuf visited him, and
invited him to supper, which the chancellor was so
much tired with his journey that he accepted not ;



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 351

but was not suffered to refuse his coach the next IGG7.
day to Abbeville, where he found a coach from""
Paris ready to carry him to Roan.

It was Christmas-eve when he came to Dieppe,
and it was a long journey the next day to Roan ;
which made him send to the governor, to desire that
the ports might be open much sooner than their
hour, which was granted: so that he came to a very
ill inn, well known at Tostes, near the middle way
to Roan, about noon. And when he was within
view of that place, a gentleman, passing by in a
good gallop with a couple of servants, asked, " whe-
" ther the chancellor of England was in that
" coach ;" and being answered, " that he was," he
alighted at the coach-side, and gave him a letter
from the king, which contained only credit to what
that gentleman, monsieur le Fonde, his servant in
ordinary, should say to him from his majesty. The
gentleman, after some expressions of his majesty's
grace and good opinion, told him, " that the king But receives
" had lately received advertisement from his envoy o" d er S e t T y
" in England, that the parliament there was so ! ^ ace
" much incensed against him, the chancellor, that if
" he should be suffered to stay in France, it would
" be so prejudicial to the affairs of his Christian ma-
" jesty, (to whom he was confident the chancellor
" wished well,) that it might make a breach between
" the two crowns ; and therefore he desired him to
" make what speed he could out of his dominions ;
" and that he might want no accommodation for his
" journey, that gentleman was to accompany him,
" till he saw him out of France. "

He was marvellously struck with this encounter,
which he looked not for, nor could resolve what to



,152 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

If,(i7. do, being at lilxjrty to make his journey which way
~~he would so he rested not, which was the only
thing he desired : so he desired the gentleman (for
all this conversation was in the highway) " to come
" into the coach, and to accompany him to Roan,
" where they would confer further. " The gentle-
man, though he was a very civil person, seemed to
think that it would be better to return to Dieppe,
and so to Calais, as the shortest way out of France :
but he had no commission to urge that, and so con-
descended to go that night to Roan ; with a decla-
ration, "that it was necessary for him to be the
" next day very early in the coach, which way
" soever he intended to make his journey. "

It was late in the night before they reached
Roan : and the coach was overthrown three times
in the gentleman's sight, who chose to ride his
horse ; so that the chancellor was really hurt and
bruised, and scarce able to set his foot to the
ground. And therefore he told the gentleman
HC rrpr*- plainly* " that he could not make any journey the

luteof""' " next da y : but that ne would presently write to
health to p ar i s to a friend, who should inform the king of

the court.

" the ill condition he was in, and desire some time
" of rest ; and that as soon as he had finished his
" letter, he would send an express with it, who
" should make all possible haste in going and com-
" ing. " Monsieur le Fonde assured him, " the mat-
" ter was so fully resolved, that no writing would
" procure any time to stay in France ; and therefore
" desired him to hasten his journey, which way so-
*' ever he intended it. " But when he saw there
was no remedy, he likewise writ to the court, and
the chancellor to the earl of St. Alban's, from whom



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 353

he thought he should receive offices of humanity, 1667.
and to another friend, upon whose affection he more ~~
depended : and with those letters the express was
despatched.

They who had prevailed so far against him in The cca-

J . sionofhis

England were not yet satisfied, but contrived those m treat-
ways to disquiet him as much in France, by telling
monsieur Ruvigny, (who was too easily disposed to
believe them,) "that the parliament was so much of-
" fended with the chancellor, that it would never
" consent that the king should enter into a close
" and firm alliance with France," which it was his
business to solicit, " whilst he should be permitted
" to stay within that kingdom :" when in truth all
the malice against him was contained within the
breasts of few men, who by incensing the king, and
infusing many false and groundless relations into
him, drew such a numerous party to contribute to
their ends.

When he was now gone, they observed to the

i i r> r. i

king, " what a great faction there was in both hi
" houses that adhered to the chancellor," who were
called Clarendonians ; and when any opposition was
made to any thing that was proposed, as frequently
there was, " it was always done by the Clarendon-
" ians :" whose condition they thought was not de-
sperate enough, except they proceeded further than
. was yet done. They laboured with all their power,
that he might be attainted of high treason by act of
parliament, and that both his sons might be remov-
ed from the court : both which, notwithstanding all
their importunity, his majesty positively refused to
consent to. Then they told him, "that the chancel-
" lor only waited the season that the parliament
VOL. nr. A a



im i
ai



864 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1667. " should be confirmed in ill humour, to which they
" " were inclined ; and then he would return and sit
" in the house to disturb all their counsels, and
" obstruct all his service : and therefore they pro-
" posed, since he had fled from the hand of jus-
" tice, that there could be no more prosecution for
" his guilt," (which was untrue, for they might as
well have proceeded and proved the crimes objected
against him if they could,) " a bill of banishment,"
which they had prepared, " might be brought in
" against him ;" which his majesty consented to,
notwithstanding all that the duke of York urged to
the contrary upon the king's promise to him, and
which had only betrayed the chancellor to making
his escape. But the king alleged, " that the conde-
" scension was necessary for his good, and to com-
" pound with those who would else press that which
" would be more mischievous to him. "
A bill of Whereupon a bill for his banishment was prefer-

banishment . ji'-i i

pawed a- red, only upon his having declined the proceeding or
justice by his flight, without so much as endeavouring
to prove one of the crimes they had charged upon
him : and this bill was passed by the two houses,
and confirmed by the king ; of whom they had yet
so much jealousy,, that they left it not in his power
to pardon him without the consent of the two houses
of parliament. And this act was to be absolute,
" except by a day appointed," (which was so short,
that it was hardly possible for him to comply with
it, except he could have rode post,) " he should ap-
" pear before one of the secretaries of state, or deli-
" ver himself to the lieutenant of the Tower, who
" was to detain him in custody till he had acquaint-
" ed the parliament with it : in the mean time no



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. i355

" person was to presume to hold any correspondence ]6(J7.
" with him, or to write to him, except his own chil-~
" dren or his menial servants, who were obliged to
" shew the letters which they sent or received to
" one of the secretaries of state,"

The express that had been sent to Paris return- He receives

orders a se-
ed with reiterated orders to monsieur le Fonde to tend time

hasten the chancellor's journey, and not to suffer him France,
to remain there ; who executed the commands he
had received with great punctuality and importunity.
The earl of St. Alban's did not vouchsafe to return
any answer to his letter, or to interpose on his be-
half, that he might rest till he might securely enter
upon his journey : only abbot Mountague writ very
obligingly to him, and offered all the offices could be
in his power to perform, and excused the rigour of
the court's proceedings, as the effect of such reason of
state, as would not permit any alteration whilst they
had that apprehension of the parliament; and there-
fore advised hint " to comply with their wishes,
" and make no longer stay in Roan, which would
" not be permitted. " But the general indisposition
of his body, the fatigue of his journey, and the
bruises he had received by the falls and overturnings
of the coach, made him not able to rise out of his
bed; and the physicians, who had taken much
blood from him, exceedingly dissuaded it. All
which, how visible soever, prevailed not with his
French conductor to lessen his importunity that he
would go, though it was evident he could not easily
stand ; of which no doubt he gave true and faithful
advertisement to the court, though the jealousy of
being not thought active enough in his trust made

A a 2



35C CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1667. his behaviour much less civil, than is agreeable to
"the custom of that nation.

He gin However, the chancellor, hardened by the inhu-
SMuJlte manity of his treatment, writ such a letter in Latin
the b Ftonch to monsieur de Lionne, by whose hand all the un-
court; gentle orders to monsieur le Fonde had been trans-
mitted, as expressed the condition he was in, and
his disability to comply with his majesty's com-
mands, until he could recover more strength ; not
without complaint of the little civility he had re-
ceived in France. And he writ likewise to the ab-
bot Mountague, " to use his credit with monsieur de
" Tellier," upon whose humanity he more depended,
" to interpose with his Christian majesty, that he
" might not be pressed beyond what his health
" would bear. " And since at that time he resolved
to make his journey to Avignon, that he might be
out of the dominions of France, he desired, " that he
" might have liberty to rest some days at Orleans,
" until his servants who were upon the sea, and
" brought with them many things which he wanted,
" might come to him ; and that he might after-
" wards, in so long a journey in the worst season of
" the year, have liberty to take such repose as his
" health would require ; in which he could not af-
" feet unnecessary delay, for the great charge and
" expense it must be accompanied with. "

1668. The answer he received from monsieur de Lionne
was tne renewing the king's commands for his speedy

e Departure, " as a thing absolutely necessary to his af-
" fairs, and which must not be disputed. " But
that which affected him the more tenderly, was the
sight of a billet which abbot Mountague sent to him,



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 357

that he had received from monsieur de Tellier, in 1668.
which he said, "that he had, according to his desire, ~
" moved his Christian majesty concerning the chan-
" cellor of England ; and that his majesty was much
" displeased that he made not more haste to comply
" with what was most necessary for his affairs, and
" that it must be no longer delayed ; and that if he
" chose to pass to Avignon, he might rest one day in
" ten, which was all his majesty would allow. "

This unexpected determination, without the least
ceremony or circumstance of remorse,, signified by a
person who 'he was well assured was well inclined
to have returned a more grateful answer, in the in-
stant suppressed all hopes of finding any humanity
in France, arid raised a resolution in him to get out
of those dominions with all the expedition that was
possible : which his French conductor urged with
new and importunate instance ; insomuch as though
there was sure information, that the ship, in which
the chancellor's servants and goods were embarked,
was arrived at the mouth of the river, and only kept
by the cross wind from coming up to the town ; he
would by no means consent to the delay 1 " of one day
in expectation of it, or that his servants might come
to him by land, as he had sent to them to do.

At this very time arrived an express, a servant of
his, sent by his children, with a particular account
of all the transactions in parliament, and of the bill
of banishment ; of nothing of which he had before
heard, and upon which the duke of York, who
looked upon himself as ill used by that prosecution,
was of opinion, "that the chancellor should make all

r delay] stay

A a 3



358 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

l(j68. possible haste, and appear by the day appointed,
" and undergo the trial, in which he knew his inno-
** oence would justify him. " This advice, with a
little indignation at the discourtesy of the court of
France, diverted him from any further thought of
Avignon. And though he did not imagine that his
strength would be sufficient to perform the journey
by the day assigned, (for the gout had already seiz-
ed upon both his feet,) nor did the arguments for his
return satisfy him ; and the breach of all the pro-
mises which had been made was no sign that they
meant speedily to bring him to trial, towards which
they had not yet made any preparation : yet he
resolved to make all possible haste to Calais, that it
might be in his power to proceed according to such
directions as he might reasonably expect to receive
there from his friends from England, and from
whence he might quickly remove into the Spanish
dominions ; though the climate of Flanders, well
known to him, terrified him in respect of the season
and his approaching gout. And with this resolution
he despatched the express again for England ; and
left order with a merchant at Roan, " to receive his
" goods when the ship should arrive, and detain
" both them and his servants till he should send fur-
" ther orders from Calais:" and at the same time he
writ to a friend in Flanders, to speak to the marquis
of Carracena, with whom he had formerly held a
fair correspondence, " to send him a pass to go
" through that country to what place he should
" think fit. " And having thus provided for his
journey, he departed from Roan, after he had re-
mained there about twenty days.

In lm\v ill a condition of health soever he was to

to Calais;



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 359

travel, when the days were at shortest, he resolv- i(>68.
ed to make no stay till he should reach Calais, to
the end, that if he met with no advice there to
the contrary, he might be at London by the day li-
mited by the proclamation, which was the first of
February that style : and it was the last of January where he is
the French style when he arrived at Calais, sobbed by a
broken with the fatigue of the journey and the de- utS
fluxion of the gout, that he could not move but as he
was carried, and was so put into a bed ; and the
next morning the physicians found him in a fever,
and thought it necessary to open a vein, which they
presently did. But the pains in all his limbs so in-
creased, that he was not able to turn in his bed ;
nor for many nights closed his eyes. Many letters
he found there from England, but was not in a con-
dition to read them, nor in truth could speak and
discourse with any body. Monsieur le Fonde, out
of pure compassion, suffered him to remain some
days without his vexation, until he received fresh
orders from Paris, " that the chancellor might not,
" in what case soever, be suffered to remain in Ca-
" lais :" and then he renewed his importunity, Yet he is re-

quired to re-

" that he would the next day leave the town, and tire out of
" either by sea or land, if he thought it not fit to territories.
" pass for England, put himself into the Spanish
" dominions, which he might do in few hours. "

He was so confounded with the barbarity, that he
had no mind to give him any answer ; nor could he
suddenly find words, their conversation being in La-
tin, to express the passion he was in. At last he
told him, " that he must bring orders from God Al-
" mighty as well as from the king, before he could
" obey : that he saw the condition he was in, and

A a 4



360 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1668. " conferred every day with his physicians, by which
~ " he could not but know, that he could neither help
" himself, nor endure the being carried out of that
" chamber, if the house were in a flame ; and there-
" fore that he did not use him like a gentleman, in
" adding his unreasonable importunities to the vex-
" ation he suffered by pain and sickness. That he
" might be very confident, his treatment had not
" been so obliging to make him stay one hour in
" France, after he should be able to go out of it :
" but he would not willingly endanger himself by
" sea to fall into the hands of his enemies. That
" he knew" (for he had shewed him his letter)
" that he had written into Flanders for a pass,
" which was not yet come : as soon as it did, if he
" could procure a litter and endure the motion of it,
" he would remove to St. Omer's or Newport, which
*' were the nearest places 'under the Spanish govern-
" ment. "

To all which he replied with no excess of courtesy,
" that he must and would obey his orders as he -had
" done ; and that he had no power to judge of his
" disability to remove, or of the pain he under-
" went. " And there is no doubt the gentleman,
who was well bred, and in his nature very civil, was
not pleased with his province, and much troubled
that he could not avoid the delivery of the orders
he received : and the conjuncture of their affairs
was such, with reference to the designs then on foot,
that every post brought reiterated commands for
the chancellor's remove ; which grew every day
more impossible, by the access of new pain to the
weakness he was in for want of sleep without any
kind of sustenance.



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 361

Notwithstanding which, within few days after 1668.
the last encounter, upon fresh letters from monsieur"
de Lionne, the gentleman came again to him, told
him what orders he had received, and again pro-
posed, " that he would either make use of a boat to
" Newport or Ostend, or a brancard to St. Omer's ;
" either of which he would cause to be provided
" against the next morning, for the king's service
" was exceedingly concerned in the expedition. "
And when he saw the other was not moved with
what he said, nor gave him any answer, he told
him plainly, " that the king would be obeyed in his
" own dominions ; and if he would not choose to do
" that which the king had required, he must go to
" the governor, who had authority and power to
" compel him, which he durst not but do. " Upon
which, with the supply of spirit that choler adminis-
tered to him, he told him, " that though the king .
" was a very great and powerful prince, he was not
" yet so omnipotent, as to make a dying man strong
" enough to undertake a journey. That he was at
" the king's mercy, and would endure what he
" should exact from him as well as he was able : it
"was in his majesty's power to send him a prisoner
" into England, or to cause him to be carried dead
" or alive into the Spanish territories ; but he would
" not be felo de se, by willingly attempting to do
" what he and all who saw him knew was not possi-
" ble for him to perform. " And in this passion he
added some words of reproach to le Fonde, which
were more due to monsieur de Lionne, who in truth
had not behaved himself with any civility: where-
upon he withdrew in the like disorder, and for



362 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1668. some days forbore so much as to see him, in which
he had never before failed a day.

And the chancellor, who really did believe that
some force and violence would be used towards him,
presently Sent to desire the chief magistrates of the
town and the lieutenant governor to come to him ;
and then told them all the treatment he had receiv-
ed from monsieur le Fonde, and appealed to them,
" whether they thought him in a condition to per-
" form any journey. " And the physicians being
likewise present, he required them to sign such a
certificate and testimony of his sickness as they
thought their duty, which they readily performed ;
very fully declaring under their hands, "that he
" could not be removed out of the chamber in which
" he lay, without manifest danger of his life. " And
the lieutenant governor and the president of justice
seemed much scandalized at what had been so much
pressed, of which they had taken notice many days :
and the one of them wrote to the count of Charrou,
governor of the town and then at court, and the
other to monsieur de Lionne, what they thought
fit ; and the certificate of the physicians was en-
closed to the abbot Mountague, with a full relation
of what had passed. And it was never doubted, but
that monsieur le Fonde himself made a very faithful
relation of the impossibility that the chancellor
could comply with what was required, in the state
of sickness and pain that he was in at present.
The French By this time the French court discovered, that
deDiy*aUen<they were prevented of entering into that strait al-



they hoped with England, (and for obtaining
whereof they had gratified the proud and malicious



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 363

humours of the duke of Buckingham and lord Ar- 1668.
lington in the treatment of the chancellor,) by the~~
triple league, which they had used all those com-
pliances to prevent : so that by the next post after
the receipt of the certificate from the physicians,
monsieur de Lionne writ a very civil letter to the
chancellor, in which he protested, " that he had the
" same respect for him which he had always pro-
" fessed to have in his greatest fortune, and that it
" was never in the purpose of his Christian majesty
" to endanger his health by making any journey that
" he could not well endure ; and therefore that it , He ll! is

leave to

" was left entirely to himself to remove from Calais reside in
" when he thought fit, and to go to what place he
*' would. " And monsieur le Fonde came now again
to visit him with another countenance, by which a
man could not but discern, that he was much better
pleased with the commission he had received last,
than with the former ; and told him, " that he was
" now to receive no orders but from himself, which
" he would gladly obey. "

This gave him some little ease in the agony he
was in, for his pains increased to an intolerable de-
gree, insomuch that he could not rise out of his bed
in six weeks. And it was the more welcome to
him, because at the same time he received an ac-
count from his friend in Flanders, " that the marquis
" of Castille Roderigo, with as much regret as a
" civil man could express, protested, that the fear he
" had of offending the parliament at that time would
" not permit him to grant a pass : but if he would
" come to Newport, he should find the governor
" there well prepared and disposed to shew him all
" possible respect, and to accommodate him in his



3G4 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1668. " passage throughout the country, where it would
~~ " not l>e convenient for him to make any stay : and
" that he looked upon it as a great misfortune to
" himself, that he might not wait upon him in his
" passage. " This made it easy for him to discern,
that his enemies would not give him any rest in
any place where their malice could reach him : and
since they were so terrible that the marquis of
Castille Roderigo durst not grant him a pass, he
thought it would be no hard matter for them to
cause some affront to be put on him when he should
be without any pass ; though he had not the least
suspicion of the marquis's failing in point of honour
or courtesy.

At the same time he received advice from his
friends in England, " that the storm from France
" was over, and that he might be permitted to stay
"in any part thereof; and for the present they
" wished that he would repair to the waters of Bour-
" bon for his health, and then choose such a place
" to reside in, as upon inquiry he should judge most
" proper. " But he was not yet so far reconciled to
that court, though he liked the climate well, as to
depend upon its protection : and therefore he re-
sumed his former purpose of going to Avignon, and,
if he could recover strength for the journey before
the season should be expired for drinking the waters
of Bourbon to pass that way. And to that purpose
he sent to the court " for a pass to Avignon, with
" liberty to stay some days at Roan," where his goods
and his monies were, (for his servants had come '
from thence to him to Calais,) " and to use the wa-
" tors of Bourlxm in his way :" all which was readily
granted.



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 365

It was the third of April, before he recovered 1668.
strength enough to endure a coach : and then, having "~
bought a large and easy coach of the president of
Calais, he hired horses there. And so he begun his He returns
journey for Roan, being still so lame and weak that
he could not go without being supported : and the
first day had a very ill omen by the negligence of
the coachman, who passing upon the sands between
Calais and Boulogne, when the sea was flowing,
drove so unadvisedly, (which he might have avoided,
as the horsemen and another coach did,) that the
sea came over the boot of the coach, to the middle
of all those who sat in it ; and a minute's pause
more had inevitably overthrown the coach, (the
weight whereof only then prevented it,) and they had
been all covered with the sea. And two days after,
by the change of the coachman for a worse, he was
overthrown in a place almost as bad, into a deep
and dirty water, from whence he was with difficulty
and some hurt drawn out. Both which wonderful
deliverances were comfortable instances that God
would protect him, of which he had within few days
a fresh and extraordinary evidence.

When he came to Roan, he received all those or-
ders he had desired from the court. And a letter
from abbot Mountague assured him, " that he need
" no more apprehend any discommodity from orders
" of the court, but might be confident of the con-
" trary, and of all respect that could be shewed him
" from thence : that he might stay at Roan as long
. " as his indisposition required; and when he had
" made use of the waters of Bourbon, he might re-
" tire to any place he would choose to reside in. "
Monsieur le Fonde had orders, " after he had ac-



366 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1 668. " companied the chancellor two or three days' jour-
~~" ney towards Bourbon, except he desired his com-
" pany longer, to return to the court. " Only mon-
sieur de Lionne desired, " that he would not in
" his journey come nearer Paris than the direct
" way required him to do, because the emperor's
" agent at London, the baron of Isola, had con-
" fidently averred, that the king had one day gone
" incognito from the Bois de Vincennes to meet the
" chancellor, and had a long private conference with
him. "
From When he had stayed as long at Roan as was ne-

whence he ' 1*1

begins his cessary for the taking a little physic and recovering
A*Tgnon. a little strength, the season required his making
haste to Bourbon : and so on the 23d of April he
began his journey from thence ; and that he might
comply with the directions of monsieur de Lionne,
he chose to go by the way of Eureux, and to lodge
there that night. And because he was unable to
go up a pair of stairs, he sent a servant before, as
he had always done, to choose an inn where there
was some ground-lodging, which often was attended
with discommodity enough, and now (besides being
forced to go through the city into the suburbs) was
like to cost him very dear.
He is great- There happened to be at that time quartered

ly abused

by some there a foot company of English seamen, who had
* been raised and were entertained to serve the French
in attending upon their artillery, some of them being
gunners ; and none of them had the language, but
were attended by a Dutch conductor, who spake ill
English, for their interpreter. Their behaviour
there was so rude and barbarous, in l>eing always
drunk, and quarrelling and fighting with the towns-



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 367

men who would not give them any thing they de- 1668.
manded, that the city had sent to the court their"
complaints, and expected orders that night for their
remove. They quickly heard of the chancellor's being
come to the town ; and calling their company toge-
ther declared, " that there were many months' pay
" due to them in England, and that they would
" make him pay it before he got out of the town. "

He was scarce gotten into his ill ground-lodging,
when many of them flocked about the house : upon
which the gates of the inn were shut, they making
a great noise, and swearing they would speak with
the chancellor ; and, being about the number of fifty,
they threatened to break open the gate or pull down
the house. The mutiny was notorious to all the
street ; but they had not courage to appear against
them : the magistrates were sent to ; but there was
a difference between them upon the point of juris-
diction, this uproar being in the suburbs. In short,
they broke open the door of the inn : and when
they were entered into the court, they quickly found
which was the chancellor's chamber. And the door
being barricadoed with such things as were in the
room, they first discharged their pistols into the
window, with which they hurt some of the servants,
and monsieur le Fonde, who with his sword kept
them from entering in at the window with great
courage, until he was shot with a brace of bullets
in the head, with which he fell : and then another
of the servants being hurt, they entered in at the
window, and opened the door for the rest of their
company, which quickly filled the chamber.

The chancellor was in his gown, sitting upon the
bed, being not able to stand ; upon whom they all



3G8 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1 668. came with their swords drawn : and one of them
~ gave him a blow with a great broadsword upon the
head, which if it had fallen upon the edge must have
cleft his head; but it turned in his hand, and so
struck him with the flat, with which he fell back-
ward on the bed. They gave him many ill words,
called him " traitor," and swore, " before he should
" get out of their hands he should lay down all their
" arrears of pay. " They differed amongst them-
selves what they should do with him, some cry-
ing, " that they would kill him," others, " that they
" would carry him into England :" some had their
hands in his pockets, and pillaged him of his money
and some other things of value ; others broke up his
trunks and plundered his goods. When himself
recovered out of the trance in which he was stunned
by the blow, they took him by the hand who spake
of carrying him into England, and told him, " it
" was the wisest thing they could do to carry him
" thither, where they would be well rewarded :"
another swore, " that they should be better rewarded
" for killing him there. " And in this confusion, the
room being full, and all speaking together, the fel-
low who had given him the blow, whose name was
Howard, a very lusty strong man, took him by the
hand, and swore, " they should hurt one another if
" they killed him there ; and therefore they would
" take him into the court, and despatch him where
" there was more room. " And thereupon others
laid their hands upon him and pulled him to the
ground, and then dragged him into the court, being-
in the same instant ready to run their swords into
him together : when in the moment their ensign,
and some of the magistrates with a guard, came



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 369

into the court, the gate being broken ; and so he 1 668.
was rescued out of their bloody hands, and carried ~
back into his chamber.

Howard and many of the other, some whereof
had been hurt with swords as they entered at the
window, were taken and carried to prison, and the
rest dispersed, vowing revenge when they should
get the rest of their company together : and it can-
not be expressed with how much fear the magistrates,
and the poor guard that attended them, apprehended
their coming upon them together again.

The chancellor himself had the hurt before men-
tioned in his head, which was a contusion, and al-
ready swollen to a great bigness ; monsieur le Fonde
was shot into the head with a brace of bullets, and
bled much, but seemed not to think himself in dan-
ger ; two of the chancellor's servants were hurt with
swords, and lost much blood : so that they all de-
sired to be in some secure place, that physicians and
surgeons might visit them. And by this time many
persons of quality of the town, both men and wo-
men, filled the little chamber; bitterly inveighing
against the villany of the attempt, but renewing the
dispute of their jurisdiction. And the provost, who
out of the city was the greater officer, would pro-
vide an accommodation for them in his own house
in the city, and appoint a guard for them ; which the
magistrates of the city would not consent to, nor he
to the expedient proposed by them. And this dis-
pute with animosity and very ill words continued
in the chamber till twelve of the clock at night, the
hurt persons being in the mean time without any
remedy or ease : so that the magistrates, though they
were not so dangerous, were as troublesome as the

VOL. III. B b



370 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1668. eamen, against whom they were not yet secure
upon a second attempt.

In the end, monsieur le Fonde was forced to raise
his voice louder than was agreeable to the state he
was in, to threaten to complain of them to the king,
for their neglect before and after the mischief was
done : by wliich they were much moved, and pre-
sently sent to the governor of the duke of Bouillon's
castle, (which is a good and noble house in the
town,) " that he would receive the chancellor and
" monsieur le Fonde, with such servants as were
" necessary for their attendance ;" which he did with
great courtesy, and gave them such accommodation
as in an unfurnished house could on the sudden be
expected. And so physicians and surgeons visited
their wounds, and applied such present remedies as
were necessary, till upon some repose they might
. make a better judgment.

The same night there were expresses despatched
to the court to give advertisement of the outrage,
and to Roan to inform the intendant in whose pro-
vince it was committed : and he the next day with a
good guard of horse arrived at Eureux. After he
had visited the chancellor, with the just sense of the
insolence he had undergone, and of the indignity
that the king and his government had sustained ;
he proceeded in the court of justice to examine the
whole proceedings, and much blamed the magistrates
on all sides for their negligence and remissness.
Upon the whole examination there appeared no
cause to believe, that there was any formed design
in which any others had concurred than they who
appeared in the execution, who defended themselves
by being drunk, which did not appear in any other



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 371

thing than in the barbarity of the action. Yet it 1G68.
was confessed, that upon their first arrival at Dieppe, ~~
and whilst they were quartered there, the chancellor
then passing by between Roan and Calais, they had
a resolution to have robbed or killed him, if they
had not been prevented by his getting the gates
opened, and so going away before the usual hour.

The surgeons found monsieur le Fonde's wound
to be more dangerous than they had apprehended,
and that at least one of the bullets remained still in
the wound, and doubted that it might have hurt the
scull, in which case trepanning would be necessary ;
which made him resolve, though he was feverish,
presently to have a brancard made, and to be put
into it in his bed, and so with expedition to be car-
ried to Paris, where he was sure to find better
operators, besides the benefit and convenience of his
own house and family. And so the third day after
his misadventure, and after he had given his testi-
mony to the intendant, he was in that manner, and
attended by a surgeon, conveyed to Paris ; and, by
the blessing of God, recovered without the remedy
that had been proposed.

The chancellor, after he had been r bled once or
twice, found himself only in pain with the blow,
without any other symptoms which frequently attend
great contusions ; and therefore he positively rejected
the proposition of trepanning, which had been like-
wise earnestly urged by the surgeons : and upon
application of such plasters and ointments as were
prescribed, he found both the pain and swelling
lessen by degrees, though the memory of the blow
lasted long ; so that he thought himself fit enough

r been] Not in MS.