written them under the
guidance
of the former.
William Smith - 1844 - Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities - a
Demosthenes, into effect a plan for an attack, with the whole
however, was devising an expedient, when joined forces, by nighi. It was at first signally success-
or rather, in fact, superseded by Cleon (CLEON), ful, but the tide was turned by the resistance of a
who nevertheless was shrewd enough not to inter- body of Boeotians, and the victory changed to a
fere, possibly had even had intimation of it through disastrous defeat. Demosthenes now counselled
out. His Aetolian disaster had taught him the value an immediate departure, either to Athens, or, if
of light and the weakness of heavy arms. Land- Nicias, whose professions of greater acquaintance
ing at two points with a force of which one-third with the internal state of the besieged greatly in-
only were iull-armed, by a judicious distribution fluenced his brother generals, really had grounds
of his troops, and chiefly by the aid of his archers for hope, at any rate from their present unhealthy
and targeteers. he effected the achievement, then position to the safe and wholesome situation of
almost incredible, of forcing the Spartans to lay Thapsus. Demosthenes reasoned in rain: then
down their arms. (Thuc. iv. 2–40; Diod. xii. ensued the fatal delay, the return of Gylippus wiih
61-63. )
fresh reinforcements, the late consent of Nicias to
The glory of this success was with the vulgar depart, and the infatuated recal of it on the eclipse
giren to Cleon, yet Demosthenes must bave of the moon, the first defeat and the second of
surely had some proportion of it. He was pro- the all-important ships.
In the latter engage-
bably henceforth in general esteem, as in the ment Demosthenes had the chief command, and
Knights of Aristophanes, coupled at the head of retained even in the hour of disaster sufficient
the list of the city's generals with the high-born coolness to see that the only course remaining
and influential Nicias. We find him in the follow- was at once to make a fresh attempt to break
ing year (B. C. 424) commanding with Hippocrates through the blockading ships and force their
in the operation in the Megarid ; possessing him- way to sea. And he had now the voice of Nicias
self by a stratagem of the Long Walls uniting with him : the army itself in desperation refused.
Megara to Nisaea, and receiving shortly the submis- In the subsequent retreat by the land, Demos-
sion of Nisaea itself, though bafiled by the advance thenes for some time is described simply as co-
of Brasidas in the main design on Negara. Soon operating with Nicias, though with the separate
after, he concerted with the same colleague a grand command of the second and rearward division.
attempt on Boeotia. On a fixed day Hippocrates This, on the sixth day, through its greater expo-
was to lead the whole Athenian force into the sure to the enemy, was unable to keep up with
south-eastern frontier, and occupy Delium, while the other; and Demosthenes, as in his position
Demosthenes was to land at Sihae, and by the was natural, looked more to defence against the
aid of the democratic party, possess himself of it enemy, while Nicias thought only of speedy re-
and of Chaeroneia. Demosthenes with this view treat. The consequence was that, having fallen
took forty ships to Naupactus, and, having raised about five miles and a half behind, he was sur-
forces in Acarnania, sailed for Siphae. But either rounded and driven into a plot of yround planted
## p. 981 (#1001) ###########################################
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Vear.
with olives, fenced nearly round with a wall, | 385, and this statement has been adopted by most
where he was exposed to the missiles of the ene- modern critics, such as Becker, Bockh, Wester-
my: Here he surrendereel, towards evening, on mann, Thirlwall, and others; whereas some have
condition of the lives of his soldiers being spared. endeavoured to prove that B. C. 384 was his birth-
His own was not. In confinement at Syracuse The opinion now most commonly received
Nicias and he were once more united, and were is, that Demosthenes was born in B. c. 385. For
together relieved by a specdy death. Such was detailed discussions on this question the reader is
the unworthy decree of the Syracusan assembly, referred to the works mentioned at the end of this
against the voice, say Diodorus and Plutarch, of article.
llermocrates, and contmry, says Thucydides, to When Demosthenes, the father, died, he left
the wish of Gylippus, who coveted the glory of behind him a widow, the daughter of Gylon, and
conveying the two great Athenian commanders to two children, Deniosthenes, then a boy of seven,
Sparta. (Thuc. vii. 42—87; Diod. xiii. 10--33; and a daughter who was only five years old. (Plut.
Plut. Nicias, 20–28. ) Timaeus, adds Plutarch, re- Dem. 4 ; Dem. C. Aprob. ii. p. 836 ; Aeschin, c.
lated that Herocrates contrived to apprize them of Ctcsiph. $ 171; Boeckh, Corp. Inscript. i. p. 464. )
the decrec, and that they fell by their own hands. During the last moments of his life, the father had
Demosthenes may be characterized as an unfortu- entrusted the protection of his wife and children
nate general. Had his fortune but equalled his and the care of his property, partly capital and
ability, he had achieved perhaps a name greater partly a large sword manufactory, to three guar-
than any of the generals of his time. In the large- dians, A phobus, a son of his sister Demophon, a
ness and holdness of his designs, the quickness son of his brother, and an old friend Therippides,
and justice of his insight, he rises high above all on condition that the first should marry the widow
his contemporaries. In Aetolia the crudeness of his and receive with her a dowry of eighty minne ; the
first essay was cruelly punished ; in Acarnania and second was to marry the daughter on her attaining
at Pylos, though his projects were even favoured the age of maturity, and was to receive at once two
by chance, yet the proper result of the one in the talents, and the third was to have the interest of
reduction of Ambracia was prevented by the jea- seventy minae, till Demosthenes, the son, should
lousy of his allies; and in the other his own indi- come of age. (Dem. C. Aphob. i. pp. 814, 816, ii.
vidual glory was stolen by the shameless Cleon. 840. ) But the first two of the guardians did not
In the designs against Megara and Boeotia failure comply with the stipulations made in the will, and
again attended him. In his conduct of the second all three, in spite of all the remonstrances of the
Syracusan expedition there is hardly one step family, united in squandering and appropriating to
which we can blame: with the exception of the themselves a great portion of the handsome pro-
night attack on Epipolae, it is in fact a painful perty, which is estimated at upwards of fourteen
exhibition of a defeat step by step effected over talents, and might easily have been doubled during
reason and wisdom by folly and infatuation. It the minority of Demosthenes by a prudent admi-
is possible that with the other elements of a great nistration. But, as it was, the property gradually
general he did not combine in a high degree that was so reduced, that when Demosthenes became
essential requisite of moral firmness and com- age, his guardians had no more than serenty
mand: he may too have been less accurate in minae, that is, only one twelfth of the property
attending to the details of execution than he was which the father had left. (Dem. c. Aphob. i. pp.
farsighted and fertile in devising the outline. Yet 812, 832, 815, c. Onet. p. 865. ) This shameful
this must be doubtful: what we learn from history conduct of his own relatives and guardians un-
is, that to Demosthenes his country owed her questionably exercised a great influence on the
superiority at the peace of Nicias, and to mind and character of Demosthenes, for it was
any rather than to him her defeat at Syracuse. probably during that early period that, suffering as
Of his position at home among the various parties he was through the injustice of those from whom
of the state we know little or nothing: he appears he had a right to expect protection, his strong
to have been of high rank: in Aristophanes he is feeling of right and wrong was planted and de-
described as leading the charge of the Hippeis veloped in him, a feeling which characterizes bis
upon Cleon (Equites, 242), and his place in the whole subsequent life. He was thus thrown upon
play throughout seems to imply it. (A. H. C. ) his own resources, and the result was great self-
DEMOSTHENES (Anuordévns), the greatest reliance, independence of judgment, and his ora-
of the Greek orators, was the son of one Demos tory, which was the only art by which he could
thenes, and born in the Attic demos of Paeania. hope to get justice done to himself.
Respecting the year of his birth, the statements of Although Demosthenes passed his youth amid
the ancients differ as much as the opinions of modern such troubles and vexations, there is no reason for
critics. Some of the earlier scholars acquiesced in believing with Plutarch (Dem. 4), that he grew up
the express testimony of Dionysius of Halicarnassus neglected and without any education at all. The
(Ep. ad Amm. i. 4), who says that Demosthenes very fact that his guardians are accused of having
was born in the year preceding the hundredth refused to pay his teachers (c. Aprob. i. p. 828)
Olympiad, that is, Ol. 99. 4, or B. c. 381. Gellius shews that he received some kind of education,
(x¥. 28) states that Demosthenes was in his twen. which is further confirmed by Demosthenes's own
ty-serenth year at the time when he composed his statement (de Coron. pp. 312, 315), though it
orations against Androtion and Timocrates, which cannot be supposed that his education comprised
belong to B. c. 355, so that the birth of Demos much more than an elementary course. The many
thenes would fall in B. C. 383 or 382, the latter of illustrious personages that are mentioned as his
which is adopted by Clinton. (F. H. ii. p. 426, &c. , teachers, must be conceived to have become con-
3rd edit. ) According to the account in the lives nected with liim after he had attained the age of
of the Ten Orators (p. 845. D. ) Demosthenes was manhood. He is said to have been instructed in
born in the archonship of Dexitheus, that is, 3. c. philosophy by Plato. (Plut. Dem. 5, Vit. X Orut.
of
## p. 982 (#1002) ###########################################
982
DEMOSTHENES.
DEMOSTIIENES.
ܪ
a
p. 844 ; Diog Laërt. iii. 46 ; Cic. Brut. 31, Orat. purpose of thwarting him and involving him in a
4 ; Quintil. xiii. 2. S 22, 10. § 24 ; Gellius, iii. series of other law-suits (c. Aphob. p. 862). The
13. ) It may be that Demosthenes knew and cs- extant orations of Deniosthenes against Apho-
teemed Plato, but it is more than doubtful whether bus, who endeavoured to prevent his taking
he received his instruction ; and to make him, as possession of his property, refer to these transac-
some critics have done, a perfect Platonic, is cer- tions. Demosthenes had thus gained a signal
tainly going too far. According to some accounts victory over bis enemies, notwithstanding all the
he was instructed in oratory by Isocrates (Plut. extraordinary disadvantages under which he la-
l'it. X Orat. p. 844 ; Phot. Bill. p. 492), but this boured, for his physical constitution was weak, and
was a disputed point with the ancients themselves, his organ of speech deficient-whence, probably, he
some of whom stated, that he was not personally derived the nickname βάταλος, tie delicate
instructed by Isocrates, but only that he studied youth, or the stammerer, -and it was only owing
the téxvn ØnTopiký, which Isocrates had written to the most unwearied and persevering exertions
(Plut. lü. X Orut. p. 837, Dem. 5. ) The tradi- that he succeeded in overcoming and removing the
tion of Demosthenes having been a pupil of Iso- obstacles which nature had placed in his way.
crates is, moreover, not supported by any evidence These exertions were probably made by him after
derived from the orations of Demosthenes himself, he had arrived at the age of manhood. In this
who speaks with contempt of the rhetorical school manner, and by speaking in various civil cases,
of Isocrates (c. Lacrin. pp. 9:28, 937), and an un- he prepared himself for the career of a political
biassed reader of the works of the two orators orator and statesman. It is very doubtful whether
cannot discover any direct influence of the elder Demosthenes, like some of his predecessors, engaged
upon the younger one, for certain words and phrases also in teaching rhetoric, as some of his Greek bio-
cinnot assuredly be taken as proofs to the contrary: graphers assert.
The account that Demosthenes was instructed in The suit against Aphobus had made Meidias a
oratory by Isaeus (Plut. Dem. 5, Vit. X Orat. p. formidable and implicable enemy of Demosthenes
814 ; Phot. Bill. p. 492), has much more probabi- (Dem. c. phul. ii. p. 840, c. Meid. p. 539, &c. ),
lity ; for at that time Isaeus was the most eminent and the danger to which he thus became exposed
orator in matters connected with the laws of in- was the more fearful, since except his personal
heritance, the very thing which Demosthenes powers and virtnes he had nothing to oppose to
needed. This account is further supported by the Meidias, who was the most active member of a
fact, that the carliest orations of Demosthenes, viz. coterie, which, although yet without any definite
those against Aphobus and Onetor, bear so strong political tendency, was preparing the ruin of the
a resemblance to those of Isaeus, that the ancients republic by violating its laws and sacrificing its
themselves believed them to have been composed resources to personal and selfish interests. The
by Isaeus for Demosthenes, or that the latter bad first acts of open hostility were committed in B. C.
written them under the guidance of the former. 361, when leidias forced his way into the house
(Plut. l'it. X Orat. p. 839 ; Liban. l'it. Dem. p. of Demosthenes and insulted the members of his
3, Argum. ad Orat. c. Onet. p. 875. ) We may sup- family. This led Demosthenes to bring against
posc without much hesitation, that during the latter him the action of Kaknyopía, and when Meidias
years of his minority Demosthenes privately pre- after his condemnation did not fulfil his obligations,
pared himself for the career of an orator, to which Demosthenes brought against him a diren etouans.
he was urged on by his peculiar circumstances no less (Dem. c. Mcid. p. 510, dc. ) Meidias found means
than by the admiration he felt for the orators of his to prevent any decision being given for a period of
time, and that during the first years after his attain- eight years, and at length, in E. c. 354, he had an
ing the age of manhood he availed himself of the opportunity to take revenge upon Demosthenes,
instruction of Isaeus.
who had in that year voluntarily undertaken the
Immediately after becoming of age in B. c. 366, choregin. Meidias not only endeavoured in all
Demosthenes called upon his guardians to render possible ways to prevent Demosthenes from dis-
him an account of their administration of his pro- charging his office in its proper form, but attacked
perty; but by intrigues they contrived to defer him with open violence during the celebration of
the business for two years, which was perhaps less the great Dionysia. (Dem. c. Nleid. p. 518. ) Such
disagreeable to him, as he had to prepare himself an act committed before the eyes of the people
and to acquire a certain legal knowledge and orato-demanded reparation, and Demosthenes brought an
rical power before he could venture to come forward action against him. Public opinion condemned
in his own cause with any hope of success. In Meidias, and it was in vain that he made all pos-
the course of these two years, however, the matter sible efforts to intimidate Demosthenes, who re-
was twice investigated by the diaetetae, and was mained firm in spite of all his enemy's machinations,
decided each time in favour of Demosthenes. until at length, when an amicable arrangement was
(Dem. c. Aphol. i. p. 828, c. Aphol. iii. p. 861. ) proposed, Demosthenes accepted it, and withdrew
At length, in the third year after his coming of his accusation. It is said that he received from
age, in the archonship of Timocrates, B. c. 364 Neidias the sum of thirty minae. (Plut. Dem. 12;
(Dem. c. Onet. p. 865), Demosthenes brought his Aeschin. c. Ctesiph. $ 52. ) The reason why De
accusation against Aphobus before the archon, mosthenes withdrew his accusation was in all pro-
reserving to himself the right to bring similar bability his fear of the powerful party of which
charges against Demoplion and Therippides, which, Veidias was the leader ; his accepting the sum of
however, he does not appear to have done (c. thirty minae, which, however, can scarcely be
Apliob. i. p. 817; Plut. lit. Y Orat. p. 844; treated as an authentic fact (Isid. Epist. ir. 205), has
Zozim. l'it. Dem. p. 147). Aphobus was con- been looked upon as an illegal act, and has been
demned to pay a fine of ten talents. This verdict brought forward as a proof that Demosthenes was
was obtained by Demosthenes in the face of all the accessible to bribes. But the law which forbade the
intrigues to which Aphobus had resorted for the dropping of a public accusation (Dem. c. Veid. p. 529)
## p. 983 (#1003) ###########################################
DEMOSTHENES.
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DEMOSTHENES.
does not appear to have been always strictly observ- | did not, it is true, produce the desired results, but
ed, as it was merely intended to prevent frivolous the fault was not his, and the cause of their failure
and unfounded accusations. If, on the other hand, must be sought in the state of general dissolution
Demosthenes did receive the thirty minae, it does in the Greek republics at the time; for while
pot follow that it was a bribe, for that sum may Philip occupied his threatening position, the Pho-
have been required of him as a fine for dropping his cians were engaged in a war for life and death
accusation against Meidias, or Demosthenes may with the Thebans; the states of Peloponnesus
have regarded that sum as a satisfactory acknow- looked upon one another with mistrust and hatred,
ledgement of the guilt of his enemy. This affair and it was only with great difficulty that Athens
belongs to the year 1. c. 353, in which also the could inaintain a shadow of its former supremacy.
extant oration against Meidias was written, but as The Athenians themselves, as Demosthenes says,
Demosthenes did not follow up the suit, the oration were indolent, even when they knew what ought
was left in its present unfinished state.
to be done; they could not rouse themselves to an
Demosthenes had some years before this event enerretic opposition ; their measures were in most
come forward as a speaker in the public assembly, cases only half measures; they never acted at the
for in B. C. 355 he had delivered the orations right time, and indulged in spending the treasures
against Leptines and Androtion (Dionys. Ep. of the republic upon costly pomps and festivities,
ad Amm. i. 4), and in B. c. 353 the oration instead of employing them as means to ward off
against Timocrates. The general esteem which the danger that was gathering like a storm at a
Demosthenes enjoyed as early as that time is distance. This disposition was, moreover, fostered
sufficiently attested by the fact, that in B. c. by the ruling party at Athens. It was further an
354, in spite of all the intrigues of Meidins, he unfortunate circumstance for Athens that, although
was confirmed in the dignity of Bouleutńs, to she had some able generals, yet she had no military
which he had been elected by loi (Dem. c. Meid. genius of the first order to lead her forces against
p. 551), and that in the year following he con- the Macedonian, and make head against him. It
ducted, in the capacity of architheoros, the usual was only on one occasion, in B. c. 353, that the
theoria, which the state of Athens sent to the fes- Athenians gained decided advantages by a diver-
tival of the Nemcan Zeus (c. Meid. p. 552). The sion of their fleet, which prevented Philip passing
active part he took in public affairs is further | Thermopylae during the war between the Phocians
attested by the orations which belong to this period: and Thebans. But a report of Philip's illness and
in E. c. 354 he spoke against the projected expedi- death soon made room for the old apathy, and the
tion to Euboea, though without success, and he good-will of those who would have acted with
himself afterwards joined in it under Phocion. spirit was paralyzed by the entire absence of any
(I)em. de Pace, p. 58, c. Meid. p. 558. ) In the definite plan in the war against Macedonia, al-
same year he delivered the oration Tepl ovupopiớv, though the necessity of such a plan had been
in which he successfully dissuaded the Athenians pointed out, and proposals had been made for it by
from their foolish scheine of undertaking a war | Demosthenes in his first Philippic, which was
against Persia (Dem. de Rhod. lib. p. 192), and in spoken in B. c. 352. Philip's attack upon Olynthus
B. C. 353 he spoke for the Megalopolitans (UTèp in B. c. 349, which terminated in the year follow-
Meyadowolitwv), and opposed the Spartans, who ing with the conquest of the place, deprired the
had solicited the aid of Athens to reduce Megalo- Athenians of their last stronghold in the north.
polis.
At the request of several embassies from the Olyn-
The one hundred and sixth Olympiad, or the thians, and on the impressive exhortation of De-
period from B. c. 350, is the beginning of the career mosthenes in his three Olynthiac orations, the
of Demosthenes as one of the leading statesmen of Athenians had indeed made considerable efforts to
Athens, and henceforth the history of his life is save Olynthus (Dem. de Fals. Leg. p. 426; Dionys.
closely mixed up with that of his country; for Ep. ad Amm. i. 9), but their operations were
there is no question affecting the public good thwarted in the end by a treacherous plot which
in which he did not take the most active part, and was formed at Olynthus itself, and the town fell
support with all the power of his oratory what he into the hands of Philip.
considered right and beneficial to the state. King The next event in which Demosthenes took an
Philip of Macedonia had commenced in B. C. 358 active part is the peace with Philip, which from
his encroachments upon the possessions of Athens its originator is called the peace of Philocrates, and
in the north of the Aegean, and he had taken pos- is one of the most obscure points in the history of
session of the towns of Amphipolis, Pydna, Poti- Demosthenes and of Athens, since none of the his-
daca, and Methone. During those proceedings he torians whose works are extant enter into the
had contrived to keep the Athenians at a distance, details of the subject. Our only sources of infor-
to deceive them and keep them in good humour by mation are the orations of Demosthenes and Aes-
delusions and apparently favourable promises. chines on the embassy (Tepi Tapat perbelas), which
Demosthenes was not, indeed, the only man who contain statements so much at variance and so
saw that these proceedings were merely a prelude contradictory, that it is next to impossible to come
to greater things, and that unless the king was to any certain conclusions, although, if we consider
checked, he would attempt the subjugation, not the characters of the two orators, the authority of
only of Athens but of all Greece; but Demos Demosthenes is entitled to higher credit than that
thenes was the only person who had the honesty of Aeschines. The former may, to some extent,
and the courage openly to express his opinions, have been labouring under a delusion, but Aes-
and to call upon the Greeks to unite their strength chines had the intention to deceive. The following
against the common foe. His patriotic feelings particulars, however, may be looked upon as well
and convictions against Macedonian aggrandize-established. During the Olynthian war, Philip
ment are the groundwork of his Philippics, a series had expressed his willingness to conclude a peace
of the most splendid and spirited orations. They and alliance with Athens, and the Athenians, who
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984
DEMOSTIENES.
DEMOSTHENES.
ܪ
were tired of the war and unable to form a coali- , the people, and persuaded them quietly to wait for
tion against the king, had accepted the proposal. the issue of the events. Philip in the meantime
Philocrates accordingly advised the Athenians to passed Thermopylne, and the fate of Phocis was
commence negotiations and to send an embassy to decided without a blow. The king was now ad-
Philip. Demosthenes supported the plan, and mitted as a member of the Amphictyonic league,
Philocrates, Aeschines, and Demosthenes were and the Athenians, who had allowed themselves to
among the ambassadors who went to the king. act the part of mere spectators during those pro-
The transactions with Philip are not quite clear, ceedings, were now unable to do anything, but still
though they must have referred to the Phocians they ventured to express their indignation at the
and Thebans also, for the Phocians were allied king's conduct by refusing their sinction to his
with Athens, and the Athenian ambassadors pro- becoming a member of the Amphictyonic league.
bably demanded that the Phocians should be in. The mischief, however, was done, and in oruer
cluded in the treaty of peace and alliance between to prevent still more serious consequences, Demos-
Macedonia and Athens. But this was more than thenes, in B. C. 316, delivered his oration “on the
Philip was inclined to agree to, since he had peace" (Tepi cipávns), and the people gave way.
already resolved upon the destruction of the Pho- From this time forward the two political parties
cians. It is, therefore, very probable that he may are fully developed, and openly act against each
have quieted the ambassadors by vague promises, other ; the party or rather the faction to which
and have declined to comply with their demand Aeschines belonged, was bribed by Philip to op-
under the pretext that he could not make a public pose the true patriots, who were headed by De-
declaration in favour of the Phocians on account of inosthenes. He was assisted in luis great work by
his relation to the Thessalians and Thebans. After such able men as Lycurgus, Hyperides, Polyeuctus,
the return of the ambassadors to Athens, the peace Hegesippus, and others, and being supported by
was discussed in two successive assemblies of the his contidence in the good cause, he soon reached
people, and it was at length sanctioned and sworn the highest point in his career as a statesman and
to by an oath to the king's ambassadors. Aeschines orator. The basis of his power and intiuence was
censures Demosthenes for having hurried the con- the people's conviction of his incorruptible love of
clusion of this peace so much, that the Athenians justice and of his pure and enthusiastic love of his
did not even wait for the arrival of the deputies of country. This conviction manifested itself clearly
their allies, who had been invited, and the contra- in the vengeance which the people took upon the
dictory manner in which Demosthenes himself (de treacherous Philocrates. (Aeschin. c. Ctesiph. §
Fals. Leg. p. 316, de Coron. p. 232) speaks of the 79. ) But this admiration and reverence for real
niatter seems indeed to cast some suspicion upon and virtuous greatness soon cooled, and it was in
him; but the cause of Demosthenes's acting as he did vain that Demosthenes endeavoured to place the
may have been the vague manner in which Philip other men who had betrayed their country to Phi-
had expressed himself in regard to the Phocians. At lip in their embassy to him, in the same light as
any rate, however, quick decision was absolutely Philocrates (Dem. de Fals. Leg. p. 376), for the
necessary, since Philip was in the meantime making people were unwilling to sacritice more than the
war upon Cersohleptes, a king of Thrace, and one man, whom the Macedonian party itself had
since, in spite of his promises to spare the posses- given up in order to save the rest. It was un-
sions of Athens in the Chersonesuis, he might easily doubtedly owing to the influence of this party that
have been tempted to stretch out his hands after Aeschines, when after a long delay he consented
them: in order to prevent this, it was necessary that to render an account of his conduct during the
Philip, as soon as possible, should take his oath to embassy, B. C. 343, escaped punishment, notwith-
the treaty of peace and alliance with Athens. It standing the vehement attacks of Demosthenes in
was on this occasion that the treacherous designs of the written oration Tepi Tapanpeopeias.
however, was devising an expedient, when joined forces, by nighi. It was at first signally success-
or rather, in fact, superseded by Cleon (CLEON), ful, but the tide was turned by the resistance of a
who nevertheless was shrewd enough not to inter- body of Boeotians, and the victory changed to a
fere, possibly had even had intimation of it through disastrous defeat. Demosthenes now counselled
out. His Aetolian disaster had taught him the value an immediate departure, either to Athens, or, if
of light and the weakness of heavy arms. Land- Nicias, whose professions of greater acquaintance
ing at two points with a force of which one-third with the internal state of the besieged greatly in-
only were iull-armed, by a judicious distribution fluenced his brother generals, really had grounds
of his troops, and chiefly by the aid of his archers for hope, at any rate from their present unhealthy
and targeteers. he effected the achievement, then position to the safe and wholesome situation of
almost incredible, of forcing the Spartans to lay Thapsus. Demosthenes reasoned in rain: then
down their arms. (Thuc. iv. 2–40; Diod. xii. ensued the fatal delay, the return of Gylippus wiih
61-63. )
fresh reinforcements, the late consent of Nicias to
The glory of this success was with the vulgar depart, and the infatuated recal of it on the eclipse
giren to Cleon, yet Demosthenes must bave of the moon, the first defeat and the second of
surely had some proportion of it. He was pro- the all-important ships.
In the latter engage-
bably henceforth in general esteem, as in the ment Demosthenes had the chief command, and
Knights of Aristophanes, coupled at the head of retained even in the hour of disaster sufficient
the list of the city's generals with the high-born coolness to see that the only course remaining
and influential Nicias. We find him in the follow- was at once to make a fresh attempt to break
ing year (B. C. 424) commanding with Hippocrates through the blockading ships and force their
in the operation in the Megarid ; possessing him- way to sea. And he had now the voice of Nicias
self by a stratagem of the Long Walls uniting with him : the army itself in desperation refused.
Megara to Nisaea, and receiving shortly the submis- In the subsequent retreat by the land, Demos-
sion of Nisaea itself, though bafiled by the advance thenes for some time is described simply as co-
of Brasidas in the main design on Negara. Soon operating with Nicias, though with the separate
after, he concerted with the same colleague a grand command of the second and rearward division.
attempt on Boeotia. On a fixed day Hippocrates This, on the sixth day, through its greater expo-
was to lead the whole Athenian force into the sure to the enemy, was unable to keep up with
south-eastern frontier, and occupy Delium, while the other; and Demosthenes, as in his position
Demosthenes was to land at Sihae, and by the was natural, looked more to defence against the
aid of the democratic party, possess himself of it enemy, while Nicias thought only of speedy re-
and of Chaeroneia. Demosthenes with this view treat. The consequence was that, having fallen
took forty ships to Naupactus, and, having raised about five miles and a half behind, he was sur-
forces in Acarnania, sailed for Siphae. But either rounded and driven into a plot of yround planted
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with olives, fenced nearly round with a wall, | 385, and this statement has been adopted by most
where he was exposed to the missiles of the ene- modern critics, such as Becker, Bockh, Wester-
my: Here he surrendereel, towards evening, on mann, Thirlwall, and others; whereas some have
condition of the lives of his soldiers being spared. endeavoured to prove that B. C. 384 was his birth-
His own was not. In confinement at Syracuse The opinion now most commonly received
Nicias and he were once more united, and were is, that Demosthenes was born in B. c. 385. For
together relieved by a specdy death. Such was detailed discussions on this question the reader is
the unworthy decree of the Syracusan assembly, referred to the works mentioned at the end of this
against the voice, say Diodorus and Plutarch, of article.
llermocrates, and contmry, says Thucydides, to When Demosthenes, the father, died, he left
the wish of Gylippus, who coveted the glory of behind him a widow, the daughter of Gylon, and
conveying the two great Athenian commanders to two children, Deniosthenes, then a boy of seven,
Sparta. (Thuc. vii. 42—87; Diod. xiii. 10--33; and a daughter who was only five years old. (Plut.
Plut. Nicias, 20–28. ) Timaeus, adds Plutarch, re- Dem. 4 ; Dem. C. Aprob. ii. p. 836 ; Aeschin, c.
lated that Herocrates contrived to apprize them of Ctcsiph. $ 171; Boeckh, Corp. Inscript. i. p. 464. )
the decrec, and that they fell by their own hands. During the last moments of his life, the father had
Demosthenes may be characterized as an unfortu- entrusted the protection of his wife and children
nate general. Had his fortune but equalled his and the care of his property, partly capital and
ability, he had achieved perhaps a name greater partly a large sword manufactory, to three guar-
than any of the generals of his time. In the large- dians, A phobus, a son of his sister Demophon, a
ness and holdness of his designs, the quickness son of his brother, and an old friend Therippides,
and justice of his insight, he rises high above all on condition that the first should marry the widow
his contemporaries. In Aetolia the crudeness of his and receive with her a dowry of eighty minne ; the
first essay was cruelly punished ; in Acarnania and second was to marry the daughter on her attaining
at Pylos, though his projects were even favoured the age of maturity, and was to receive at once two
by chance, yet the proper result of the one in the talents, and the third was to have the interest of
reduction of Ambracia was prevented by the jea- seventy minae, till Demosthenes, the son, should
lousy of his allies; and in the other his own indi- come of age. (Dem. C. Aphob. i. pp. 814, 816, ii.
vidual glory was stolen by the shameless Cleon. 840. ) But the first two of the guardians did not
In the designs against Megara and Boeotia failure comply with the stipulations made in the will, and
again attended him. In his conduct of the second all three, in spite of all the remonstrances of the
Syracusan expedition there is hardly one step family, united in squandering and appropriating to
which we can blame: with the exception of the themselves a great portion of the handsome pro-
night attack on Epipolae, it is in fact a painful perty, which is estimated at upwards of fourteen
exhibition of a defeat step by step effected over talents, and might easily have been doubled during
reason and wisdom by folly and infatuation. It the minority of Demosthenes by a prudent admi-
is possible that with the other elements of a great nistration. But, as it was, the property gradually
general he did not combine in a high degree that was so reduced, that when Demosthenes became
essential requisite of moral firmness and com- age, his guardians had no more than serenty
mand: he may too have been less accurate in minae, that is, only one twelfth of the property
attending to the details of execution than he was which the father had left. (Dem. c. Aphob. i. pp.
farsighted and fertile in devising the outline. Yet 812, 832, 815, c. Onet. p. 865. ) This shameful
this must be doubtful: what we learn from history conduct of his own relatives and guardians un-
is, that to Demosthenes his country owed her questionably exercised a great influence on the
superiority at the peace of Nicias, and to mind and character of Demosthenes, for it was
any rather than to him her defeat at Syracuse. probably during that early period that, suffering as
Of his position at home among the various parties he was through the injustice of those from whom
of the state we know little or nothing: he appears he had a right to expect protection, his strong
to have been of high rank: in Aristophanes he is feeling of right and wrong was planted and de-
described as leading the charge of the Hippeis veloped in him, a feeling which characterizes bis
upon Cleon (Equites, 242), and his place in the whole subsequent life. He was thus thrown upon
play throughout seems to imply it. (A. H. C. ) his own resources, and the result was great self-
DEMOSTHENES (Anuordévns), the greatest reliance, independence of judgment, and his ora-
of the Greek orators, was the son of one Demos tory, which was the only art by which he could
thenes, and born in the Attic demos of Paeania. hope to get justice done to himself.
Respecting the year of his birth, the statements of Although Demosthenes passed his youth amid
the ancients differ as much as the opinions of modern such troubles and vexations, there is no reason for
critics. Some of the earlier scholars acquiesced in believing with Plutarch (Dem. 4), that he grew up
the express testimony of Dionysius of Halicarnassus neglected and without any education at all. The
(Ep. ad Amm. i. 4), who says that Demosthenes very fact that his guardians are accused of having
was born in the year preceding the hundredth refused to pay his teachers (c. Aprob. i. p. 828)
Olympiad, that is, Ol. 99. 4, or B. c. 381. Gellius shews that he received some kind of education,
(x¥. 28) states that Demosthenes was in his twen. which is further confirmed by Demosthenes's own
ty-serenth year at the time when he composed his statement (de Coron. pp. 312, 315), though it
orations against Androtion and Timocrates, which cannot be supposed that his education comprised
belong to B. c. 355, so that the birth of Demos much more than an elementary course. The many
thenes would fall in B. C. 383 or 382, the latter of illustrious personages that are mentioned as his
which is adopted by Clinton. (F. H. ii. p. 426, &c. , teachers, must be conceived to have become con-
3rd edit. ) According to the account in the lives nected with liim after he had attained the age of
of the Ten Orators (p. 845. D. ) Demosthenes was manhood. He is said to have been instructed in
born in the archonship of Dexitheus, that is, 3. c. philosophy by Plato. (Plut. Dem. 5, Vit. X Orut.
of
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DEMOSTHENES.
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a
p. 844 ; Diog Laërt. iii. 46 ; Cic. Brut. 31, Orat. purpose of thwarting him and involving him in a
4 ; Quintil. xiii. 2. S 22, 10. § 24 ; Gellius, iii. series of other law-suits (c. Aphob. p. 862). The
13. ) It may be that Demosthenes knew and cs- extant orations of Deniosthenes against Apho-
teemed Plato, but it is more than doubtful whether bus, who endeavoured to prevent his taking
he received his instruction ; and to make him, as possession of his property, refer to these transac-
some critics have done, a perfect Platonic, is cer- tions. Demosthenes had thus gained a signal
tainly going too far. According to some accounts victory over bis enemies, notwithstanding all the
he was instructed in oratory by Isocrates (Plut. extraordinary disadvantages under which he la-
l'it. X Orat. p. 844 ; Phot. Bill. p. 492), but this boured, for his physical constitution was weak, and
was a disputed point with the ancients themselves, his organ of speech deficient-whence, probably, he
some of whom stated, that he was not personally derived the nickname βάταλος, tie delicate
instructed by Isocrates, but only that he studied youth, or the stammerer, -and it was only owing
the téxvn ØnTopiký, which Isocrates had written to the most unwearied and persevering exertions
(Plut. lü. X Orut. p. 837, Dem. 5. ) The tradi- that he succeeded in overcoming and removing the
tion of Demosthenes having been a pupil of Iso- obstacles which nature had placed in his way.
crates is, moreover, not supported by any evidence These exertions were probably made by him after
derived from the orations of Demosthenes himself, he had arrived at the age of manhood. In this
who speaks with contempt of the rhetorical school manner, and by speaking in various civil cases,
of Isocrates (c. Lacrin. pp. 9:28, 937), and an un- he prepared himself for the career of a political
biassed reader of the works of the two orators orator and statesman. It is very doubtful whether
cannot discover any direct influence of the elder Demosthenes, like some of his predecessors, engaged
upon the younger one, for certain words and phrases also in teaching rhetoric, as some of his Greek bio-
cinnot assuredly be taken as proofs to the contrary: graphers assert.
The account that Demosthenes was instructed in The suit against Aphobus had made Meidias a
oratory by Isaeus (Plut. Dem. 5, Vit. X Orat. p. formidable and implicable enemy of Demosthenes
814 ; Phot. Bill. p. 492), has much more probabi- (Dem. c. phul. ii. p. 840, c. Meid. p. 539, &c. ),
lity ; for at that time Isaeus was the most eminent and the danger to which he thus became exposed
orator in matters connected with the laws of in- was the more fearful, since except his personal
heritance, the very thing which Demosthenes powers and virtnes he had nothing to oppose to
needed. This account is further supported by the Meidias, who was the most active member of a
fact, that the carliest orations of Demosthenes, viz. coterie, which, although yet without any definite
those against Aphobus and Onetor, bear so strong political tendency, was preparing the ruin of the
a resemblance to those of Isaeus, that the ancients republic by violating its laws and sacrificing its
themselves believed them to have been composed resources to personal and selfish interests. The
by Isaeus for Demosthenes, or that the latter bad first acts of open hostility were committed in B. C.
written them under the guidance of the former. 361, when leidias forced his way into the house
(Plut. l'it. X Orat. p. 839 ; Liban. l'it. Dem. p. of Demosthenes and insulted the members of his
3, Argum. ad Orat. c. Onet. p. 875. ) We may sup- family. This led Demosthenes to bring against
posc without much hesitation, that during the latter him the action of Kaknyopía, and when Meidias
years of his minority Demosthenes privately pre- after his condemnation did not fulfil his obligations,
pared himself for the career of an orator, to which Demosthenes brought against him a diren etouans.
he was urged on by his peculiar circumstances no less (Dem. c. Mcid. p. 510, dc. ) Meidias found means
than by the admiration he felt for the orators of his to prevent any decision being given for a period of
time, and that during the first years after his attain- eight years, and at length, in E. c. 354, he had an
ing the age of manhood he availed himself of the opportunity to take revenge upon Demosthenes,
instruction of Isaeus.
who had in that year voluntarily undertaken the
Immediately after becoming of age in B. c. 366, choregin. Meidias not only endeavoured in all
Demosthenes called upon his guardians to render possible ways to prevent Demosthenes from dis-
him an account of their administration of his pro- charging his office in its proper form, but attacked
perty; but by intrigues they contrived to defer him with open violence during the celebration of
the business for two years, which was perhaps less the great Dionysia. (Dem. c. Nleid. p. 518. ) Such
disagreeable to him, as he had to prepare himself an act committed before the eyes of the people
and to acquire a certain legal knowledge and orato-demanded reparation, and Demosthenes brought an
rical power before he could venture to come forward action against him. Public opinion condemned
in his own cause with any hope of success. In Meidias, and it was in vain that he made all pos-
the course of these two years, however, the matter sible efforts to intimidate Demosthenes, who re-
was twice investigated by the diaetetae, and was mained firm in spite of all his enemy's machinations,
decided each time in favour of Demosthenes. until at length, when an amicable arrangement was
(Dem. c. Aphol. i. p. 828, c. Aphol. iii. p. 861. ) proposed, Demosthenes accepted it, and withdrew
At length, in the third year after his coming of his accusation. It is said that he received from
age, in the archonship of Timocrates, B. c. 364 Neidias the sum of thirty minae. (Plut. Dem. 12;
(Dem. c. Onet. p. 865), Demosthenes brought his Aeschin. c. Ctesiph. $ 52. ) The reason why De
accusation against Aphobus before the archon, mosthenes withdrew his accusation was in all pro-
reserving to himself the right to bring similar bability his fear of the powerful party of which
charges against Demoplion and Therippides, which, Veidias was the leader ; his accepting the sum of
however, he does not appear to have done (c. thirty minae, which, however, can scarcely be
Apliob. i. p. 817; Plut. lit. Y Orat. p. 844; treated as an authentic fact (Isid. Epist. ir. 205), has
Zozim. l'it. Dem. p. 147). Aphobus was con- been looked upon as an illegal act, and has been
demned to pay a fine of ten talents. This verdict brought forward as a proof that Demosthenes was
was obtained by Demosthenes in the face of all the accessible to bribes. But the law which forbade the
intrigues to which Aphobus had resorted for the dropping of a public accusation (Dem. c. Veid. p. 529)
## p. 983 (#1003) ###########################################
DEMOSTHENES.
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DEMOSTHENES.
does not appear to have been always strictly observ- | did not, it is true, produce the desired results, but
ed, as it was merely intended to prevent frivolous the fault was not his, and the cause of their failure
and unfounded accusations. If, on the other hand, must be sought in the state of general dissolution
Demosthenes did receive the thirty minae, it does in the Greek republics at the time; for while
pot follow that it was a bribe, for that sum may Philip occupied his threatening position, the Pho-
have been required of him as a fine for dropping his cians were engaged in a war for life and death
accusation against Meidias, or Demosthenes may with the Thebans; the states of Peloponnesus
have regarded that sum as a satisfactory acknow- looked upon one another with mistrust and hatred,
ledgement of the guilt of his enemy. This affair and it was only with great difficulty that Athens
belongs to the year 1. c. 353, in which also the could inaintain a shadow of its former supremacy.
extant oration against Meidias was written, but as The Athenians themselves, as Demosthenes says,
Demosthenes did not follow up the suit, the oration were indolent, even when they knew what ought
was left in its present unfinished state.
to be done; they could not rouse themselves to an
Demosthenes had some years before this event enerretic opposition ; their measures were in most
come forward as a speaker in the public assembly, cases only half measures; they never acted at the
for in B. C. 355 he had delivered the orations right time, and indulged in spending the treasures
against Leptines and Androtion (Dionys. Ep. of the republic upon costly pomps and festivities,
ad Amm. i. 4), and in B. c. 353 the oration instead of employing them as means to ward off
against Timocrates. The general esteem which the danger that was gathering like a storm at a
Demosthenes enjoyed as early as that time is distance. This disposition was, moreover, fostered
sufficiently attested by the fact, that in B. c. by the ruling party at Athens. It was further an
354, in spite of all the intrigues of Meidins, he unfortunate circumstance for Athens that, although
was confirmed in the dignity of Bouleutńs, to she had some able generals, yet she had no military
which he had been elected by loi (Dem. c. Meid. genius of the first order to lead her forces against
p. 551), and that in the year following he con- the Macedonian, and make head against him. It
ducted, in the capacity of architheoros, the usual was only on one occasion, in B. c. 353, that the
theoria, which the state of Athens sent to the fes- Athenians gained decided advantages by a diver-
tival of the Nemcan Zeus (c. Meid. p. 552). The sion of their fleet, which prevented Philip passing
active part he took in public affairs is further | Thermopylae during the war between the Phocians
attested by the orations which belong to this period: and Thebans. But a report of Philip's illness and
in E. c. 354 he spoke against the projected expedi- death soon made room for the old apathy, and the
tion to Euboea, though without success, and he good-will of those who would have acted with
himself afterwards joined in it under Phocion. spirit was paralyzed by the entire absence of any
(I)em. de Pace, p. 58, c. Meid. p. 558. ) In the definite plan in the war against Macedonia, al-
same year he delivered the oration Tepl ovupopiớv, though the necessity of such a plan had been
in which he successfully dissuaded the Athenians pointed out, and proposals had been made for it by
from their foolish scheine of undertaking a war | Demosthenes in his first Philippic, which was
against Persia (Dem. de Rhod. lib. p. 192), and in spoken in B. c. 352. Philip's attack upon Olynthus
B. C. 353 he spoke for the Megalopolitans (UTèp in B. c. 349, which terminated in the year follow-
Meyadowolitwv), and opposed the Spartans, who ing with the conquest of the place, deprired the
had solicited the aid of Athens to reduce Megalo- Athenians of their last stronghold in the north.
polis.
At the request of several embassies from the Olyn-
The one hundred and sixth Olympiad, or the thians, and on the impressive exhortation of De-
period from B. c. 350, is the beginning of the career mosthenes in his three Olynthiac orations, the
of Demosthenes as one of the leading statesmen of Athenians had indeed made considerable efforts to
Athens, and henceforth the history of his life is save Olynthus (Dem. de Fals. Leg. p. 426; Dionys.
closely mixed up with that of his country; for Ep. ad Amm. i. 9), but their operations were
there is no question affecting the public good thwarted in the end by a treacherous plot which
in which he did not take the most active part, and was formed at Olynthus itself, and the town fell
support with all the power of his oratory what he into the hands of Philip.
considered right and beneficial to the state. King The next event in which Demosthenes took an
Philip of Macedonia had commenced in B. C. 358 active part is the peace with Philip, which from
his encroachments upon the possessions of Athens its originator is called the peace of Philocrates, and
in the north of the Aegean, and he had taken pos- is one of the most obscure points in the history of
session of the towns of Amphipolis, Pydna, Poti- Demosthenes and of Athens, since none of the his-
daca, and Methone. During those proceedings he torians whose works are extant enter into the
had contrived to keep the Athenians at a distance, details of the subject. Our only sources of infor-
to deceive them and keep them in good humour by mation are the orations of Demosthenes and Aes-
delusions and apparently favourable promises. chines on the embassy (Tepi Tapat perbelas), which
Demosthenes was not, indeed, the only man who contain statements so much at variance and so
saw that these proceedings were merely a prelude contradictory, that it is next to impossible to come
to greater things, and that unless the king was to any certain conclusions, although, if we consider
checked, he would attempt the subjugation, not the characters of the two orators, the authority of
only of Athens but of all Greece; but Demos Demosthenes is entitled to higher credit than that
thenes was the only person who had the honesty of Aeschines. The former may, to some extent,
and the courage openly to express his opinions, have been labouring under a delusion, but Aes-
and to call upon the Greeks to unite their strength chines had the intention to deceive. The following
against the common foe. His patriotic feelings particulars, however, may be looked upon as well
and convictions against Macedonian aggrandize-established. During the Olynthian war, Philip
ment are the groundwork of his Philippics, a series had expressed his willingness to conclude a peace
of the most splendid and spirited orations. They and alliance with Athens, and the Athenians, who
## p. 984 (#1004) ###########################################
984
DEMOSTIENES.
DEMOSTHENES.
ܪ
were tired of the war and unable to form a coali- , the people, and persuaded them quietly to wait for
tion against the king, had accepted the proposal. the issue of the events. Philip in the meantime
Philocrates accordingly advised the Athenians to passed Thermopylne, and the fate of Phocis was
commence negotiations and to send an embassy to decided without a blow. The king was now ad-
Philip. Demosthenes supported the plan, and mitted as a member of the Amphictyonic league,
Philocrates, Aeschines, and Demosthenes were and the Athenians, who had allowed themselves to
among the ambassadors who went to the king. act the part of mere spectators during those pro-
The transactions with Philip are not quite clear, ceedings, were now unable to do anything, but still
though they must have referred to the Phocians they ventured to express their indignation at the
and Thebans also, for the Phocians were allied king's conduct by refusing their sinction to his
with Athens, and the Athenian ambassadors pro- becoming a member of the Amphictyonic league.
bably demanded that the Phocians should be in. The mischief, however, was done, and in oruer
cluded in the treaty of peace and alliance between to prevent still more serious consequences, Demos-
Macedonia and Athens. But this was more than thenes, in B. C. 316, delivered his oration “on the
Philip was inclined to agree to, since he had peace" (Tepi cipávns), and the people gave way.
already resolved upon the destruction of the Pho- From this time forward the two political parties
cians. It is, therefore, very probable that he may are fully developed, and openly act against each
have quieted the ambassadors by vague promises, other ; the party or rather the faction to which
and have declined to comply with their demand Aeschines belonged, was bribed by Philip to op-
under the pretext that he could not make a public pose the true patriots, who were headed by De-
declaration in favour of the Phocians on account of inosthenes. He was assisted in luis great work by
his relation to the Thessalians and Thebans. After such able men as Lycurgus, Hyperides, Polyeuctus,
the return of the ambassadors to Athens, the peace Hegesippus, and others, and being supported by
was discussed in two successive assemblies of the his contidence in the good cause, he soon reached
people, and it was at length sanctioned and sworn the highest point in his career as a statesman and
to by an oath to the king's ambassadors. Aeschines orator. The basis of his power and intiuence was
censures Demosthenes for having hurried the con- the people's conviction of his incorruptible love of
clusion of this peace so much, that the Athenians justice and of his pure and enthusiastic love of his
did not even wait for the arrival of the deputies of country. This conviction manifested itself clearly
their allies, who had been invited, and the contra- in the vengeance which the people took upon the
dictory manner in which Demosthenes himself (de treacherous Philocrates. (Aeschin. c. Ctesiph. §
Fals. Leg. p. 316, de Coron. p. 232) speaks of the 79. ) But this admiration and reverence for real
niatter seems indeed to cast some suspicion upon and virtuous greatness soon cooled, and it was in
him; but the cause of Demosthenes's acting as he did vain that Demosthenes endeavoured to place the
may have been the vague manner in which Philip other men who had betrayed their country to Phi-
had expressed himself in regard to the Phocians. At lip in their embassy to him, in the same light as
any rate, however, quick decision was absolutely Philocrates (Dem. de Fals. Leg. p. 376), for the
necessary, since Philip was in the meantime making people were unwilling to sacritice more than the
war upon Cersohleptes, a king of Thrace, and one man, whom the Macedonian party itself had
since, in spite of his promises to spare the posses- given up in order to save the rest. It was un-
sions of Athens in the Chersonesuis, he might easily doubtedly owing to the influence of this party that
have been tempted to stretch out his hands after Aeschines, when after a long delay he consented
them: in order to prevent this, it was necessary that to render an account of his conduct during the
Philip, as soon as possible, should take his oath to embassy, B. C. 343, escaped punishment, notwith-
the treaty of peace and alliance with Athens. It standing the vehement attacks of Demosthenes in
was on this occasion that the treacherous designs of the written oration Tepi Tapanpeopeias.
