[128]
Ammianus
Marcellinus (XV.
Napoleon - History of Julius Caesar - b
The Museum of Saint-Germain contains bracelets
and earrings of chased gold, found, in 1863, in a tumulus situated near
Châtillon-sur-Seine.
[88] _De Bello Gallico_, VI. 14.
[89] _De Bello Gallico_, VI. 13.
[90] Pliny, _Hist. Nat. _, VIII. xlviii. lxxiii. , p. 127, edit. Sillig.
[91] _De Bello Gallico_, VII. 22. --Pliny, XXXIV. xvii. , p. 162, edit.
Sillig.
[92] “Deinde et argentum incoquere simili modo cœpere, equorum maxime
ornamentis, jumentorumque ac jugorum, in Alesia oppido. ” (Pliny, XXXIV.
xvii. , p. 162. --Florus, III. 2. )
[93] Milk and the flesh of wild or domestic animals, especially swine’s
flesh fresh or salted, formed the principal food of the Gauls. (Strabo,
IV. , p. 163. )--Beer and mead were the principal drink of the Gauls.
(Posidonius quoted by Athenæus, IV. , p. 151, _Fragmenta Historicum
Græc. _, III. 260. )--This statement is made also by Diodorus Siculus (V.
26), who informs us that this beer was made with barley.
[94] Cicero already remarked the propensity of the Gauls to drunkenness
(_Orat. pro Fonteio_), and Ammianus Marcellinus (XV. 12) also addresses
the same reproach to them, which is again stated in Diodorus Siculus (V.
26).
[95] “The Gauls, in their great hospitality, invited the stranger to
their meal as soon as he presented himself, and it was only after
drinking and eating with them that they inquired his name and country. ”
(Diodorus Siculus, V. 28. )
[96] Strabo (IV. , p. 162) says that the Gauls were of a frank character
and good-hearted (literally, without malice). --Ammianus Marcellinus (XV.
12), who wrote at the end of the fifth century, represents the Gauls as
excessively vain. --Strabo (IV. , p. 165) assures us that they were much
inclined to disputes and quarrels.
[97] Cæsar often speaks of the fickleness of temper of this people,
which, during a long period, gave great trouble to the Roman people.
“Omnes fere Gallos novis rebus studere, et ad bellum mobiliter
celeriterque excitari. ” (_De Bello Gallico_, III 10. )--Lampridius, in
his _Life of Alexander Severus_, 59, expresses himself thus: “But the
Gauls, those tempers hard to deal with, and who regret all they have
ceased to possess, often furnished grave cares to the
emperors. ”--“Gallorum subita et repentina consilia. ” (_De Bello
Gallico_, III. 8. )
[98] _De Bello Gallico_, III. 19.
[99] Diodorus Siculus (V. 31) says that the language of the Gauls was
very concise and figurative, and that the Gauls made use of hyperbole in
blaming and praising.
[100] Diodorus Siculus, V. 32. --Strabo, IV. , p. 165. --Athenæus, XIII. ,
p. 603.
[101] _De Bello Gallico_, VII. 47 and 48. --Among the Gauls, the women
were equal to the men, not only in size, but also in courage. (Diodorus
Siculus, V. 32. )--The Gaulish women were tall and strong. --Ammianus
Marcellinus (XV. 12) writes: “Several foreigners together could not
wrestle against a single Gaul, if they quarrelled with him, especially
if he called for help to his wife, who even exceeds her husband in her
strength and in her haggard eyes. She would become especially formidable
if, swelling her throat and gnashing her teeth, she agitated her arms,
robust and white as snow, ready to act with feet or fists; to give blows
as vigorous as if they came from a catapult. ”
[102] _De Bello Gallico_, VI. 18: “Ab Dite patre prognatos. ”
[103] _De Bello Gallico_, VI. 18.
[104] _De Bello Gallico_, VI. 19.
[105] The Gauls, like most of the barbarian peoples, looked upon the
other life as resembling the present. And with this sentiment, at the
funeral, they threw into the funereal pile, letters addressed to the
dead, which they imagined he read. (Diodorus Siculus, V. 28. )
[106] Titus Livius tells us (XXXVIII. 17) that the Gauls had long swords
(_prælongi gladii_) and great bucklers (_vasta scuta_). In another
passage (XXII. 46) he remarks that the swords of the Gauls were long and
without point (_prælongi ac sine mucronibus_). --Their bucklers were
long, narrow, and flat (_scuta longa, cœterum ad amplitudinem corporum
parum lata et ea ipsa plana_). (Titus Livius, XXXVIII. 21. )--“Et Biturix
longisque leves Suessones in armis. ” (Lucan, _Pharsalia_, I.
422. )--Didorus Siculus (V. 30) says that the Gauls had iron coats of
mail. He adds: “Instead of glaive (ξἱφος), they have long swords
(σπἁθη), which they carry suspended to their right side by chains of
iron or bronze. Some bind their tunics with gilt or silvered girdles.
They have spears (λὁγχη or λογχἱς) having an iron blade a cubit long,
and sometimes more. The breadth is almost two palms, for the blade of
these _saunions_ (the Gaulish dart) is not less than that of our glaive,
and it is a little longer. Of these blades, some are forged straight,
others present undulated curves, so that they not only cut in striking,
but in addition they tear the wound when they are drawn out. ”
[107] Strabo, IV. , p. 163, edit. Didot. --Pseudo-Cicero (_Ad Herennium_,
IV. 32) writes _materis_.
[108] The _amentum_ was a small strap of leather which served to throw
the javelin and doubled its distance of carriage, as recent trials have
proved. In the _De Bello Gallico_, V. 48, there is mention of a Gaul
throwing the javelin with the _amentum_; but this Gaul was in the Roman
service, which explains his having more perfect arms. Strabo says that
the Gauls used javelins like the Roman _velites_, but that they threw
them with the hand, and not by means of a strap. (Strabo, edit. Didot,
II. 65. )
[109] Diodorus Siculus, V. 30.
[110] Diodorus Siculus, V. 30. --Varro, _De Lingua Latina_, V. 116. --The
Museum of Zurich possesses a Gaulish breastplate formed of long plates
of iron. The Louvre and the Museum of Saint-Germain possess Gaulish
breastplates in bronze.
[111] “Optimus excusso Lucus Remusque lacerto. ” (Lucan, _Pharsalia_, I.
424. )
[112] “Pugnaces pictis cohibebant Lingonas armis. ” (Lucan, _Pharsalia_,
I. 398. )
[113] Strabo, IV. , p. 163, edit. Didot.
[114] Pausanias (_Phocid. _, XIX. 10, 11), speaking of the ancient Gauls,
who had penetrated to Delphi, says that “each horseman had with him two
esquires, who were also mounted on horses; when the cavalry was engaged
in combat, these esquires were poised behind the main body of the army,
either to replace the horsemen who were killed, or to give their horse
to their companion if he lost his own, or to take his place in case he
were wounded, while the other esquire carried him out of the battle. ”
[115] _De Bello Civili_, I. 39.
[116] _De Bello Gallico_, III. 20 and VII. 22.
[117] _De Bello Gallico_, III. 21 and VII. 22.
[118] _De Bello Gallico_, VIII. 14.
[119] Diodorus Siculus, V. 29. --See the bas-reliefs from Entremonts in
the Museum of Aix, representing Gaulish horsemen, whose horses have
human heads suspended to the poitrel.
[120] Cæsar, _De Bello Gallico_, IV. 5; VII. 3.
[121] Titus Livius (V. 46) represents the Gauls as very religious.
[122] The existence of human sacrifices among the Gauls is attested by a
great number of authors. (Cicero, _Orat. pro Fonteio_, xiv.
31. --Dionysius of Halicarnassus, I. 38. --Lucan, _Pharsalia_, I. 444;
III. 399, _et seq. _--Solinus, 21. --Plutarch, _De Superstitione_, p.
171. --Strabo, IV. , p. 164, edit. Didot. )
[123] _De Bello Gallico_, VI. 17.
[124] _Pharsalia_, I. , lines 445, 446.
[125] “So, in spite of their love of money, the Gauls never touched the
piles of gold deposited in the temples and sacred woods, so great was
their horror of sacrilege. ” (Diodorus Siculus, V. 27. )
[126] _De Bello Gallico_, VI. 13, _et seq. _
[127] “The Gauls have poets who celebrate in rhythmic words, on a sort
of lyre, the high deeds of heroes, or who turn to derision disgraceful
actions. ” (Diodorus Siculus, V. 31. ) And he adds: “They have
philosophers and theologians, who are held in great honour, and are
named _Druids_ (according to certain texts, _Saronides_). They have
diviners, whose predictions are held in great respect. These consult the
future by the aid of auguries and the entrails of the victims; and, in
solemn circumstances, they have recourse to strange and incredible
rites. They immolate a man by striking him with a sword above the
diaphragm, and they draw presages from the manner in which he falls, in
which he struggles, or in which the blood flows. They authority of the
Druids and bards is not less powerful in peace than in war. Friends and
enemies consult them, and submit to their decision; it has often been
sufficient to arrest two armies on the point of engaging. ”--Strabo (VI. ,
p. 164, edit. Didot) relates nearly the same facts. He makes a
distinction also between the bards, the priests, and the Druids.
[128] Ammianus Marcellinus (XV. 9) speaks as follows of the ancient
Druids: “The men of that country (Gaul), having become gradually
polished, caused the useful studies to flourish which the bards, the
_euhages_ (prophets), and the Druids had begun to cultivate. The bards
sang, in heroic verse, to the sound of their lyres, the lofty deeds of
men; the _euhages_ tried, by meditation, to explain the order and
marvels of nature. In the midst of these were distinguished the Druids,
who united in a society, occupied themselves with profound and sublime
questions, raised themselves above human affairs, and sustained the
immortality of the soul. ” These details, which Ammianus Marcellinus
borrows from the Greek historian Timagenes, a contemporary of Cæsar, and
from other authors, show that the sacerdotal caste comprised three
classes--1, the bards; 2, the prophets; 3, the Druids, properly so
called.
[129] Amédée Thierry, II. 1.
[130] See Paulus Diaconus, p. 4, edit. Müller.
[131] Diodorus Siculus, V. 29.
[132] _De Bello Gallico_; III. 22.
[133] Cæsar mentions the names of ten kings: 1. Catamantalœdes, among
the Sequani (I. 3); 2. Divitiacus and Galba, among the Suessiones (II.
4, 13): 3. Commius, among the Atrebates (IV. 21, 27, 35; V. 22; VI. 6;
VII. 75, 76, 79; VIII. 6, 7, 10, 21, 23, 47, 48); 4. Catuvolcus, among
the Eburones (V. 24, 26; VI. 31); 5. Tasgetius, among the Carnutes (V.
25, 29); 6. Cavarinus, among the Treviri (V. 54; VI. 5); 7. Ambiorix,
among the Eburones (V. 24, 26, 27, 29, 38, 41; VI. 5, 6, 19, 29, 30, 31,
32, 42, 47; VIII. 24, 25); 8. Moritasgus, among the Senones (V. 54); 9.
Teutomatus, among the Nitiobriges (VII. 31, 46).
[134] _De Bello Gallico_, VII. 88; VIII. 12.
[135] _De Bello Gallico_, I. 16.
[136] Thus the _Civitates Armoricæ_ (V. 53; VII. 75; VIII. 81); Belgium
(V. 12, 24, 25; VIII. 46, 49, 54; the Aulerci Cenomanni and the Aulerci
Eburovices (II. 34; III. 17; VII. 4, 75; VIII. 7). See the interesting
memoir by Mr. Valentino Smith.
[137] Ambarri, necessarii et consanguinei Æduorum (I. 11); Suessiones
fratres consanguineosque Remorum, qui eodem jure et iisdem legibus
utuntur (II. 3); Suessiones qui Remis erant adtributi (VIII. 6).
[138] _In fide_; thus the Ædui with the Bellovaci (II. 14); with the
Senones (VI. 4); with the Bituriges (VII. 5).
[139] Eburonum et Condrusorum, qui sunt Trevirorum clientes (IV. 6);
Carnutes . . . usi deprecatoribus Remis, quorum erant in clientela (VI.
4); imperant Æduis atque eorum clientibus Segusiavis, Ambluaretis,
Aulercis Brannovicibus, Brannoviis (VII. 75)
[140] The known federations of this kind are--1, that of the Belgæ
against the Romans, in the year 57 before Jesus Christ (_De Bello
Gallico_, II. 4); 2, that of the Veneti with the neighbouring tribes, in
the year 56 (_De Bello Gallico_, III. 9); 3, that of the Treviri, the
Nervii, The Aduatuci, and the Menapii, in the year 53 (_De Bello
Gallico_, VI. 2); 4, that of the peoples who invested Camulogenus with
the supreme power, in 52 (_De Bello Gallico_, VII. 57); 5, the great
federation which placed all the forces of Gaul under the command of
Vercingetorix (_De Bello Gallico_, VII. 63).
[141] _De Bello Gallico_, VI. 11.
[142] _De Bello Gallico_, VI. 11.
[143] _De Bello Gallico_, V. 3, 54; VI. 11; VII. 75; VIII. 22.
[144] _De Bello Gallico_, I. 30.
[145] _De Bello Gallico_, VII. 63.
[146] _De Bello Gallico_, VI. 11.
[147] _De Bello Gallico_, VI. 12.
[148] _De Bello Gallico_, VII. 4.
[149] _Précis des Guerres de César_, by the Emperor Napoleon I. , p. 53,
Paris, 1836.
[150] The hostility which prevailed between the Sequani and the Ædui was
further augmented, according to Strabo, by the following cause: “These
two tribes, separated by the Arar (the _Saône_), both claimed the right
of tolls. ” (Strabo, p. 160, edit. Didot. )
[151] “Divitiacus, introduced to the Senate, explained the subject of
his mission. He was offered a seat, but refused that honour, and
pronounced his discourse leaning on his buckler. ” (Eumenius, _Panegyric
of Constantine_, cap. 3. )
[152] _De Bello Gallico_, VI. 12.
[153] The limits of Illyria, in the time of Cæsar, are hardly known; yet
it appears that this province comprised the modern Istria and part of
Carniola. Aquileia was its capital, situated at the head of the gulf of
the Adriatic Sea, not far from the Isonzo. In fact, Strabo (I. , p. 178)
says that Aquileia was situated without the frontiers of the Veneti, in
whose territory this town was included under Augustus. On another side,
Titus Livius (XXXIX. 55) informs us that the colony of Aquileia had been
founded in Istria; and Herodotus (I. 196), as well as Appian, reckons
the Istrians among the peoples of Illyria.
[154] “Molita cibaria. ” (_De Bello Gallico_, I. 5. )
[155] Inhabitants of the country of Bâle. The Rauraci inhabited the
diocese of Bâle, which was called _Augusta Rauracorum_.
[156] Inhabitants of the south of the Grand Duchy of Baden. The town of
Stulingen, near Schaffhausen, is believed to derive its name from the
Tulingi.
[157] _De Bello Gallico_, I. 3, 4, and 5. --Scholars have taken great
pains to determine the concordance between the ante-Julian calendar and
the Julian calendar; unfortunately, the results at which they have
arrived are very imperfect. We have asked M. Le Verrier to solve this
difficult problem, and we owe to his courtesy the tables placed at the
end of this volume. (_Appendix A. _)
[158] The bed of the Rhone has changed at several points since the time
of Cæsar; at present, according to the report of those who live on its
banks, there are no fords except between Russin, on the right bank, and
the mill of Vert, on the left bank. (_See Plate 3. _)
[159] _De Bello Gallico_, I. 6.
[160] Plutarch, _Cæsar_, 18.
[161] This part of the Jura on the left bank of the Rhone is called the
_Mont du Vuache_.
[162] _De Bello Gallico_, I. 8.
[163] M. Queypo, in his learned work on the weights and measures of the
ancients, assigns to the Roman foot, subdivided into twelve inches, a
length of 0·29630m. The Roman pace was five feet, so that the mile was
equivalent to a length of 1481·50m.
[164] Dio Cassius says that “Cæsar fortified with retrenchments and
walls the most important points. ” (XXXVIII. 31. )
[165] The retrenchments which Cæsar calls _murus fossaque_ could not be
a wall, in the usual acceptation of the word: first, because a wall
would have been but a weak obstacle; further, because the materials were
not found on the spot; and lastly, because if so great a quantity of
stones had been collected on the bank of the Rhone, we should still find
traces of them. I have therefore sought another explanation, and thought
that _murus_ might be understood of a natural escarpment rendered
steeper by a slight work. Penetrated with this idea, I sought Baron
Stoffel, the commandant of artillery, to inspect the localities, and the
result of his researches has fully confirmed my suppositions. The
following is a summary of his report:--
Considered in its _ensemble_, from Geneva to the Pas-de-l’Ecluse, the
Rhone presents the appearance of an immense fosse from 100 to 120 mètres
broad, with abrupt and very elevated scarp and counter-scarp. The parts
where it does not present this character are few, and of relatively
small extent. They are the only ones where operations for passing the
river could be attempted--the only ones, consequently, which Cæsar would
have need to fortify on the left bank.
1. From Geneva to the confluence of the Arve and the Rhone, an extent of
1½ kilomètres. Breadth of the river, 90 to 100 mètres. --The left bank is
flat in the whole of this extent. The right bank has escarpments almost
vertical, the height of which varies from 15 to 35 mètres. (_See Plate
3_, mean profile between Geneva and the Arve. ) No attempt at passage
could have taken place, neither at Geneva, nor between the town and the
Arve.
2. From the Arve to the plateau of Aire-la-Ville, extent 12½
kilomètres. --After leaving the confluence of the Arve, the heights of
the right bank of the Rhone increase in elevation; the escarpments
become formidable. --The left bank is bordered with similar escarpments,
and the river runs thus between high and abrupt banks, everywhere
impassable. It preserves this character to a kilomètre above the ravine
of Avril, near Peney. The profiles _a a_ and _b b_ give an idea of the
escarpments of the banks from the Avre to the ravine of Avril. (_See
Plate 3_. )--The heights which, on the right bank of the Rhone, extend
from Vernier to Peney, sink gradually from one of these villages towards
the other, and they form to the east of the ravine of Avril a plateau,
the mean elevation of which above the bed of the river is only 20
mètres. Opposite, on the left bank, extends the plateau of
Aire-la-Ville. Length 1,700 mètres; breadth, 700 mètres; mean elevation
above the bed of the Rhone, 20 to 25 mètres. The heights of the Peney
are well disposed for the establishment of an army, and the plateau of
Aire-la-Ville would permit an army, the Rhone once passed, to deploy
easily. But, in spite of these advantages, it is certain that the
Helvetii attempted no operation on this side, for the Rhone flows at the
foot of a slope of the height of from 14 to 16 mètres and an inclination
of at least 45 degrees.
3. From the plateau of Aire-la-Ville to the point of Epeisses, extent 6
kilomètres. --Down the river from the escarpments of Peney, the heights
of the right bank (heights of Russin) form with those of the left bank
an immense amphitheatre, nearly circular, the arena of which would be
the ground represented green on Plate 3 (diameter, 1½ kilomètres). From
the heights of Russin we can descend into the plain to the water of the
river. The Rhone, in this part, has never been deep or rapid. The left
bank is little elevated, entirely flat opposite the mill of Vert, and
the slope of the heights which command it is far from impracticable.
Thus, it was here possible for the Helvetii to effect the passage of the
river, and climb the heights of the left bank, if they had not been
fortified or guarded. This operation presented least difficulty in the
part _t t o_. And we can hardly doubt that the Romans fortified it to
add to the natural obstacles, which were insufficient in this extent.
(_See the profile c c. _)
An attentive examination of the locality, the discovery of certain
irregularities of ground, which we may be allowed to consider as
vestiges, lead us to explain in the following manner the expression
_murum fossamque perducit_.
Cæsar took advantage of the mean heights at the foot of which the Rhone
flows, to cause to be made, on the slope towards the river, and
beginning with the crest, a longitudinal trench, of such a depth that
the main wall had an elevation of 16 feet. The earth arising from the
excavation was thrown down the side of the slope, and the crest was
furnished with palisades. (_See the profile of the retrenchment. _) It
was, properly speaking, a fosse, the scarp of which was higher than the
counter-scarp.
The hills on the left bank, which rise opposite Russin, are accessible,
especially in an extent of 900 mètres, reckoning from the point where
the ravine which descends to Aire-la-Ville opens upon the river. They
form there, among other peculiarities of the ground, a terrace 8 mètres
in breadth, rising from 13 to 14 mètres above the plain, and descending
to this by a tolerably uniform _talus_ of 45 degrees.
The Romans would be able to prevent the access by means of the trench
just described. They, no doubt, continued it to the point _o_, where the
terrace ceases, and the heights become impracticable. It would then have
been from 800 to 900 mètres long.
If we continue to descend the Rhone, we meet, on the left bank, first
with the perpendicular escarpments of Cartigny, which are 70 or 80
mètres in height, and then abrupt beaches to near Avully. Below
Cartigny, the Rhone surrounds a little plain, very slightly inclined
towards the river, and presenting a projection of land (_v r_) from 5 to
6 mètres high, with a _talus_ of less than 45 degrees. The bank being of
small elevation, the Helvetii might have landed there. To prevent this,
the Romans opened, in the _talus_ which fronted the Rhone, a trench
similar to the preceding; it was 250 mètres long.
The heights of Avully and Epeisses leave between them and the river a
tolerably vast space, composed of two distinct parts. The first is
formed of gentle slopes from Avully to a projection of land, _q p_; the
other part is a plain comprised between this projection of land and the
left bank of the river. On the right bank a torrent-like river, the
London, debouches into flat ground named La Plaine. The Helvetii might
have made their preparations for passing the Rhone there, and directed
their efforts towards the western point of La Plaine, in face of the low
and flat land comprised between the left bank and the escarpment _q p_.
In this part the left bank is only from 1½ to 2 mètres high. Moreover,
the slopes of Avully are not difficult to climb, and therefore the
Romans must have sought to bar the passage in this direction. (_See the
broken profile d e f.
and earrings of chased gold, found, in 1863, in a tumulus situated near
Châtillon-sur-Seine.
[88] _De Bello Gallico_, VI. 14.
[89] _De Bello Gallico_, VI. 13.
[90] Pliny, _Hist. Nat. _, VIII. xlviii. lxxiii. , p. 127, edit. Sillig.
[91] _De Bello Gallico_, VII. 22. --Pliny, XXXIV. xvii. , p. 162, edit.
Sillig.
[92] “Deinde et argentum incoquere simili modo cœpere, equorum maxime
ornamentis, jumentorumque ac jugorum, in Alesia oppido. ” (Pliny, XXXIV.
xvii. , p. 162. --Florus, III. 2. )
[93] Milk and the flesh of wild or domestic animals, especially swine’s
flesh fresh or salted, formed the principal food of the Gauls. (Strabo,
IV. , p. 163. )--Beer and mead were the principal drink of the Gauls.
(Posidonius quoted by Athenæus, IV. , p. 151, _Fragmenta Historicum
Græc. _, III. 260. )--This statement is made also by Diodorus Siculus (V.
26), who informs us that this beer was made with barley.
[94] Cicero already remarked the propensity of the Gauls to drunkenness
(_Orat. pro Fonteio_), and Ammianus Marcellinus (XV. 12) also addresses
the same reproach to them, which is again stated in Diodorus Siculus (V.
26).
[95] “The Gauls, in their great hospitality, invited the stranger to
their meal as soon as he presented himself, and it was only after
drinking and eating with them that they inquired his name and country. ”
(Diodorus Siculus, V. 28. )
[96] Strabo (IV. , p. 162) says that the Gauls were of a frank character
and good-hearted (literally, without malice). --Ammianus Marcellinus (XV.
12), who wrote at the end of the fifth century, represents the Gauls as
excessively vain. --Strabo (IV. , p. 165) assures us that they were much
inclined to disputes and quarrels.
[97] Cæsar often speaks of the fickleness of temper of this people,
which, during a long period, gave great trouble to the Roman people.
“Omnes fere Gallos novis rebus studere, et ad bellum mobiliter
celeriterque excitari. ” (_De Bello Gallico_, III 10. )--Lampridius, in
his _Life of Alexander Severus_, 59, expresses himself thus: “But the
Gauls, those tempers hard to deal with, and who regret all they have
ceased to possess, often furnished grave cares to the
emperors. ”--“Gallorum subita et repentina consilia. ” (_De Bello
Gallico_, III. 8. )
[98] _De Bello Gallico_, III. 19.
[99] Diodorus Siculus (V. 31) says that the language of the Gauls was
very concise and figurative, and that the Gauls made use of hyperbole in
blaming and praising.
[100] Diodorus Siculus, V. 32. --Strabo, IV. , p. 165. --Athenæus, XIII. ,
p. 603.
[101] _De Bello Gallico_, VII. 47 and 48. --Among the Gauls, the women
were equal to the men, not only in size, but also in courage. (Diodorus
Siculus, V. 32. )--The Gaulish women were tall and strong. --Ammianus
Marcellinus (XV. 12) writes: “Several foreigners together could not
wrestle against a single Gaul, if they quarrelled with him, especially
if he called for help to his wife, who even exceeds her husband in her
strength and in her haggard eyes. She would become especially formidable
if, swelling her throat and gnashing her teeth, she agitated her arms,
robust and white as snow, ready to act with feet or fists; to give blows
as vigorous as if they came from a catapult. ”
[102] _De Bello Gallico_, VI. 18: “Ab Dite patre prognatos. ”
[103] _De Bello Gallico_, VI. 18.
[104] _De Bello Gallico_, VI. 19.
[105] The Gauls, like most of the barbarian peoples, looked upon the
other life as resembling the present. And with this sentiment, at the
funeral, they threw into the funereal pile, letters addressed to the
dead, which they imagined he read. (Diodorus Siculus, V. 28. )
[106] Titus Livius tells us (XXXVIII. 17) that the Gauls had long swords
(_prælongi gladii_) and great bucklers (_vasta scuta_). In another
passage (XXII. 46) he remarks that the swords of the Gauls were long and
without point (_prælongi ac sine mucronibus_). --Their bucklers were
long, narrow, and flat (_scuta longa, cœterum ad amplitudinem corporum
parum lata et ea ipsa plana_). (Titus Livius, XXXVIII. 21. )--“Et Biturix
longisque leves Suessones in armis. ” (Lucan, _Pharsalia_, I.
422. )--Didorus Siculus (V. 30) says that the Gauls had iron coats of
mail. He adds: “Instead of glaive (ξἱφος), they have long swords
(σπἁθη), which they carry suspended to their right side by chains of
iron or bronze. Some bind their tunics with gilt or silvered girdles.
They have spears (λὁγχη or λογχἱς) having an iron blade a cubit long,
and sometimes more. The breadth is almost two palms, for the blade of
these _saunions_ (the Gaulish dart) is not less than that of our glaive,
and it is a little longer. Of these blades, some are forged straight,
others present undulated curves, so that they not only cut in striking,
but in addition they tear the wound when they are drawn out. ”
[107] Strabo, IV. , p. 163, edit. Didot. --Pseudo-Cicero (_Ad Herennium_,
IV. 32) writes _materis_.
[108] The _amentum_ was a small strap of leather which served to throw
the javelin and doubled its distance of carriage, as recent trials have
proved. In the _De Bello Gallico_, V. 48, there is mention of a Gaul
throwing the javelin with the _amentum_; but this Gaul was in the Roman
service, which explains his having more perfect arms. Strabo says that
the Gauls used javelins like the Roman _velites_, but that they threw
them with the hand, and not by means of a strap. (Strabo, edit. Didot,
II. 65. )
[109] Diodorus Siculus, V. 30.
[110] Diodorus Siculus, V. 30. --Varro, _De Lingua Latina_, V. 116. --The
Museum of Zurich possesses a Gaulish breastplate formed of long plates
of iron. The Louvre and the Museum of Saint-Germain possess Gaulish
breastplates in bronze.
[111] “Optimus excusso Lucus Remusque lacerto. ” (Lucan, _Pharsalia_, I.
424. )
[112] “Pugnaces pictis cohibebant Lingonas armis. ” (Lucan, _Pharsalia_,
I. 398. )
[113] Strabo, IV. , p. 163, edit. Didot.
[114] Pausanias (_Phocid. _, XIX. 10, 11), speaking of the ancient Gauls,
who had penetrated to Delphi, says that “each horseman had with him two
esquires, who were also mounted on horses; when the cavalry was engaged
in combat, these esquires were poised behind the main body of the army,
either to replace the horsemen who were killed, or to give their horse
to their companion if he lost his own, or to take his place in case he
were wounded, while the other esquire carried him out of the battle. ”
[115] _De Bello Civili_, I. 39.
[116] _De Bello Gallico_, III. 20 and VII. 22.
[117] _De Bello Gallico_, III. 21 and VII. 22.
[118] _De Bello Gallico_, VIII. 14.
[119] Diodorus Siculus, V. 29. --See the bas-reliefs from Entremonts in
the Museum of Aix, representing Gaulish horsemen, whose horses have
human heads suspended to the poitrel.
[120] Cæsar, _De Bello Gallico_, IV. 5; VII. 3.
[121] Titus Livius (V. 46) represents the Gauls as very religious.
[122] The existence of human sacrifices among the Gauls is attested by a
great number of authors. (Cicero, _Orat. pro Fonteio_, xiv.
31. --Dionysius of Halicarnassus, I. 38. --Lucan, _Pharsalia_, I. 444;
III. 399, _et seq. _--Solinus, 21. --Plutarch, _De Superstitione_, p.
171. --Strabo, IV. , p. 164, edit. Didot. )
[123] _De Bello Gallico_, VI. 17.
[124] _Pharsalia_, I. , lines 445, 446.
[125] “So, in spite of their love of money, the Gauls never touched the
piles of gold deposited in the temples and sacred woods, so great was
their horror of sacrilege. ” (Diodorus Siculus, V. 27. )
[126] _De Bello Gallico_, VI. 13, _et seq. _
[127] “The Gauls have poets who celebrate in rhythmic words, on a sort
of lyre, the high deeds of heroes, or who turn to derision disgraceful
actions. ” (Diodorus Siculus, V. 31. ) And he adds: “They have
philosophers and theologians, who are held in great honour, and are
named _Druids_ (according to certain texts, _Saronides_). They have
diviners, whose predictions are held in great respect. These consult the
future by the aid of auguries and the entrails of the victims; and, in
solemn circumstances, they have recourse to strange and incredible
rites. They immolate a man by striking him with a sword above the
diaphragm, and they draw presages from the manner in which he falls, in
which he struggles, or in which the blood flows. They authority of the
Druids and bards is not less powerful in peace than in war. Friends and
enemies consult them, and submit to their decision; it has often been
sufficient to arrest two armies on the point of engaging. ”--Strabo (VI. ,
p. 164, edit. Didot) relates nearly the same facts. He makes a
distinction also between the bards, the priests, and the Druids.
[128] Ammianus Marcellinus (XV. 9) speaks as follows of the ancient
Druids: “The men of that country (Gaul), having become gradually
polished, caused the useful studies to flourish which the bards, the
_euhages_ (prophets), and the Druids had begun to cultivate. The bards
sang, in heroic verse, to the sound of their lyres, the lofty deeds of
men; the _euhages_ tried, by meditation, to explain the order and
marvels of nature. In the midst of these were distinguished the Druids,
who united in a society, occupied themselves with profound and sublime
questions, raised themselves above human affairs, and sustained the
immortality of the soul. ” These details, which Ammianus Marcellinus
borrows from the Greek historian Timagenes, a contemporary of Cæsar, and
from other authors, show that the sacerdotal caste comprised three
classes--1, the bards; 2, the prophets; 3, the Druids, properly so
called.
[129] Amédée Thierry, II. 1.
[130] See Paulus Diaconus, p. 4, edit. Müller.
[131] Diodorus Siculus, V. 29.
[132] _De Bello Gallico_; III. 22.
[133] Cæsar mentions the names of ten kings: 1. Catamantalœdes, among
the Sequani (I. 3); 2. Divitiacus and Galba, among the Suessiones (II.
4, 13): 3. Commius, among the Atrebates (IV. 21, 27, 35; V. 22; VI. 6;
VII. 75, 76, 79; VIII. 6, 7, 10, 21, 23, 47, 48); 4. Catuvolcus, among
the Eburones (V. 24, 26; VI. 31); 5. Tasgetius, among the Carnutes (V.
25, 29); 6. Cavarinus, among the Treviri (V. 54; VI. 5); 7. Ambiorix,
among the Eburones (V. 24, 26, 27, 29, 38, 41; VI. 5, 6, 19, 29, 30, 31,
32, 42, 47; VIII. 24, 25); 8. Moritasgus, among the Senones (V. 54); 9.
Teutomatus, among the Nitiobriges (VII. 31, 46).
[134] _De Bello Gallico_, VII. 88; VIII. 12.
[135] _De Bello Gallico_, I. 16.
[136] Thus the _Civitates Armoricæ_ (V. 53; VII. 75; VIII. 81); Belgium
(V. 12, 24, 25; VIII. 46, 49, 54; the Aulerci Cenomanni and the Aulerci
Eburovices (II. 34; III. 17; VII. 4, 75; VIII. 7). See the interesting
memoir by Mr. Valentino Smith.
[137] Ambarri, necessarii et consanguinei Æduorum (I. 11); Suessiones
fratres consanguineosque Remorum, qui eodem jure et iisdem legibus
utuntur (II. 3); Suessiones qui Remis erant adtributi (VIII. 6).
[138] _In fide_; thus the Ædui with the Bellovaci (II. 14); with the
Senones (VI. 4); with the Bituriges (VII. 5).
[139] Eburonum et Condrusorum, qui sunt Trevirorum clientes (IV. 6);
Carnutes . . . usi deprecatoribus Remis, quorum erant in clientela (VI.
4); imperant Æduis atque eorum clientibus Segusiavis, Ambluaretis,
Aulercis Brannovicibus, Brannoviis (VII. 75)
[140] The known federations of this kind are--1, that of the Belgæ
against the Romans, in the year 57 before Jesus Christ (_De Bello
Gallico_, II. 4); 2, that of the Veneti with the neighbouring tribes, in
the year 56 (_De Bello Gallico_, III. 9); 3, that of the Treviri, the
Nervii, The Aduatuci, and the Menapii, in the year 53 (_De Bello
Gallico_, VI. 2); 4, that of the peoples who invested Camulogenus with
the supreme power, in 52 (_De Bello Gallico_, VII. 57); 5, the great
federation which placed all the forces of Gaul under the command of
Vercingetorix (_De Bello Gallico_, VII. 63).
[141] _De Bello Gallico_, VI. 11.
[142] _De Bello Gallico_, VI. 11.
[143] _De Bello Gallico_, V. 3, 54; VI. 11; VII. 75; VIII. 22.
[144] _De Bello Gallico_, I. 30.
[145] _De Bello Gallico_, VII. 63.
[146] _De Bello Gallico_, VI. 11.
[147] _De Bello Gallico_, VI. 12.
[148] _De Bello Gallico_, VII. 4.
[149] _Précis des Guerres de César_, by the Emperor Napoleon I. , p. 53,
Paris, 1836.
[150] The hostility which prevailed between the Sequani and the Ædui was
further augmented, according to Strabo, by the following cause: “These
two tribes, separated by the Arar (the _Saône_), both claimed the right
of tolls. ” (Strabo, p. 160, edit. Didot. )
[151] “Divitiacus, introduced to the Senate, explained the subject of
his mission. He was offered a seat, but refused that honour, and
pronounced his discourse leaning on his buckler. ” (Eumenius, _Panegyric
of Constantine_, cap. 3. )
[152] _De Bello Gallico_, VI. 12.
[153] The limits of Illyria, in the time of Cæsar, are hardly known; yet
it appears that this province comprised the modern Istria and part of
Carniola. Aquileia was its capital, situated at the head of the gulf of
the Adriatic Sea, not far from the Isonzo. In fact, Strabo (I. , p. 178)
says that Aquileia was situated without the frontiers of the Veneti, in
whose territory this town was included under Augustus. On another side,
Titus Livius (XXXIX. 55) informs us that the colony of Aquileia had been
founded in Istria; and Herodotus (I. 196), as well as Appian, reckons
the Istrians among the peoples of Illyria.
[154] “Molita cibaria. ” (_De Bello Gallico_, I. 5. )
[155] Inhabitants of the country of Bâle. The Rauraci inhabited the
diocese of Bâle, which was called _Augusta Rauracorum_.
[156] Inhabitants of the south of the Grand Duchy of Baden. The town of
Stulingen, near Schaffhausen, is believed to derive its name from the
Tulingi.
[157] _De Bello Gallico_, I. 3, 4, and 5. --Scholars have taken great
pains to determine the concordance between the ante-Julian calendar and
the Julian calendar; unfortunately, the results at which they have
arrived are very imperfect. We have asked M. Le Verrier to solve this
difficult problem, and we owe to his courtesy the tables placed at the
end of this volume. (_Appendix A. _)
[158] The bed of the Rhone has changed at several points since the time
of Cæsar; at present, according to the report of those who live on its
banks, there are no fords except between Russin, on the right bank, and
the mill of Vert, on the left bank. (_See Plate 3. _)
[159] _De Bello Gallico_, I. 6.
[160] Plutarch, _Cæsar_, 18.
[161] This part of the Jura on the left bank of the Rhone is called the
_Mont du Vuache_.
[162] _De Bello Gallico_, I. 8.
[163] M. Queypo, in his learned work on the weights and measures of the
ancients, assigns to the Roman foot, subdivided into twelve inches, a
length of 0·29630m. The Roman pace was five feet, so that the mile was
equivalent to a length of 1481·50m.
[164] Dio Cassius says that “Cæsar fortified with retrenchments and
walls the most important points. ” (XXXVIII. 31. )
[165] The retrenchments which Cæsar calls _murus fossaque_ could not be
a wall, in the usual acceptation of the word: first, because a wall
would have been but a weak obstacle; further, because the materials were
not found on the spot; and lastly, because if so great a quantity of
stones had been collected on the bank of the Rhone, we should still find
traces of them. I have therefore sought another explanation, and thought
that _murus_ might be understood of a natural escarpment rendered
steeper by a slight work. Penetrated with this idea, I sought Baron
Stoffel, the commandant of artillery, to inspect the localities, and the
result of his researches has fully confirmed my suppositions. The
following is a summary of his report:--
Considered in its _ensemble_, from Geneva to the Pas-de-l’Ecluse, the
Rhone presents the appearance of an immense fosse from 100 to 120 mètres
broad, with abrupt and very elevated scarp and counter-scarp. The parts
where it does not present this character are few, and of relatively
small extent. They are the only ones where operations for passing the
river could be attempted--the only ones, consequently, which Cæsar would
have need to fortify on the left bank.
1. From Geneva to the confluence of the Arve and the Rhone, an extent of
1½ kilomètres. Breadth of the river, 90 to 100 mètres. --The left bank is
flat in the whole of this extent. The right bank has escarpments almost
vertical, the height of which varies from 15 to 35 mètres. (_See Plate
3_, mean profile between Geneva and the Arve. ) No attempt at passage
could have taken place, neither at Geneva, nor between the town and the
Arve.
2. From the Arve to the plateau of Aire-la-Ville, extent 12½
kilomètres. --After leaving the confluence of the Arve, the heights of
the right bank of the Rhone increase in elevation; the escarpments
become formidable. --The left bank is bordered with similar escarpments,
and the river runs thus between high and abrupt banks, everywhere
impassable. It preserves this character to a kilomètre above the ravine
of Avril, near Peney. The profiles _a a_ and _b b_ give an idea of the
escarpments of the banks from the Avre to the ravine of Avril. (_See
Plate 3_. )--The heights which, on the right bank of the Rhone, extend
from Vernier to Peney, sink gradually from one of these villages towards
the other, and they form to the east of the ravine of Avril a plateau,
the mean elevation of which above the bed of the river is only 20
mètres. Opposite, on the left bank, extends the plateau of
Aire-la-Ville. Length 1,700 mètres; breadth, 700 mètres; mean elevation
above the bed of the Rhone, 20 to 25 mètres. The heights of the Peney
are well disposed for the establishment of an army, and the plateau of
Aire-la-Ville would permit an army, the Rhone once passed, to deploy
easily. But, in spite of these advantages, it is certain that the
Helvetii attempted no operation on this side, for the Rhone flows at the
foot of a slope of the height of from 14 to 16 mètres and an inclination
of at least 45 degrees.
3. From the plateau of Aire-la-Ville to the point of Epeisses, extent 6
kilomètres. --Down the river from the escarpments of Peney, the heights
of the right bank (heights of Russin) form with those of the left bank
an immense amphitheatre, nearly circular, the arena of which would be
the ground represented green on Plate 3 (diameter, 1½ kilomètres). From
the heights of Russin we can descend into the plain to the water of the
river. The Rhone, in this part, has never been deep or rapid. The left
bank is little elevated, entirely flat opposite the mill of Vert, and
the slope of the heights which command it is far from impracticable.
Thus, it was here possible for the Helvetii to effect the passage of the
river, and climb the heights of the left bank, if they had not been
fortified or guarded. This operation presented least difficulty in the
part _t t o_. And we can hardly doubt that the Romans fortified it to
add to the natural obstacles, which were insufficient in this extent.
(_See the profile c c. _)
An attentive examination of the locality, the discovery of certain
irregularities of ground, which we may be allowed to consider as
vestiges, lead us to explain in the following manner the expression
_murum fossamque perducit_.
Cæsar took advantage of the mean heights at the foot of which the Rhone
flows, to cause to be made, on the slope towards the river, and
beginning with the crest, a longitudinal trench, of such a depth that
the main wall had an elevation of 16 feet. The earth arising from the
excavation was thrown down the side of the slope, and the crest was
furnished with palisades. (_See the profile of the retrenchment. _) It
was, properly speaking, a fosse, the scarp of which was higher than the
counter-scarp.
The hills on the left bank, which rise opposite Russin, are accessible,
especially in an extent of 900 mètres, reckoning from the point where
the ravine which descends to Aire-la-Ville opens upon the river. They
form there, among other peculiarities of the ground, a terrace 8 mètres
in breadth, rising from 13 to 14 mètres above the plain, and descending
to this by a tolerably uniform _talus_ of 45 degrees.
The Romans would be able to prevent the access by means of the trench
just described. They, no doubt, continued it to the point _o_, where the
terrace ceases, and the heights become impracticable. It would then have
been from 800 to 900 mètres long.
If we continue to descend the Rhone, we meet, on the left bank, first
with the perpendicular escarpments of Cartigny, which are 70 or 80
mètres in height, and then abrupt beaches to near Avully. Below
Cartigny, the Rhone surrounds a little plain, very slightly inclined
towards the river, and presenting a projection of land (_v r_) from 5 to
6 mètres high, with a _talus_ of less than 45 degrees. The bank being of
small elevation, the Helvetii might have landed there. To prevent this,
the Romans opened, in the _talus_ which fronted the Rhone, a trench
similar to the preceding; it was 250 mètres long.
The heights of Avully and Epeisses leave between them and the river a
tolerably vast space, composed of two distinct parts. The first is
formed of gentle slopes from Avully to a projection of land, _q p_; the
other part is a plain comprised between this projection of land and the
left bank of the river. On the right bank a torrent-like river, the
London, debouches into flat ground named La Plaine. The Helvetii might
have made their preparations for passing the Rhone there, and directed
their efforts towards the western point of La Plaine, in face of the low
and flat land comprised between the left bank and the escarpment _q p_.
In this part the left bank is only from 1½ to 2 mètres high. Moreover,
the slopes of Avully are not difficult to climb, and therefore the
Romans must have sought to bar the passage in this direction. (_See the
broken profile d e f.
