b, whose just punishment was not long delayed, for he met a violent end, as we shall
describe
later, God willing.
Arab-Historians-of-the-Crusades
'Propaganda' would serve very well also a little further on, where the author speaks of the sect's centres in various cities.
CHAPTER EIGHT
Saladin's illness and death, shortly after the truce with the Franks, are described in the most minute detail by the faithful Baha? ' ad-Din. Disregarding a certain pettiness and pedantry common to n early all these Muslim sources, his account reveals a sincere devotion to its hero, and recognition that he was an exceptional person who won the regard of both East and West. His pious end, and the complete attachment to the spirit and letter of his Faith that marked Saladin's real life, banish Lessing's fantasies of the liberal and enlightened ruler.
SALADIN'S ILLNESS AND DEATH (BAHA? ' AD-DIN, 361-9)
On the Friday evening he felt a great weariness, and even before midnight had an attack of bilious fever, more evident internally than externally. On the morning of Saturday 16 safar 589/ 21 February 1193 he woke up feeling weak and with traces of fever, but this was not apparent to the ordinary observer. The qadi al-Fadil and I presented ourselves, together with his son al-Malik al-Afdal, and we spent a long time with him. He complained of a disturbed night, and spoke cheerfully with us until almost midday. Then we left him, but we left our hearts with him. He invited us to a luncheon presided over by al-Malik al-Afdal; al-Fadil never attended luncheons, so he retired, and I went to the southern chamber where the meal was served. Al-Malik al-Afdal sat in his father's place. Then I too retired, unable to remain because of the turmoil in my soul; and indeed several people wept, taking as a sinister omen the sight of the son in the Sultan's place.
From that time the illness grew more serious. We continued to present ourselves regu- larly morning and evening, and the qadi al-Fadil and I were admitted at various times during the day when the sickness abated somewhat. His illness was in the head; one of the signs that his life was now at an end was the absence of his personal doctor, who knew his constitution and looked after him at home and when he was travelling. The doctors decided to bleed him and did so on the fourth day, but the illness grew worse and the humours of his body, of which the dry predominated, began to fail. The progress of the illness eventually produced an extreme weakness.
On the sixth day we sat him up, supporting his back on a cushion, and sent for warm water for him to drink, shortly after he had drunk an emollient medicine. He found the water too hot and complained of it, so a second cup was brought, which he found too cold, but without becoming enraged or crying out. He simply said: 'Dear God, can no one produce water of the right temperature? ' At this the qadi and I left the room, weeping hot tears, and the qadi said to me: 'What a spirit Isla? m is about to lose! By Allah, any other man would have thrown the cup at the head of whoever brought it. . . . '
Part Two: Saladin and the Third Crusade 147
On the sixth, seventh and eighth days the illness grew steadily worse, obscuring the lucidity of his mind. On the ninth day he lost consciousness and could not take his potion. Great fear spread through the city: the merchants, terrified, began to remove their wares from the markets,1 and everyone was overcome by sadness and grief beyond words.
The qadi al-Fadil and I sat together every night until almost a third of the night had passed, and we would then present ourselves at the Palace gates and if the way were clear would go in to him to see how he was before retiring, or else we would get news of his condition and then retire. We would find people standing and waiting for us to come out, to judge his condition from our faces as we passed. On the tenth day he was twice given an enema, which gave him some relief, and he was able to take a little barley water. This news caused great public rejoicing. As usual, we waited until a part of the night had gone by and then went to the Palace gate, where we met Jama? l ad-Daula Iqba? l. We asked him to tell us what was happening, and he went in and sent al-Malik al-Mu'azzam Turansha? h to tell us that Saladin had begun to sweat at the legs. We gave thanks to God, and begged al- Malik al-Mu'azzam to feel the rest of his body and let us know how the sweating went. He examined him and came out to tell us that Saladin was sweating freely, so we went away very much relieved. But on the morning of the eleventh day of his illness, Tuesday 26 safar, when we came to the gate to ask for news we were told that he was sweating so copiously that it soaked the mattress and the matting and even the ground, and that the violence of his thirst was beyond belief, and caused the doctors to abandon hope.
When al-Malik al-Afdal saw his father's condition and was convinced that there was no hope he hurriedly arranged for the oaths of loyalty to be taken. 1 He held audience for the purpose in the Palace of Ridwa? n, so called because he2 had lived there. He sent for the qadis and had ready a brief formula comprising an oath of loyalty to the Sultan as long as he lived and to al-Afdal after his father's death. He apologized for this in public, saying that the Sultan was worse and that he did not know what would happen but this was simply a precautionary measure following normal procedure among rulers. The first to be called on to take the oath was Sa'd ad-Din Mas'u? d, brother of Badr ad-Din Maudu? d and governor of the city. He took the oath immediately, without making any conditions. Then it was the turn of Nasir ad-Din of Sahyu? n, who took the oath on condition that the fortress he held should continue in his hands. Next came Sabiq ad-Din of Shaizar, who omitted the divorce clause,1 with the excuse that he never used that formula in an oath. Then came Khushtari? n Husa? in al-Hakkari, then Nushirwa? n az-Zarzari, who made it a condition that he should
The ruler's death was often the occasion of riots and looting.
The details that follow show clearly the fragility of these empires based on an archaic military feudalism, when they found themselves without an energetic character like Saladin, or later al- 'Adil and al-Kamil, as ruler. All the prccautions taken here by the first-born, al-Afdal, to secure the succession in Syria and the dominant position throughout the Ayyubid empire fell to the ground chiefly because of the independence of the ami? rs, whose only aim was personal advantage and privilege. The future betrayed the hopes of this and all Saladin's sons, and the primacy passed to his brother al-Malik al-'Adil.
Ami? r of Aleppo during the First Crusade.
A common feature of Muslim oaths was for the taker to declare that if he broke his word his wives would be repudiated by him.
1 1
2 1
148 Arab Historians of the Crusades
receive a satisfactory fief, then 'Alka? n and Mankala? n. At this point luncheon was served and everyone ate. Proceedings were resumed in the afternoon. Maimu? n al-Qasri and the old man Shams ad-Din Sunqur presented themselves, and said: 'We swear on condition that we are never asked to draw sword against any of your brothers', undertaking instead to defend their states. Maimu? n al-Qasri said the same. Sunqur refused for a while to take the oath, then he said: 'You will receive my word as governor of Natru? n, on condition that I keep the city. ' Then it was Sa'ama's turn, and he said: 'I have no fief: tell me what I have to swear by', and after some argument finally took the oath on condition that a satisfactory fief were given him. Sunqur the Disfigured took the oath on condition that he received satisfaction, and so did Aibek the Snub-nosed, who omitted the divorce clause. Finally came Husa? m ad- Din Bishara, leader of them all. Al-Afdal had not summoned any of the Egyptian ami? rs or asked anything of them,2 but only made those mentioned take the oath so as to have things in order. I may have omitted the names of one or two more obscure ami? rs. The formula of the oath was; 'First, from this moment I dedicate and consecrate all my deepest feeling to al-Malik an-Nasir for as long as he lives, binding myself to sacrifice in the defence of his state myself, my possessions, my sword and my men, in obedience to his orders and await- ing his pleasure; and after him to his son al-Afdal 'Ali and his heirs. In God's name I shall be loyal to him, defend his state and territory with my person, my wealth, my sword and my men, and obey his command and prohibition. This I both profess openly and inwardly adhere to. God is the guarantee of what I say. '
The night before Wednesday 27 safar 589, which was the twelfth of his illness, the Sul- tan's condition deteriorated, his strength diminished and the women who tended him would not allow us to visit him. That night the qadi al-Fadil, Ibn az-Zaki (qadi of Damascus) and I met together. Ibn az-Zaki did not usually come at this hour, and al-Malik al-Afdal invited us to spend the night with him. This did not seem a good idea to al-Fadil, as people were waiting for us to leave the citadel, and he was afraid that if we did not emerge alarmist rumours would run through the city and looting would follow. He advised us therefore to go down, and suggested that Shaikh Abu Ja'far, ima? m of al-Kallasa,1 should be sent for. He was a good man, and could spend the night in the citadel in order to be at hand if God called Saladin to him that night. He would be able to keep the women away from Saladin, and to recall to him the formulas of the Muslim faith and the name of God. This was done, and we went away, each ready to offer his life for Saladin's. He passed the night, being now near his end, with Shaikh Abu Ja'far, who recited the Qur'a? n at his bed-head and recalled Almighty God's name to his mind. On the night of the ninth day he had lost conscious- ness, recovering it only for brief intervals, and Shaikh Abu Ja'far told us that when he reached the passage: 'He is God, than whom there is no god, knower of the unseen and of the seen'2 he heard the Sultan reply 'True'. It was an extraordinarily opportune recovery of consciousness and an act of divine providence toward him, God be praised for it! He breathed his last after the hour of the morning prayer on Wednesday 27 safar 589/4 March 1193. The qadi al-Fadil came into his room just after dawn at the precise moment of his
In fact al-Afdal's direct sovereignty, as Saladin's heir, was valid only in Syria, the heir to Egypt being Saladin's brother al-'Adil.
A small sanctuary near the Great Mosque of Damascus.
Qur'a? n LIX, 22.
2
1 2
Part Two: Saladin and the Third Crusade 149
death, and when I arrived he had already passed into the bosom of divine grace. I was told that when Shaikh Abu Ja'far reached the words of the Qur'a? n; 'There is no other God but He, and in Him is my trust,1 the Sultan smiled, his face illumined, and he gave up his spirit to his Lord.
The day of his death was a day of grief for Isla? m and the Muslims, the equal of which they had not known since the days of the right-guided Caliphs. The citadel, the city and-the entire world were overcome with a grief beyond words, and, by God, I had heard before of people who have desired to ransom those dear to them with their own lives, and had thought it just a figure of speech, not to be taken literally, but on that day I knew that if it had been possible to ransom him with our lives I and several others would have been ready. His son al-Malik al-Afdal held audience in the north chamber to receive condolences, and the gate of the city was shut to all but the ami? rs closest to the family, and to the scholars and divines. It was a weary day; everyone was so deep in his own grief and sorrow and misery that he could pay attention to no one else. No poet's recital or preacher's discourse was of any use. His sons went out among the people crying out for pity; the sight of them was enough to make one's heart die of pain, and so it went on until after the midday prayer. Then we occupied ourselves with washing his body and clothing it in the funeral shroud, but we could use only equipment worth almost nothing for the purpose, unless we resorted to borrowing--even to the straw with which the clay is washed. 2 The lawyer ad-Da? ula'i washed his body; I was invited to be present, but had not the strength of heart to witness such a scene. After the midday prayer he was carried out in a coffin draped simply with a length of material procured, like the other materials needed to shroud him, by the qadi al- Fadil from permitted sources known to him. 1 When men saw the dead Sultan being borne away, voices and lamentations rose on high. Men's grief was so great that it overcame them, and distracted them even from the prayer recited over him by men clothed in sack- cloth. The first to act as ima? m was the qadi Muhyi ad-Din ibn az-Zaki. Then the body was carried back to the palace in the garden where he had lain during his illness and was buried in the west pavilion. He was laid in his tomb at about the hour of the evening prayer; God sanctify his spirit and illumine his sepulchre!
1 2
1
Qur'a? n IX, 130.
Another example of Saladin's extreme austerity and probity. The function of straw and clay in the funeral ritual I do not know.
The 'permitted', i. e. judicially impeccable, origin of the sources of food and of all the objects used by the faithful in life and death is a constant preoccupation of Muslim piety and casuistry.
Part Three
THE AYYUBIDS AND THE INVASION OF EGYPT
CHAPTER ONE
While the Fourth Crusade turned its attention to Constantinople (1203), Isla? m had another fifteen years of truce, which enabled al-Malik al-'Adil to unite his brother Saladin's kingdom firmly under his own control and to organize as one empire the Ayyubid domains from Egypt to Mesopotamia. The new Crusade had its eyes on Egypt itself, as the heart of Muslim resistance at a time when the Mongol threat loomed in the East, soon to grow to its full, terrible stature. Ibn al-Athi? r, with his usual breadth of vision, rises above the level of a local chronicler to consider the fate of Isla? m as a whole, and perceives the gravity of the double threat. He expresses it both in his dramatic description of the Mongol invasion and in this history of the Fifth Crusade, uniting in one cogent account the four years of the Egyptian campaign (1217-21). As a complement to Ibn al-Athi? r's account we include that of Ibn Wasil, an Ayyubid historian until recently almost inaccessible in his original form and therefore little studied.
The Fifth Crusade
THE FRANKS GATHER IN SYRIA, MARCH ON EGYPT AND TAKE DAMIETTA, WHICH IS RECOVERED BY THE MUSLIMS
(IBN AL-ATHI? R, XII, 208-9)
From beginning to end this episode lasted for four years less one month. We shall speak of it at this point (614/1217) because it was in this year that the Franks appeared, and we shall give the whole account as a continuous narrative because its various phases followed one another without intervals. In this year, then, the Frankish reinforcements arrived from overseas, from Rome and the other countries west and north of us, all under the control of the Lord of Rome (the Pope), who held a very high place in their society, so that they dared not disobey him or stray from the path ordained by him for good or ill. He sent the armies from his own states under a group of commanders, and ordered the other Frankish Kings either to go in person or to send an army. They obeyed his command and assembled in Acre, on the coast of Syria. 1
With King John of Brienne, Andrew of Hungary, Hugh of Cyprus, etc.
1
152 Arab Historians of the Crusades
THE FRANKS BESIEGE AND TAKE DAMIETTA
(IBN AL-ATHI? R, XII, 210-3)
When the Franks returned from the siege of at-Tur2 they camped at Acre until the beginning of 615, and then set out for Damietta by sea, reaching it in safar/May 1218, and anchored at al-Jiza. The Nile was between them and Damietta, and one of its branches flowed into the sea near the city. At this point a tall and well-fortified tower had been built by the Egyptians, with massive iron chains slung across the river to the walls of Damietta to prevent ships arriving from the sea from travelling up the Nile into Egypt. The Franks disembarked at al-Jiza, with the Nile between them and Damietta, and built a wall on their side and dug out a trench to defend themselves from attack. Then they began to assault Damietta. They built siege-engines and mobile towers that they moved on ships to attack and seize the tower, which was full of defenders. Al-Malik al-Kamil, the son of al-Malik al-'Adil and ruler of Damietta and all Egypt, had camped in a place called 'Adiliyya, near Damietta, and sent continuous supplies of troops to Damietta to prevent the enemy from landing on his territory. The Franks, despite the unremitting attack on the tower, had no success and suffered the destruction of their own engines and machines of war. In spite of this they persevered in their attack, but spent fourteen months in unsuccessful attempts before they finally succeeded and cut the chains so that their ships could enter the Nile and they could step safely ashore on to Egyptian soil. Al-Malik al-Kamil then had a great bridge built to prevent their getting any further up the Nile, and it cost them a fierce battle to break through it. Then he took a large number of cargo vessels and sank them in the Nile to impede the Franks' passage upstream. The Franks fell back on a canal called al-Azraq, through which the Nile used to flow in earlier times; they dredged it and deepened it upstream of the sunken ships, diverted the river into this channel to the sea, and sent their ships up that way as far as a place called Bura, also in the area of al-Jiza, facing the place where al-Malik al-Kamil was encamped, to attack him from there, for they had no other way of reaching him to attack him, as Damietta was situated between them and him. When they reached Bura they found themselves face to face with him and began to attack him across the river. Their repeated assaults had, however, no success, and made no impression on the situation at Damietta, which was being reinforced and supplied uninterruptedly, and had the Nile between itself and the Franks. The city stood safe and unharmed, its gates open, and suffered no hardship or damage from the siege.
Then in jumada II 615/August 1218, by God's decree, al-Malik al-'Adil died, as we shall describe, God willing. His death lowered public morale for he was the real Sultan and although his sons bore kingly titles they were subordinate to his command, by grace of which they governed the various provinces. 1 In this situation, under enemy attack, he died. One of the ami? rs of Egypt was a man called 'Ima? d ad-Din Ahmad ibn 'Ali, known as Ibn al-Mashtu? b, a Hakkarite Kurd. He was the leader of the Egyptian ami? rs and had a great following among them, especially among the other Kurds, who all obeyed him docilely.
A Muslim fort near Acre.
Al-'Adil had succeeded in uniting under his supreme command the various domains of his brother Saladin.
2 1
Part Three: The Ayyubids and the Invasion of Egypt 153
Ibn al-Mashtu? b hatched a plot with the other ami? rs to depose al-Malik al-Kamil in favour of his brother al-Malik al-Fa'iz ibn al-'Adil, and through him to control the whole country. When al-Kamil heard the news he abandoned his position and went by night with a small detachment to a village called Ashmu? n Tanna? h, near which he made his camp. The army, its Sultan gone, was left to look after itself. No one gave a moment's thought to his nearest neighbour. They could only carry a little of the lightest gear in the way of tents, provisions, arms and equipment, so they left the rest where it was: stores, arms, horses and tents, and made their way toward al-Kamil.
The following morning the Franks could not see a single Muslim on the river-bank where they were used to seeing them. At first they were unsure what had happened, but when information reached them later on they crossed the Nile unopposed, without any incidents or any need to defend themselves, and set foot on the soil of Damietta. This was on 20 dhu l-qa'da 615/ 8 February 1219. They collected enormous, incalculable quantities of booty from the Muslim camp. Al-Malik al-Kamil was inclined to leave Egypt, for he did not trust a single member of his army and the Franks had seized everything without any effort or work on their part. But God was gracious to the Muslims, and al-Malik al-Mu'azzam Isa, the son of al-'Adil,1 arrived two days after this, while everything was in turmoil. His arrival cheered and strengthened his brother, who held his position with renewed courage. Ibn al-Mashtu? b, driven out into Syria, came to an understanding with al-Malik al-Ashraf and went to join his army.
When the Franks crossed to Damietta all the Arab nomads of the various tribes united to pillage the area around the city. They cut the roads and indulged in the most ruinous sort of brigandage, which caused the Muslims more damage than it did the Franks themselves. The gravest disadvantage that the people of Damietta suffered was their lack of any local militia, for until then the Sultan and his troops had been within reach of the city to defend it from an enemy, but when this catastrophe occurred no soldiers were sent in to garrison the city. This was the fault of Ibn al-Mashtu?
b, whose just punishment was not long delayed, for he met a violent end, as we shall describe later, God willing. So the Franks laid siege to Damietta and attacked it by land and sea. They dug a trench in their usual way to defend themselves from Muslim attacks. After a prolonged struggle the defenders reached the end of their resources. They were almost without food, and exhausted by unending battle. The Franks were sufficiently numerous to take turns at the fighting, but Damietta lacked the soldiers to make this possible. In spite of this they held out amazingly and suffered great losses from death in battle, wounds and sickness. The siege lasted until 27 sha'ba? n 616/8 November 1219, when the survivors, few in number and without provisions, were unable any longer to defend their city. So they surrendered the city to the Franks in exchange for their lives. Some left, some stayed, unable to move; the city's inhabitants were scattered.
1 Sultan of Damascus.
154 Arab Historians of the Crusades
THE MUSLIMS RECONQUER DAMIETTA FROM THE FRANKS
(IBN AL-ATHI? R, XII, 213-6)
The Franks settled in Damietta after the conquest and sent out raiding parties into all the surrounding territories to pillage and slaughter. The population evacuated the region, and the Franks began to set things in order and to fortify the citadel most carefully in an effort to make it impregnable. Al-Malik al-Kamil for his part was stationed close to the enemy, on the borders of his own territory, ready to defend it. When the Franks at home learnt that the Franks had seized Damietta they hurried there from all directions, so that it became a centre for them when they emigrated. Al-Malik al-Mu'azzam returned to Syria and destroyed (the walls of) Jerusalem in dhu l-qa'da of that year, because of the general fear of the Franks. 1 The entire Muslim world, men and territories, seemed likely at this moment to be lost to the East on the one hand and the West on the other: from the East came the Tartars, who reached Ira? q, Azarbaija? n, Arra? n and other provinces, as we shall narrate, God willing; while from the West came the Franks, who took a city like Damietta in Egypt because of its lack of fortifications to protect it from an enemy. All the rest of Egypt and Syria was on the point of collapse and everyone was terrified of the invaders and went in anticipation of disaster night and day. The population of Egypt was even ready to evacuate the country for fear of the enemy, but 'It was no time to escape',2 surrounded as they were on all sides by the enemy. If al-Kamil had allowed them, they would have abandoned the country altogether, but impeded as they were they stood firm. Al-Malik al-Kamil sent a stream of letters to his two brothers al-Malik al-Mu'azzam of Damascus and al-Malik al-Ashraf who ruled the Jazira, Armenia and the rest, imploring their help and begging them to come in person, or at least to send him their troops. The Lord of Damascus went himself to al-Ashraf, but found him unable to send help to their brother because many of his vassals were in a state of rebellion, as will be explained under the year 615, following the death of al-Malik al-Qahir, ruler of Mosul. He therefore excused him and returned home, and the situation facing al-Malik al-Kamil remained unchanged.
Then the rebellions in al-Malik al-Ashraf's kingdom were put down and the rebellious Princes restored to obedience. This was accomplished by 618, at which time al-Malik al-Kamil was still confronting the Franks. At the beginning of 618 al-Kamil learnt that al-Ashraf's troubles had subsided and so he sent to his brothers to ask their help. The ruler of Damascus once again begged his brother to set out, and he did in fact start for Damascus with the troops at his disposal, commanding the rest to join him there, where he would halt and wait for them. Some of his ami? rs and courtiers advised him to send the troops on and return home himself, for fear of an uprising there, but he rejected their advice: 'I have set out on a Holy War,' he said, 'and must carry it through to the end. ' So he set off for Egypt.
The Franks with all their forces came out of Damietta to confront al-Malik al-Kamil. The two armies encamped facing one another but separated by a tributary of the Nile
Because he was afraid that he might have to hand the Holy City back to them (it was in fact offered to them at one point), and wanted at least to destroy its military significance.
Qur'a? n XXXVIII, 2.
1
2
Part Three: The Ayyubids and the Invasion of Egypt 155
known as Bahr Ashmu? n. The Franks attacked the Muslims with catapults and ballistas, and were, like everyone else, sure that they would gain control of the whole of Egypt. When al-Ashraf reached Egypt his brother al-Kamil learnt of his arrival and set out to meet him, delighting both himself and the other Muslims by this meeting, which all hoped would lead to success and (final) victory. (Even) al-Mu'azzam of Damascus came to Egypt and made for Damietta, thinking that his two brothers and their armies would already have laid siege to it. Others say that he heard that the Franks were making for Damietta1 and went in that direction to confront them while the two brothers fell on them from behind; but God knows best. When al-Ashraf and al-Kamil met they decided to make for a branch of the Nile known as Bahr al-Mahalla, which they did, and pressed the Franks more and more closely. The Muslim galleys came down the Nile, attacked the Frankish fleet and took three ships with all their crew, cargo and arms. This delighted and encouraged the Muslims, who saw it as a good omen and drew from it the strength they needed to overcome the enemy.
Meanwhile ambassadors passed between the two sides to discuss the terms of the peace. The Muslims offered the Franks Ascalon, Tiberias, Sidon, Ja? bala, Laodicea and all Saladin's conquests except al-Karak, in return for Damietta,1 but the Franks refused and asked for 300,000 dinar as indemnity for the destruction of the walls of Jerusalem, to be used to rebuild them, and made no further moves, except to say that they could not give up their claim to al-Karak. In such a situation, being on the losing side, the Muslims could do nothing but continue the fight.
The Franks were confident of their own strength and had brought with them provisions for only a few days, thinking that the Muslim army would offer no resistance and that the whole of the cultivated area of Egypt would fall into their hands, so that they would be able to obtain whatever provisions they wanted; this was because of the divinely predestined intention (to destroy them). A detachment of Muslims crossed the river to the Frankish side and opened the flood-gates. The river flooded most of the area and left the Franks with only one way out, along a narrow causeway. Al-Kamil threw a bridge over the Nile at Ashmu? n, and his troops crossed it and held the road along which the Franks would have to pass to reach Damietta. There was no escape. In this crisis a big cargo vessel called a maramma reached the Franks. It was defended by a convoy of fire-ships, all loaded with food, arms and reinforcements. The Muslim galleys attacked and fought them, and overcame and seized the maramma and all its fire-ships. When the Franks saw this they lost heart and realized that they had made a serious error in leaving Damietta to venture into unknown terrain, surrounded, harassed by arrows and attacked by Muslim forces on all sides. The situation became so serious for the Franks that they burnt their tents, ballistas and luggage and decided to attack the Muslims in the hope of breaking through and getting back to Damietta. But the object of their longings was far off and their way to it restricted, by the mud and water surrounding them, to a single path, along which they would have to fight their way through the Muslims who held it.
In an attempt to withdraw from the flooded Delta: see below, p. 262.
This gives some idea of the relative importance of Damietta, and the wisdom of the Franks in attacking it. The al-Karak excepted from the towns offered (almost all the towns that Saladin conquered! ) is al-Karak in Moab, a vital point on the line of communication between Syria and Egypt.
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156 Arab Historians of the Crusades
When they realized that they were completely surrounded, that communications were very difficult and destruction imminent,1 they lost heart, broke their crosses, and their devil abandoned them. They sent messages to al-Malik al-Kamil and al-Ashraf asking for their lives in exchange for Damietta with no indemnity. While negotiations were in progress they saw a great cloud of dust in the sky and heard a great noise from Damietta. The Muslims thought that it must be help coming for the Franks and were alarmed, but in fact it was al-Malik al-Mu'azzam from Damascus, who had taken the route to Damietta, as we mentioned. He reinforced the Muslims and caused the Franks still greater dread and despondency. They agreed to make peace in return for Damietta, and the agreement was reached and the oaths taken on 7 rajab 618/27 August 1221, The Frankish kings, counts and barons came from Damietta as hostages in the hands of al-Malik al-Kamil and al-Ashraf. There was the King of Acre, the Papal Legate, Louis2 and others; twenty in all. They sent their priests and monks to Damietta to negotiate the surrender. The inhabitants yielded and handed the city over on the ninth, a memorable day for Isla? m. It is said that just when the Muslims received the city from the Franks help arrived for them by sea. If it had reached the city before the Muslims they would have refused to hand it over, but the Muslims arrived first because it was decreed thus by God. Of the population of Damietta only a few isolated individuals were left; they had all dispersed, some leaving the city of their own free will, some dead, some prisoners of the Franks. When the Muslims entered they found it effectively fortified by the Franks in a way that made it impregnable. But Almighty God restored justice to him who waited and right to the righteous, giving the Muslims victory beyond their expectations. For their highest hope was to get Damietta in exchange for all their conquests in Syria, but God gave them Damietta while preserving Syria for them. Praise and thanks to God for His grace to Isla? m and the Muslims, for turning the enemy's attack aside and liberating them at the same time from the Tartar threat, as we shall narrate, God willing.
OTHER DETAILS OF THE FRANKISH SURRENDER (IBN WASIL, FO. 209r-210r)
. . . The Franks sent ambassadors to al-Malik al-Kamil and his two brothers al-Malik al-Mu'azzam and al-Malik al-Ashraf asking for their lives to be spared in exchange for Damietta with no indemnity. Al-Malik al-Kamil consulted the princes of his House about this. Some advised him not to grant them an amnesty but to seize them at once, while they were in his control and made up the majority of the Unbelievers (on Muslim soil). When he had done this he could take Damietta and the parts of Palestine that they held. But the Sultan al-Malik al-Kamil disagreed, and said: 'There are other Franks; even if we destroy1 them too it will take us a long time and a hard fight to win Damietta. The Franks beyond the sea will hear what has befallen them and will arrive in more than double the numbers of these here, and we shall have to face a siege. ' At the time the troops were exhausted and tired of fighting,2 for the Frankish occupation of Egypt had lasted for three years and three months. 1
2 1 2
Literally: 'death was gnashing its teeth at them'.
Duke of Bavaria (reading Ludwi? sh for the Kundri? sh of the text).
Could also be read as 'capture'.
These words could also be taken as a part of the preceding speech, in which case, for 'were'read 'care'.
Part Three: The Ayyubids and the Invasion of Egypt 157
So they all accepted his decision to grant the Franks their lives in exchange for Damietta. He accepted the Frankish petition on condition that al-Malik al-Kamil held hostages from them until Damietta was handed over. They in their turn asked for one of al-Kamil's sons and a group of his nobles as hostages for the return of their King. So an understanding was reached and oaths were taken on 7 rajab 618. The Frankish hostages were the King of Acre, the Papal Legate who was the representative of the Pope in Rome the Great, King Louis and other lords, numbering twenty altogether. Al-Kamil's hostages were his son al-Malik as-Salih Najm ad-Din Ayyu? b1 and a group of his nobles. Al-Malik as-Salih was then fifteen, for he was born in 603. When the nobles presented themselves before al-Malik al-Kamil he held audience in great pomp, in the presence of all the kings and princes of his House. The Franks received a vivid impression of his royal power and majesty. . . . 2
. . . (When Damietta surrendered) the Frankish and Muslim hostages were returned to their respective sides, and the Sultan entrusted the government of the city to the amir Shuja? ' ad-Din Jurdi? k al-Muzaffari an-Nuri, an experienced and worthy man. At the time of the peace the Franks found that they had at Damietta some enormous masts for their ships, and they wanted to take these away with them to their own land. Shuja? ' ad-Din refused permission for this, so they sent messages to al-Malik al-Kamil complaining about it and saying that these masts were their own property, and that according to the terms of the treaty they should be free to take them. Al-Malik al-Kamil wrote to Shuja? ' ad-Din commanding him to hand over the masts, but he persisted in his refusal: 'The Franks took the pulpit from the Great Mosque of Damietta,' he said, 'and cut it up and sent a piece to each of their kings: let the Sultan command them to return the pulpit, and the masts will be theirs. ' The Sultan did write to the Franks about this, referring them to what Shuja? ' ad-Din said, and the Franks, unable to return the pulpit, gave up their claim to the masts.
1 2
Later to rule Egypt 1240-49.
A little earlier in this same campaign, 'in the presence of the mighty Sultan', St. Francis came forward and preached. A faint trace of this same episode is believed to have been discovered recently in an eastern source which speaks of a Muslim advising al-Kamil 'on the matter of the monk'.
CHAPTER TWO
The bloodless Crusade of Frederick II, a diplomatic skirmish that was one episode in the rivalry of the Ayyubid princes who were al-'Adil's heirs, has left interesting traces in the Muslim histories of the epoch. Here the main sources are Sibt ibn al-Jauzi, himself a witness of and participant in the Muslim reaction to the surrendering of Jerusalem to the Hohenstaufen, and Ibn Wasil, who did not know Frederick personally, but was later ambassador to Manfred in southern Italy and has left personal and lively, if not always accurate, details of the Hohenstaufen's phil-Isla? mic tendencies. The impressions of those who were close to the Emperor during his visit to Jerusalem and saw his pro-Isla? mic bias in political matters and his religious scepticism and scorn would, if they had been known in Europe, have received a warm welcome as support for the Vatican-inspired anti-Frederick polemic then current. A comprehensive example of this is to be found among Frederick's diplomatic correspondence, in two letters in Arabic sent by him, shortly after his return to Italy, to a friend of his, an amir at the Ayyubid court. These have been preserved for us by an unknown eastern chronicler. Beneath the Arabic rhetoric, certainly the work of an Arab secretary, concrete historical references reveal the awareness of his imperial dignity and the fierce animosity to the Pope that are so clearly to be seen in the rest of his public utterances.
THE ARRIVAL AT ACRE OF THE EMPEROR FREDERICK, KING OF THE FRANKS
(IBN WASIL, FO. 119v-252r)1
In 625/1228 the Emperor Frederick arrived in Acre with a great company of Germans and other Franks. We have already described how the ami? r Fakhr ad-Din, the son of the Shaikh ash-Shuyu? kh, was sent to the King-Emperor from. the Sultan al-Malik al-Kamil. This was in the time of al-Malik al-Mu'azzam. 1 The idea of the approaches made to the Emperor, the King of the Franks, and of his invitation, was to create difficulties for al-Malik al-Mu'azzam and prevent his availing himself of the help offered to him by the Sultan Jala? l ad-Din ibn 'Ala? ' ad-Din Khwarizmsha? h and Muzaffar ad-Din of Arbela, in his quarrel with al-Kamil and al-Malik al-Ashraf.
The Emperor made his preparations, and arrived with his army on the coast of Syria in the same year and disembarked at Acre. A great number of Franks had preceded him there
The pages of the Paris MS. are in the wrong order here and elsewhere.
The ruler of Damascus and al-Kamil's brother, whom we have already met flying to his brother's aid against the Franks at Damietta. After this relations between them deteriorated, and it was the tension between them, caused by Jala? l ad-Din the Sultan of Khwarizm, and the ami? r of Arbela, that had led al-Kamil to approach Frederick.
1 1
Part Three: The Ayyubids and the Invasion of Egypt 159
but they could not move off for fear of al-Malik al-Mu'azzam and so they were waiting for their leader the Emperor. This word means in the Frankish language 'the King of the Princes'. His kingdom consisted of the island of Sicily, and Apulia and Lombardy in the Long Country (Italy). 2 It is the author, Jama? l ad-Din ibn Wasil, who speaks: I saw these parts when I was sent as ambassador of the Sultan al-Malik az-Zahir Rukn ad-Din Baibars, of blessed memory, to the Emperor's son, Manfred by name. The Emperor was a Frankish King, distinguished and gifted, a student of philosophy, logic and medicine and a friend to Muslims, for his original home was Sicily, where he was educated. He, his father and his grandfather were Kings of the island, but its inhabitants were mostly Muslims.
When the Emperor reached Acre, al-Malik al-Kamil found him an embarrassment, for his brother al-Malik al-Mu'azzam, who was the reason why he had asked Frederick for help, had died, and al-Kamil had no further need of the Emperor. Nor was it possible to turn him away and attack him because of the terms of the earlier agreement, and because this would have led him to lose the goals on which his heart was set at the time. He therefore made a treaty with Frederick and treated him with great friendship. What followed will be told later, God willing. . . . The Emperor settled at Acre and messengers came and went between him and al-Malik al-Kamil until the end of the year.
JERUSALEM IS HANDED OVER TO THE FRANKS (IBN WASIL, FO. 253 r-v, 120r-121r)
Then followed the negotiations between al-Malik al-Kamil and the Emperor of which the object had been fixed earlier when al-Kamil and the Emperor first met, before the death of al-Malik al-Mu'azzam. The Frankish King refused to return home except on the conditions laid down, which included the surrender of Jerusalem and of part of the area conquered by Saladin,1 whereas al-Malik al-Kamil was by no means prepared to yield him these territories. It was finally agreed that he should have Jerusalem on condition that he did not attempt to rebuild the walls, that nothing outside it should be held by the Franks, and that all the other villages within its province should be Muslim, with a Muslim governor resident at al-Bira, actually in the province of Jerusalem. The sacred precincts of the city, with the Dome of the Rock and the Masjid al-Aqsa were to remain in Muslim hands, and the Franks were simply to have the right to visit them, while their administration remained in the hands of those already employed in it, and Muslim worship was to continue there. The Franks excepted from the agreement certain small villages on the road from Acre to Jerusalem, which were to remain in their control unlike the rest of the province of Jerusalem.
The author was perhaps confusing 'Lombardy' and 'Longobardy', which according to the Arabic system of place-names in use at the time refer respectively to the region lying N. W. of the Capitanata (now Lucania) and the Murge (N. W. of the present Foggia), and the coastal region of 'Apulia'. In Frederick's Arabic titles both names appear, as will be seen in a letter translated below. Frederick was recalling the offer made by al-Kamil in 1220 to the Crusaders at Damietta (see above) to surrender Palestine. To the Emperor the Papal Legate Pelagius becomes, by a natural process, 'my representative, the chief of my servants. And you owe me now no less than you were prepared to offer him' (Ta'rikh Mansuri, 32, Maqrizi, 228-29).
2
1
160 Arab Historians of the Crusades
The Sultan al-Malik al-Kamil maintained that if he broke with the Emperor and failed to give him full satisfaction the result would be a war with the Franks in which the Muslims would suffer irreparably, and everything for which they were working would slip from their grasp. So he was in favour of satisfying the Franks with a disarmed Jerusalem and making a temporary truce with them. He could seize the concessions back from them later, when he chose to. The ami? r Fakhr ad-Din ibn ash-Shaikh conducted the negotiations for him, and many conversations and discussions took place between them, during which the Emperor sent to al-Malik al-Kamil queries on difficult philosophic, geometric and mathematical points, to test the men of learning at his court. The Sultan passed the mathematical questions on to Shaikh 'Alam ad-Din Qaisar, a master of that art, and the rest to a group of scholars, who answered them all. Then al-Malik al-Kamil and the Emperor swore to observe the terms of the agreement and made a truce for a fixed term. 1 In this way they arranged matters between themselves, and each side felt secure in its relations with the other. I was told that the Emperor said to the ami? r Fakhr ad-Din: 'If I were not afraid that my prestige among the Franks would be destroyed I should not have imposed these conditions on the Sultan. I have no real ambition to hold Jerusalem, nor anything else; I simply want to safeguard my reputation with the Christians.
CHAPTER EIGHT
Saladin's illness and death, shortly after the truce with the Franks, are described in the most minute detail by the faithful Baha? ' ad-Din. Disregarding a certain pettiness and pedantry common to n early all these Muslim sources, his account reveals a sincere devotion to its hero, and recognition that he was an exceptional person who won the regard of both East and West. His pious end, and the complete attachment to the spirit and letter of his Faith that marked Saladin's real life, banish Lessing's fantasies of the liberal and enlightened ruler.
SALADIN'S ILLNESS AND DEATH (BAHA? ' AD-DIN, 361-9)
On the Friday evening he felt a great weariness, and even before midnight had an attack of bilious fever, more evident internally than externally. On the morning of Saturday 16 safar 589/ 21 February 1193 he woke up feeling weak and with traces of fever, but this was not apparent to the ordinary observer. The qadi al-Fadil and I presented ourselves, together with his son al-Malik al-Afdal, and we spent a long time with him. He complained of a disturbed night, and spoke cheerfully with us until almost midday. Then we left him, but we left our hearts with him. He invited us to a luncheon presided over by al-Malik al-Afdal; al-Fadil never attended luncheons, so he retired, and I went to the southern chamber where the meal was served. Al-Malik al-Afdal sat in his father's place. Then I too retired, unable to remain because of the turmoil in my soul; and indeed several people wept, taking as a sinister omen the sight of the son in the Sultan's place.
From that time the illness grew more serious. We continued to present ourselves regu- larly morning and evening, and the qadi al-Fadil and I were admitted at various times during the day when the sickness abated somewhat. His illness was in the head; one of the signs that his life was now at an end was the absence of his personal doctor, who knew his constitution and looked after him at home and when he was travelling. The doctors decided to bleed him and did so on the fourth day, but the illness grew worse and the humours of his body, of which the dry predominated, began to fail. The progress of the illness eventually produced an extreme weakness.
On the sixth day we sat him up, supporting his back on a cushion, and sent for warm water for him to drink, shortly after he had drunk an emollient medicine. He found the water too hot and complained of it, so a second cup was brought, which he found too cold, but without becoming enraged or crying out. He simply said: 'Dear God, can no one produce water of the right temperature? ' At this the qadi and I left the room, weeping hot tears, and the qadi said to me: 'What a spirit Isla? m is about to lose! By Allah, any other man would have thrown the cup at the head of whoever brought it. . . . '
Part Two: Saladin and the Third Crusade 147
On the sixth, seventh and eighth days the illness grew steadily worse, obscuring the lucidity of his mind. On the ninth day he lost consciousness and could not take his potion. Great fear spread through the city: the merchants, terrified, began to remove their wares from the markets,1 and everyone was overcome by sadness and grief beyond words.
The qadi al-Fadil and I sat together every night until almost a third of the night had passed, and we would then present ourselves at the Palace gates and if the way were clear would go in to him to see how he was before retiring, or else we would get news of his condition and then retire. We would find people standing and waiting for us to come out, to judge his condition from our faces as we passed. On the tenth day he was twice given an enema, which gave him some relief, and he was able to take a little barley water. This news caused great public rejoicing. As usual, we waited until a part of the night had gone by and then went to the Palace gate, where we met Jama? l ad-Daula Iqba? l. We asked him to tell us what was happening, and he went in and sent al-Malik al-Mu'azzam Turansha? h to tell us that Saladin had begun to sweat at the legs. We gave thanks to God, and begged al- Malik al-Mu'azzam to feel the rest of his body and let us know how the sweating went. He examined him and came out to tell us that Saladin was sweating freely, so we went away very much relieved. But on the morning of the eleventh day of his illness, Tuesday 26 safar, when we came to the gate to ask for news we were told that he was sweating so copiously that it soaked the mattress and the matting and even the ground, and that the violence of his thirst was beyond belief, and caused the doctors to abandon hope.
When al-Malik al-Afdal saw his father's condition and was convinced that there was no hope he hurriedly arranged for the oaths of loyalty to be taken. 1 He held audience for the purpose in the Palace of Ridwa? n, so called because he2 had lived there. He sent for the qadis and had ready a brief formula comprising an oath of loyalty to the Sultan as long as he lived and to al-Afdal after his father's death. He apologized for this in public, saying that the Sultan was worse and that he did not know what would happen but this was simply a precautionary measure following normal procedure among rulers. The first to be called on to take the oath was Sa'd ad-Din Mas'u? d, brother of Badr ad-Din Maudu? d and governor of the city. He took the oath immediately, without making any conditions. Then it was the turn of Nasir ad-Din of Sahyu? n, who took the oath on condition that the fortress he held should continue in his hands. Next came Sabiq ad-Din of Shaizar, who omitted the divorce clause,1 with the excuse that he never used that formula in an oath. Then came Khushtari? n Husa? in al-Hakkari, then Nushirwa? n az-Zarzari, who made it a condition that he should
The ruler's death was often the occasion of riots and looting.
The details that follow show clearly the fragility of these empires based on an archaic military feudalism, when they found themselves without an energetic character like Saladin, or later al- 'Adil and al-Kamil, as ruler. All the prccautions taken here by the first-born, al-Afdal, to secure the succession in Syria and the dominant position throughout the Ayyubid empire fell to the ground chiefly because of the independence of the ami? rs, whose only aim was personal advantage and privilege. The future betrayed the hopes of this and all Saladin's sons, and the primacy passed to his brother al-Malik al-'Adil.
Ami? r of Aleppo during the First Crusade.
A common feature of Muslim oaths was for the taker to declare that if he broke his word his wives would be repudiated by him.
1 1
2 1
148 Arab Historians of the Crusades
receive a satisfactory fief, then 'Alka? n and Mankala? n. At this point luncheon was served and everyone ate. Proceedings were resumed in the afternoon. Maimu? n al-Qasri and the old man Shams ad-Din Sunqur presented themselves, and said: 'We swear on condition that we are never asked to draw sword against any of your brothers', undertaking instead to defend their states. Maimu? n al-Qasri said the same. Sunqur refused for a while to take the oath, then he said: 'You will receive my word as governor of Natru? n, on condition that I keep the city. ' Then it was Sa'ama's turn, and he said: 'I have no fief: tell me what I have to swear by', and after some argument finally took the oath on condition that a satisfactory fief were given him. Sunqur the Disfigured took the oath on condition that he received satisfaction, and so did Aibek the Snub-nosed, who omitted the divorce clause. Finally came Husa? m ad- Din Bishara, leader of them all. Al-Afdal had not summoned any of the Egyptian ami? rs or asked anything of them,2 but only made those mentioned take the oath so as to have things in order. I may have omitted the names of one or two more obscure ami? rs. The formula of the oath was; 'First, from this moment I dedicate and consecrate all my deepest feeling to al-Malik an-Nasir for as long as he lives, binding myself to sacrifice in the defence of his state myself, my possessions, my sword and my men, in obedience to his orders and await- ing his pleasure; and after him to his son al-Afdal 'Ali and his heirs. In God's name I shall be loyal to him, defend his state and territory with my person, my wealth, my sword and my men, and obey his command and prohibition. This I both profess openly and inwardly adhere to. God is the guarantee of what I say. '
The night before Wednesday 27 safar 589, which was the twelfth of his illness, the Sul- tan's condition deteriorated, his strength diminished and the women who tended him would not allow us to visit him. That night the qadi al-Fadil, Ibn az-Zaki (qadi of Damascus) and I met together. Ibn az-Zaki did not usually come at this hour, and al-Malik al-Afdal invited us to spend the night with him. This did not seem a good idea to al-Fadil, as people were waiting for us to leave the citadel, and he was afraid that if we did not emerge alarmist rumours would run through the city and looting would follow. He advised us therefore to go down, and suggested that Shaikh Abu Ja'far, ima? m of al-Kallasa,1 should be sent for. He was a good man, and could spend the night in the citadel in order to be at hand if God called Saladin to him that night. He would be able to keep the women away from Saladin, and to recall to him the formulas of the Muslim faith and the name of God. This was done, and we went away, each ready to offer his life for Saladin's. He passed the night, being now near his end, with Shaikh Abu Ja'far, who recited the Qur'a? n at his bed-head and recalled Almighty God's name to his mind. On the night of the ninth day he had lost conscious- ness, recovering it only for brief intervals, and Shaikh Abu Ja'far told us that when he reached the passage: 'He is God, than whom there is no god, knower of the unseen and of the seen'2 he heard the Sultan reply 'True'. It was an extraordinarily opportune recovery of consciousness and an act of divine providence toward him, God be praised for it! He breathed his last after the hour of the morning prayer on Wednesday 27 safar 589/4 March 1193. The qadi al-Fadil came into his room just after dawn at the precise moment of his
In fact al-Afdal's direct sovereignty, as Saladin's heir, was valid only in Syria, the heir to Egypt being Saladin's brother al-'Adil.
A small sanctuary near the Great Mosque of Damascus.
Qur'a? n LIX, 22.
2
1 2
Part Two: Saladin and the Third Crusade 149
death, and when I arrived he had already passed into the bosom of divine grace. I was told that when Shaikh Abu Ja'far reached the words of the Qur'a? n; 'There is no other God but He, and in Him is my trust,1 the Sultan smiled, his face illumined, and he gave up his spirit to his Lord.
The day of his death was a day of grief for Isla? m and the Muslims, the equal of which they had not known since the days of the right-guided Caliphs. The citadel, the city and-the entire world were overcome with a grief beyond words, and, by God, I had heard before of people who have desired to ransom those dear to them with their own lives, and had thought it just a figure of speech, not to be taken literally, but on that day I knew that if it had been possible to ransom him with our lives I and several others would have been ready. His son al-Malik al-Afdal held audience in the north chamber to receive condolences, and the gate of the city was shut to all but the ami? rs closest to the family, and to the scholars and divines. It was a weary day; everyone was so deep in his own grief and sorrow and misery that he could pay attention to no one else. No poet's recital or preacher's discourse was of any use. His sons went out among the people crying out for pity; the sight of them was enough to make one's heart die of pain, and so it went on until after the midday prayer. Then we occupied ourselves with washing his body and clothing it in the funeral shroud, but we could use only equipment worth almost nothing for the purpose, unless we resorted to borrowing--even to the straw with which the clay is washed. 2 The lawyer ad-Da? ula'i washed his body; I was invited to be present, but had not the strength of heart to witness such a scene. After the midday prayer he was carried out in a coffin draped simply with a length of material procured, like the other materials needed to shroud him, by the qadi al- Fadil from permitted sources known to him. 1 When men saw the dead Sultan being borne away, voices and lamentations rose on high. Men's grief was so great that it overcame them, and distracted them even from the prayer recited over him by men clothed in sack- cloth. The first to act as ima? m was the qadi Muhyi ad-Din ibn az-Zaki. Then the body was carried back to the palace in the garden where he had lain during his illness and was buried in the west pavilion. He was laid in his tomb at about the hour of the evening prayer; God sanctify his spirit and illumine his sepulchre!
1 2
1
Qur'a? n IX, 130.
Another example of Saladin's extreme austerity and probity. The function of straw and clay in the funeral ritual I do not know.
The 'permitted', i. e. judicially impeccable, origin of the sources of food and of all the objects used by the faithful in life and death is a constant preoccupation of Muslim piety and casuistry.
Part Three
THE AYYUBIDS AND THE INVASION OF EGYPT
CHAPTER ONE
While the Fourth Crusade turned its attention to Constantinople (1203), Isla? m had another fifteen years of truce, which enabled al-Malik al-'Adil to unite his brother Saladin's kingdom firmly under his own control and to organize as one empire the Ayyubid domains from Egypt to Mesopotamia. The new Crusade had its eyes on Egypt itself, as the heart of Muslim resistance at a time when the Mongol threat loomed in the East, soon to grow to its full, terrible stature. Ibn al-Athi? r, with his usual breadth of vision, rises above the level of a local chronicler to consider the fate of Isla? m as a whole, and perceives the gravity of the double threat. He expresses it both in his dramatic description of the Mongol invasion and in this history of the Fifth Crusade, uniting in one cogent account the four years of the Egyptian campaign (1217-21). As a complement to Ibn al-Athi? r's account we include that of Ibn Wasil, an Ayyubid historian until recently almost inaccessible in his original form and therefore little studied.
The Fifth Crusade
THE FRANKS GATHER IN SYRIA, MARCH ON EGYPT AND TAKE DAMIETTA, WHICH IS RECOVERED BY THE MUSLIMS
(IBN AL-ATHI? R, XII, 208-9)
From beginning to end this episode lasted for four years less one month. We shall speak of it at this point (614/1217) because it was in this year that the Franks appeared, and we shall give the whole account as a continuous narrative because its various phases followed one another without intervals. In this year, then, the Frankish reinforcements arrived from overseas, from Rome and the other countries west and north of us, all under the control of the Lord of Rome (the Pope), who held a very high place in their society, so that they dared not disobey him or stray from the path ordained by him for good or ill. He sent the armies from his own states under a group of commanders, and ordered the other Frankish Kings either to go in person or to send an army. They obeyed his command and assembled in Acre, on the coast of Syria. 1
With King John of Brienne, Andrew of Hungary, Hugh of Cyprus, etc.
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152 Arab Historians of the Crusades
THE FRANKS BESIEGE AND TAKE DAMIETTA
(IBN AL-ATHI? R, XII, 210-3)
When the Franks returned from the siege of at-Tur2 they camped at Acre until the beginning of 615, and then set out for Damietta by sea, reaching it in safar/May 1218, and anchored at al-Jiza. The Nile was between them and Damietta, and one of its branches flowed into the sea near the city. At this point a tall and well-fortified tower had been built by the Egyptians, with massive iron chains slung across the river to the walls of Damietta to prevent ships arriving from the sea from travelling up the Nile into Egypt. The Franks disembarked at al-Jiza, with the Nile between them and Damietta, and built a wall on their side and dug out a trench to defend themselves from attack. Then they began to assault Damietta. They built siege-engines and mobile towers that they moved on ships to attack and seize the tower, which was full of defenders. Al-Malik al-Kamil, the son of al-Malik al-'Adil and ruler of Damietta and all Egypt, had camped in a place called 'Adiliyya, near Damietta, and sent continuous supplies of troops to Damietta to prevent the enemy from landing on his territory. The Franks, despite the unremitting attack on the tower, had no success and suffered the destruction of their own engines and machines of war. In spite of this they persevered in their attack, but spent fourteen months in unsuccessful attempts before they finally succeeded and cut the chains so that their ships could enter the Nile and they could step safely ashore on to Egyptian soil. Al-Malik al-Kamil then had a great bridge built to prevent their getting any further up the Nile, and it cost them a fierce battle to break through it. Then he took a large number of cargo vessels and sank them in the Nile to impede the Franks' passage upstream. The Franks fell back on a canal called al-Azraq, through which the Nile used to flow in earlier times; they dredged it and deepened it upstream of the sunken ships, diverted the river into this channel to the sea, and sent their ships up that way as far as a place called Bura, also in the area of al-Jiza, facing the place where al-Malik al-Kamil was encamped, to attack him from there, for they had no other way of reaching him to attack him, as Damietta was situated between them and him. When they reached Bura they found themselves face to face with him and began to attack him across the river. Their repeated assaults had, however, no success, and made no impression on the situation at Damietta, which was being reinforced and supplied uninterruptedly, and had the Nile between itself and the Franks. The city stood safe and unharmed, its gates open, and suffered no hardship or damage from the siege.
Then in jumada II 615/August 1218, by God's decree, al-Malik al-'Adil died, as we shall describe, God willing. His death lowered public morale for he was the real Sultan and although his sons bore kingly titles they were subordinate to his command, by grace of which they governed the various provinces. 1 In this situation, under enemy attack, he died. One of the ami? rs of Egypt was a man called 'Ima? d ad-Din Ahmad ibn 'Ali, known as Ibn al-Mashtu? b, a Hakkarite Kurd. He was the leader of the Egyptian ami? rs and had a great following among them, especially among the other Kurds, who all obeyed him docilely.
A Muslim fort near Acre.
Al-'Adil had succeeded in uniting under his supreme command the various domains of his brother Saladin.
2 1
Part Three: The Ayyubids and the Invasion of Egypt 153
Ibn al-Mashtu? b hatched a plot with the other ami? rs to depose al-Malik al-Kamil in favour of his brother al-Malik al-Fa'iz ibn al-'Adil, and through him to control the whole country. When al-Kamil heard the news he abandoned his position and went by night with a small detachment to a village called Ashmu? n Tanna? h, near which he made his camp. The army, its Sultan gone, was left to look after itself. No one gave a moment's thought to his nearest neighbour. They could only carry a little of the lightest gear in the way of tents, provisions, arms and equipment, so they left the rest where it was: stores, arms, horses and tents, and made their way toward al-Kamil.
The following morning the Franks could not see a single Muslim on the river-bank where they were used to seeing them. At first they were unsure what had happened, but when information reached them later on they crossed the Nile unopposed, without any incidents or any need to defend themselves, and set foot on the soil of Damietta. This was on 20 dhu l-qa'da 615/ 8 February 1219. They collected enormous, incalculable quantities of booty from the Muslim camp. Al-Malik al-Kamil was inclined to leave Egypt, for he did not trust a single member of his army and the Franks had seized everything without any effort or work on their part. But God was gracious to the Muslims, and al-Malik al-Mu'azzam Isa, the son of al-'Adil,1 arrived two days after this, while everything was in turmoil. His arrival cheered and strengthened his brother, who held his position with renewed courage. Ibn al-Mashtu? b, driven out into Syria, came to an understanding with al-Malik al-Ashraf and went to join his army.
When the Franks crossed to Damietta all the Arab nomads of the various tribes united to pillage the area around the city. They cut the roads and indulged in the most ruinous sort of brigandage, which caused the Muslims more damage than it did the Franks themselves. The gravest disadvantage that the people of Damietta suffered was their lack of any local militia, for until then the Sultan and his troops had been within reach of the city to defend it from an enemy, but when this catastrophe occurred no soldiers were sent in to garrison the city. This was the fault of Ibn al-Mashtu?
b, whose just punishment was not long delayed, for he met a violent end, as we shall describe later, God willing. So the Franks laid siege to Damietta and attacked it by land and sea. They dug a trench in their usual way to defend themselves from Muslim attacks. After a prolonged struggle the defenders reached the end of their resources. They were almost without food, and exhausted by unending battle. The Franks were sufficiently numerous to take turns at the fighting, but Damietta lacked the soldiers to make this possible. In spite of this they held out amazingly and suffered great losses from death in battle, wounds and sickness. The siege lasted until 27 sha'ba? n 616/8 November 1219, when the survivors, few in number and without provisions, were unable any longer to defend their city. So they surrendered the city to the Franks in exchange for their lives. Some left, some stayed, unable to move; the city's inhabitants were scattered.
1 Sultan of Damascus.
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THE MUSLIMS RECONQUER DAMIETTA FROM THE FRANKS
(IBN AL-ATHI? R, XII, 213-6)
The Franks settled in Damietta after the conquest and sent out raiding parties into all the surrounding territories to pillage and slaughter. The population evacuated the region, and the Franks began to set things in order and to fortify the citadel most carefully in an effort to make it impregnable. Al-Malik al-Kamil for his part was stationed close to the enemy, on the borders of his own territory, ready to defend it. When the Franks at home learnt that the Franks had seized Damietta they hurried there from all directions, so that it became a centre for them when they emigrated. Al-Malik al-Mu'azzam returned to Syria and destroyed (the walls of) Jerusalem in dhu l-qa'da of that year, because of the general fear of the Franks. 1 The entire Muslim world, men and territories, seemed likely at this moment to be lost to the East on the one hand and the West on the other: from the East came the Tartars, who reached Ira? q, Azarbaija? n, Arra? n and other provinces, as we shall narrate, God willing; while from the West came the Franks, who took a city like Damietta in Egypt because of its lack of fortifications to protect it from an enemy. All the rest of Egypt and Syria was on the point of collapse and everyone was terrified of the invaders and went in anticipation of disaster night and day. The population of Egypt was even ready to evacuate the country for fear of the enemy, but 'It was no time to escape',2 surrounded as they were on all sides by the enemy. If al-Kamil had allowed them, they would have abandoned the country altogether, but impeded as they were they stood firm. Al-Malik al-Kamil sent a stream of letters to his two brothers al-Malik al-Mu'azzam of Damascus and al-Malik al-Ashraf who ruled the Jazira, Armenia and the rest, imploring their help and begging them to come in person, or at least to send him their troops. The Lord of Damascus went himself to al-Ashraf, but found him unable to send help to their brother because many of his vassals were in a state of rebellion, as will be explained under the year 615, following the death of al-Malik al-Qahir, ruler of Mosul. He therefore excused him and returned home, and the situation facing al-Malik al-Kamil remained unchanged.
Then the rebellions in al-Malik al-Ashraf's kingdom were put down and the rebellious Princes restored to obedience. This was accomplished by 618, at which time al-Malik al-Kamil was still confronting the Franks. At the beginning of 618 al-Kamil learnt that al-Ashraf's troubles had subsided and so he sent to his brothers to ask their help. The ruler of Damascus once again begged his brother to set out, and he did in fact start for Damascus with the troops at his disposal, commanding the rest to join him there, where he would halt and wait for them. Some of his ami? rs and courtiers advised him to send the troops on and return home himself, for fear of an uprising there, but he rejected their advice: 'I have set out on a Holy War,' he said, 'and must carry it through to the end. ' So he set off for Egypt.
The Franks with all their forces came out of Damietta to confront al-Malik al-Kamil. The two armies encamped facing one another but separated by a tributary of the Nile
Because he was afraid that he might have to hand the Holy City back to them (it was in fact offered to them at one point), and wanted at least to destroy its military significance.
Qur'a? n XXXVIII, 2.
1
2
Part Three: The Ayyubids and the Invasion of Egypt 155
known as Bahr Ashmu? n. The Franks attacked the Muslims with catapults and ballistas, and were, like everyone else, sure that they would gain control of the whole of Egypt. When al-Ashraf reached Egypt his brother al-Kamil learnt of his arrival and set out to meet him, delighting both himself and the other Muslims by this meeting, which all hoped would lead to success and (final) victory. (Even) al-Mu'azzam of Damascus came to Egypt and made for Damietta, thinking that his two brothers and their armies would already have laid siege to it. Others say that he heard that the Franks were making for Damietta1 and went in that direction to confront them while the two brothers fell on them from behind; but God knows best. When al-Ashraf and al-Kamil met they decided to make for a branch of the Nile known as Bahr al-Mahalla, which they did, and pressed the Franks more and more closely. The Muslim galleys came down the Nile, attacked the Frankish fleet and took three ships with all their crew, cargo and arms. This delighted and encouraged the Muslims, who saw it as a good omen and drew from it the strength they needed to overcome the enemy.
Meanwhile ambassadors passed between the two sides to discuss the terms of the peace. The Muslims offered the Franks Ascalon, Tiberias, Sidon, Ja? bala, Laodicea and all Saladin's conquests except al-Karak, in return for Damietta,1 but the Franks refused and asked for 300,000 dinar as indemnity for the destruction of the walls of Jerusalem, to be used to rebuild them, and made no further moves, except to say that they could not give up their claim to al-Karak. In such a situation, being on the losing side, the Muslims could do nothing but continue the fight.
The Franks were confident of their own strength and had brought with them provisions for only a few days, thinking that the Muslim army would offer no resistance and that the whole of the cultivated area of Egypt would fall into their hands, so that they would be able to obtain whatever provisions they wanted; this was because of the divinely predestined intention (to destroy them). A detachment of Muslims crossed the river to the Frankish side and opened the flood-gates. The river flooded most of the area and left the Franks with only one way out, along a narrow causeway. Al-Kamil threw a bridge over the Nile at Ashmu? n, and his troops crossed it and held the road along which the Franks would have to pass to reach Damietta. There was no escape. In this crisis a big cargo vessel called a maramma reached the Franks. It was defended by a convoy of fire-ships, all loaded with food, arms and reinforcements. The Muslim galleys attacked and fought them, and overcame and seized the maramma and all its fire-ships. When the Franks saw this they lost heart and realized that they had made a serious error in leaving Damietta to venture into unknown terrain, surrounded, harassed by arrows and attacked by Muslim forces on all sides. The situation became so serious for the Franks that they burnt their tents, ballistas and luggage and decided to attack the Muslims in the hope of breaking through and getting back to Damietta. But the object of their longings was far off and their way to it restricted, by the mud and water surrounding them, to a single path, along which they would have to fight their way through the Muslims who held it.
In an attempt to withdraw from the flooded Delta: see below, p. 262.
This gives some idea of the relative importance of Damietta, and the wisdom of the Franks in attacking it. The al-Karak excepted from the towns offered (almost all the towns that Saladin conquered! ) is al-Karak in Moab, a vital point on the line of communication between Syria and Egypt.
1 1
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When they realized that they were completely surrounded, that communications were very difficult and destruction imminent,1 they lost heart, broke their crosses, and their devil abandoned them. They sent messages to al-Malik al-Kamil and al-Ashraf asking for their lives in exchange for Damietta with no indemnity. While negotiations were in progress they saw a great cloud of dust in the sky and heard a great noise from Damietta. The Muslims thought that it must be help coming for the Franks and were alarmed, but in fact it was al-Malik al-Mu'azzam from Damascus, who had taken the route to Damietta, as we mentioned. He reinforced the Muslims and caused the Franks still greater dread and despondency. They agreed to make peace in return for Damietta, and the agreement was reached and the oaths taken on 7 rajab 618/27 August 1221, The Frankish kings, counts and barons came from Damietta as hostages in the hands of al-Malik al-Kamil and al-Ashraf. There was the King of Acre, the Papal Legate, Louis2 and others; twenty in all. They sent their priests and monks to Damietta to negotiate the surrender. The inhabitants yielded and handed the city over on the ninth, a memorable day for Isla? m. It is said that just when the Muslims received the city from the Franks help arrived for them by sea. If it had reached the city before the Muslims they would have refused to hand it over, but the Muslims arrived first because it was decreed thus by God. Of the population of Damietta only a few isolated individuals were left; they had all dispersed, some leaving the city of their own free will, some dead, some prisoners of the Franks. When the Muslims entered they found it effectively fortified by the Franks in a way that made it impregnable. But Almighty God restored justice to him who waited and right to the righteous, giving the Muslims victory beyond their expectations. For their highest hope was to get Damietta in exchange for all their conquests in Syria, but God gave them Damietta while preserving Syria for them. Praise and thanks to God for His grace to Isla? m and the Muslims, for turning the enemy's attack aside and liberating them at the same time from the Tartar threat, as we shall narrate, God willing.
OTHER DETAILS OF THE FRANKISH SURRENDER (IBN WASIL, FO. 209r-210r)
. . . The Franks sent ambassadors to al-Malik al-Kamil and his two brothers al-Malik al-Mu'azzam and al-Malik al-Ashraf asking for their lives to be spared in exchange for Damietta with no indemnity. Al-Malik al-Kamil consulted the princes of his House about this. Some advised him not to grant them an amnesty but to seize them at once, while they were in his control and made up the majority of the Unbelievers (on Muslim soil). When he had done this he could take Damietta and the parts of Palestine that they held. But the Sultan al-Malik al-Kamil disagreed, and said: 'There are other Franks; even if we destroy1 them too it will take us a long time and a hard fight to win Damietta. The Franks beyond the sea will hear what has befallen them and will arrive in more than double the numbers of these here, and we shall have to face a siege. ' At the time the troops were exhausted and tired of fighting,2 for the Frankish occupation of Egypt had lasted for three years and three months. 1
2 1 2
Literally: 'death was gnashing its teeth at them'.
Duke of Bavaria (reading Ludwi? sh for the Kundri? sh of the text).
Could also be read as 'capture'.
These words could also be taken as a part of the preceding speech, in which case, for 'were'read 'care'.
Part Three: The Ayyubids and the Invasion of Egypt 157
So they all accepted his decision to grant the Franks their lives in exchange for Damietta. He accepted the Frankish petition on condition that al-Malik al-Kamil held hostages from them until Damietta was handed over. They in their turn asked for one of al-Kamil's sons and a group of his nobles as hostages for the return of their King. So an understanding was reached and oaths were taken on 7 rajab 618. The Frankish hostages were the King of Acre, the Papal Legate who was the representative of the Pope in Rome the Great, King Louis and other lords, numbering twenty altogether. Al-Kamil's hostages were his son al-Malik as-Salih Najm ad-Din Ayyu? b1 and a group of his nobles. Al-Malik as-Salih was then fifteen, for he was born in 603. When the nobles presented themselves before al-Malik al-Kamil he held audience in great pomp, in the presence of all the kings and princes of his House. The Franks received a vivid impression of his royal power and majesty. . . . 2
. . . (When Damietta surrendered) the Frankish and Muslim hostages were returned to their respective sides, and the Sultan entrusted the government of the city to the amir Shuja? ' ad-Din Jurdi? k al-Muzaffari an-Nuri, an experienced and worthy man. At the time of the peace the Franks found that they had at Damietta some enormous masts for their ships, and they wanted to take these away with them to their own land. Shuja? ' ad-Din refused permission for this, so they sent messages to al-Malik al-Kamil complaining about it and saying that these masts were their own property, and that according to the terms of the treaty they should be free to take them. Al-Malik al-Kamil wrote to Shuja? ' ad-Din commanding him to hand over the masts, but he persisted in his refusal: 'The Franks took the pulpit from the Great Mosque of Damietta,' he said, 'and cut it up and sent a piece to each of their kings: let the Sultan command them to return the pulpit, and the masts will be theirs. ' The Sultan did write to the Franks about this, referring them to what Shuja? ' ad-Din said, and the Franks, unable to return the pulpit, gave up their claim to the masts.
1 2
Later to rule Egypt 1240-49.
A little earlier in this same campaign, 'in the presence of the mighty Sultan', St. Francis came forward and preached. A faint trace of this same episode is believed to have been discovered recently in an eastern source which speaks of a Muslim advising al-Kamil 'on the matter of the monk'.
CHAPTER TWO
The bloodless Crusade of Frederick II, a diplomatic skirmish that was one episode in the rivalry of the Ayyubid princes who were al-'Adil's heirs, has left interesting traces in the Muslim histories of the epoch. Here the main sources are Sibt ibn al-Jauzi, himself a witness of and participant in the Muslim reaction to the surrendering of Jerusalem to the Hohenstaufen, and Ibn Wasil, who did not know Frederick personally, but was later ambassador to Manfred in southern Italy and has left personal and lively, if not always accurate, details of the Hohenstaufen's phil-Isla? mic tendencies. The impressions of those who were close to the Emperor during his visit to Jerusalem and saw his pro-Isla? mic bias in political matters and his religious scepticism and scorn would, if they had been known in Europe, have received a warm welcome as support for the Vatican-inspired anti-Frederick polemic then current. A comprehensive example of this is to be found among Frederick's diplomatic correspondence, in two letters in Arabic sent by him, shortly after his return to Italy, to a friend of his, an amir at the Ayyubid court. These have been preserved for us by an unknown eastern chronicler. Beneath the Arabic rhetoric, certainly the work of an Arab secretary, concrete historical references reveal the awareness of his imperial dignity and the fierce animosity to the Pope that are so clearly to be seen in the rest of his public utterances.
THE ARRIVAL AT ACRE OF THE EMPEROR FREDERICK, KING OF THE FRANKS
(IBN WASIL, FO. 119v-252r)1
In 625/1228 the Emperor Frederick arrived in Acre with a great company of Germans and other Franks. We have already described how the ami? r Fakhr ad-Din, the son of the Shaikh ash-Shuyu? kh, was sent to the King-Emperor from. the Sultan al-Malik al-Kamil. This was in the time of al-Malik al-Mu'azzam. 1 The idea of the approaches made to the Emperor, the King of the Franks, and of his invitation, was to create difficulties for al-Malik al-Mu'azzam and prevent his availing himself of the help offered to him by the Sultan Jala? l ad-Din ibn 'Ala? ' ad-Din Khwarizmsha? h and Muzaffar ad-Din of Arbela, in his quarrel with al-Kamil and al-Malik al-Ashraf.
The Emperor made his preparations, and arrived with his army on the coast of Syria in the same year and disembarked at Acre. A great number of Franks had preceded him there
The pages of the Paris MS. are in the wrong order here and elsewhere.
The ruler of Damascus and al-Kamil's brother, whom we have already met flying to his brother's aid against the Franks at Damietta. After this relations between them deteriorated, and it was the tension between them, caused by Jala? l ad-Din the Sultan of Khwarizm, and the ami? r of Arbela, that had led al-Kamil to approach Frederick.
1 1
Part Three: The Ayyubids and the Invasion of Egypt 159
but they could not move off for fear of al-Malik al-Mu'azzam and so they were waiting for their leader the Emperor. This word means in the Frankish language 'the King of the Princes'. His kingdom consisted of the island of Sicily, and Apulia and Lombardy in the Long Country (Italy). 2 It is the author, Jama? l ad-Din ibn Wasil, who speaks: I saw these parts when I was sent as ambassador of the Sultan al-Malik az-Zahir Rukn ad-Din Baibars, of blessed memory, to the Emperor's son, Manfred by name. The Emperor was a Frankish King, distinguished and gifted, a student of philosophy, logic and medicine and a friend to Muslims, for his original home was Sicily, where he was educated. He, his father and his grandfather were Kings of the island, but its inhabitants were mostly Muslims.
When the Emperor reached Acre, al-Malik al-Kamil found him an embarrassment, for his brother al-Malik al-Mu'azzam, who was the reason why he had asked Frederick for help, had died, and al-Kamil had no further need of the Emperor. Nor was it possible to turn him away and attack him because of the terms of the earlier agreement, and because this would have led him to lose the goals on which his heart was set at the time. He therefore made a treaty with Frederick and treated him with great friendship. What followed will be told later, God willing. . . . The Emperor settled at Acre and messengers came and went between him and al-Malik al-Kamil until the end of the year.
JERUSALEM IS HANDED OVER TO THE FRANKS (IBN WASIL, FO. 253 r-v, 120r-121r)
Then followed the negotiations between al-Malik al-Kamil and the Emperor of which the object had been fixed earlier when al-Kamil and the Emperor first met, before the death of al-Malik al-Mu'azzam. The Frankish King refused to return home except on the conditions laid down, which included the surrender of Jerusalem and of part of the area conquered by Saladin,1 whereas al-Malik al-Kamil was by no means prepared to yield him these territories. It was finally agreed that he should have Jerusalem on condition that he did not attempt to rebuild the walls, that nothing outside it should be held by the Franks, and that all the other villages within its province should be Muslim, with a Muslim governor resident at al-Bira, actually in the province of Jerusalem. The sacred precincts of the city, with the Dome of the Rock and the Masjid al-Aqsa were to remain in Muslim hands, and the Franks were simply to have the right to visit them, while their administration remained in the hands of those already employed in it, and Muslim worship was to continue there. The Franks excepted from the agreement certain small villages on the road from Acre to Jerusalem, which were to remain in their control unlike the rest of the province of Jerusalem.
The author was perhaps confusing 'Lombardy' and 'Longobardy', which according to the Arabic system of place-names in use at the time refer respectively to the region lying N. W. of the Capitanata (now Lucania) and the Murge (N. W. of the present Foggia), and the coastal region of 'Apulia'. In Frederick's Arabic titles both names appear, as will be seen in a letter translated below. Frederick was recalling the offer made by al-Kamil in 1220 to the Crusaders at Damietta (see above) to surrender Palestine. To the Emperor the Papal Legate Pelagius becomes, by a natural process, 'my representative, the chief of my servants. And you owe me now no less than you were prepared to offer him' (Ta'rikh Mansuri, 32, Maqrizi, 228-29).
2
1
160 Arab Historians of the Crusades
The Sultan al-Malik al-Kamil maintained that if he broke with the Emperor and failed to give him full satisfaction the result would be a war with the Franks in which the Muslims would suffer irreparably, and everything for which they were working would slip from their grasp. So he was in favour of satisfying the Franks with a disarmed Jerusalem and making a temporary truce with them. He could seize the concessions back from them later, when he chose to. The ami? r Fakhr ad-Din ibn ash-Shaikh conducted the negotiations for him, and many conversations and discussions took place between them, during which the Emperor sent to al-Malik al-Kamil queries on difficult philosophic, geometric and mathematical points, to test the men of learning at his court. The Sultan passed the mathematical questions on to Shaikh 'Alam ad-Din Qaisar, a master of that art, and the rest to a group of scholars, who answered them all. Then al-Malik al-Kamil and the Emperor swore to observe the terms of the agreement and made a truce for a fixed term. 1 In this way they arranged matters between themselves, and each side felt secure in its relations with the other. I was told that the Emperor said to the ami? r Fakhr ad-Din: 'If I were not afraid that my prestige among the Franks would be destroyed I should not have imposed these conditions on the Sultan. I have no real ambition to hold Jerusalem, nor anything else; I simply want to safeguard my reputation with the Christians.
