7
In the 'Purgatorio ' we have the magnificent lines, partly
quoted above, in which Dante deplores the fate of Italy
enslaved and full of woes, because it has no emperor to guide
it, and he attacks the "German Albert" and his father
Eudolf for neglecting Italy, the garden of the empire.
In the 'Purgatorio ' we have the magnificent lines, partly
quoted above, in which Dante deplores the fate of Italy
enslaved and full of woes, because it has no emperor to guide
it, and he attacks the "German Albert" and his father
Eudolf for neglecting Italy, the garden of the empire.
Thomas Carlyle
" 3
There is not a line in the 'Commedia' to indicate that
Dante had abandoned hope of the "veltro," the future
emperor, who would come at a more opportune time to
restore Dante's beloved Italy, the " giardino dell' impero. "
Dante was not a mere theorist, the false prophet of a dead
empire. He had everything in his experience to open his
eyes to the need of a strong ruler in Italy, to control a turbulent
people. It is easy for us now looking back to see that the
time for a world monarchy was over; but in Dante's lifetime
the Papacy, in outward appearance at the height of its power,
had been mastered by the ruler of France, and now that the
papacy had been so much weakened by Philip the Fair it
was difficult to set limits to the power of a renovated Eoman
empire. There was nothing intrinsically absurd in the vision
of a great emperor ruling the world in temporal matters hand
in hand with a reformed and chastened papacy governing
in spiritual matters.
The earliest statement of Dante's political theories is con-
tained in the 'Convivio,' and was probably written not later
than 1308. The 'Convivio' is a fragment, and Dante wrote
only four out of the fifteen books he had projected. In the
last book of the 'Convivio' he discusses the question of
what constitutes true nobility, and as he quotes and disagrees
with the dictum on this subject of Frederick H. , he digresses
into the question of the nature of imperial authority. His
two chapters on the subject contain in a condensed form
some of his arguments in the 'De Monarchia. ' * Between
1 Kpistola v. * 'Paradiao,' m.
* Kpistola vi. 4 Dante, 'Convivio,' iv. 8.
VOL. VI. H
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? 114
[PABT I.
FOURTEENTH CENTURY.
the 'Convivio' and the 'De Monarchia' come his letters
to the kings and other rulers of Italy, to the Florentines,
and to Henry VII. , written in connection with Henry's
expedition to Italy. The last of his political letters was
addressed, to the Italian cardinals, some time (probably early)
during the long interregnum between the death of Clement V.
and the election of John XXII.
Eeferences to the empire and the papacy occur throughout
the 'Commedia. ' In the first canto of the 'Inferno,' Virgil,
the poet of the empire, is sent to guide Dante through hell
and purgatory, and it is not till they arrive at the terrestrial
paradise that he leaves him in the charge of Beatrice. The
thirtieth canto of the 'Paradiso' ends with the stern de-
nunciation by Beatrice of Clement V. :--
"E fia prefetto nel foro divino
Allora tal, che palese e coperto
Non andera con lui per un cammino.
Ma poco poi sari de Dio sofferto
Nel santo offizio; ch'ei sara' detruso
La' dove Simon mago e per suo merto
E far a quel d'Anagna entrar piu giuso. " 1
While Dante makes no attempt in the 'Commedia' to
moderate his language in order to conciliate his opponents,
there is a studied moderation in the 'De Monarchia,' which
would fit in well with an attempt on his part, to write a
defence of the empire and an assertion of its complete freedom,
on the temporal side, from papal control, without exasperating
the Curia.
According to Dante, man's end is twofold, in the first place
happiness in this life, consisting in the unchecked develop-
ment of his special "virtus. " The other end of man is to
secure the happiness of life eternal, to which man can only
attain by the help of the divine light. 2 Inasmuch, however,
i 'Paradiso,' Canto xxx. , 142-148.
? 'De Monarchia,' iii. 16: "Duos
igitur fines Providentia ilia inenarra-
bilis homini proposuit intendendos;
beatitudinem scilicet huius vitae, quae
in operatione propriae virtutis consistit,
et per terrestren Paradisum figuratur;
et beatitudinem vitae aeternae, quae
consistit in fruitione divini aspectus ad
quam propria virtus ascendere non po-
test, nisi lumine divino adiuta, quae per
Paradisum coelestem intelligi datur. "
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? chap. VII. ] POLITICAL UNITY IN EUROPE. 115
as man's happiness in this life is in some measure ordered
for immortal felicity the emperor, who provides for man's
temporal welfare, should show Peter that reverence which is
due from a first-born son to his father, so that illuminated
by the light of paternal favour he may the better rule this
world, to whose government he has been appointed by God,
to whom are subject all things alike, temporal and spiritual. 1
Dante points out that just as nature produces the thumb
for one purpose and the whole hand for another and so on,
in like manner we come finally to an end for which God has
created the whole human race. Now the special capacity of
man is apprehension by means of the potential (" possibilis ")
intellect, and to make this capacity operative, many men are
needed, for the work could not be done by one man or by
some limited association of men. The function proper to the
human race is to put into operation the whole of this capacity,
not only for speculation but also for action. And just as each
individual requires peace and quietness if he is to attain
to perfection in knowledge (prudentia) and in wisdom, so
too it is peace that enables the human race as a whole best
to achieve its almost divine work. Universal peace is thus
the best of those things which are ordered for our happiness.
We have it on the authority of the great philosopher
in his Politics, and we can also prove that when several
things are ordered for one end, one of them must direct the
others. This is true of the home, of the village, and so on,
up to the kingdom, and it applies also to the whole human
race, since it also is ordered to one end. It is therefore clear
that a monarchy or empire is necessary for the wellbeing of
the world. 2
Dante gives other reasons for holding that the whole
1 'De Monarchia,' iii. 16: "Quae qui-
dam veritas ultimae quaestioni a non
ftic stride recipienda est, ut Romanus
princeps in aliquo Romano Pontiaei non
eubiaceat; quum mortalia ista felicitas
quodammodo ad immortalem feliei-
tatein ordinotur. Ilia igituf roverentia
Caesar utatur ad Petrum, qua primo-
genitus filius dobeat uti ad patrem; ut
luce paternae gratiae illustratus, vir-
tuosius orbem terrae irradiet, cui ab
Illo solo praefectue est qui est omnium
apiritualium et temporalium guber-
nator. "
> 'Do Monarchia,' i. 3-7.
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? 116
[part I.
FOURTEENTH CENTURY.
human race should be under one ruler; as, for instance, that
it is the purpose of God that every created being should
be in the divine likeness, so far as his nature will permit,
and that therefore the human race is best disposed when it
is most like to God; and as the essence of unity (" vera ratio
unius ") is in the Deity, it is likest Him when it is most one,
and this can only be when it is subject to one ruler (" princeps ").
Wherever disputes occur a judge is required, and as disputes
are possible, where there are rulers not subject to one another,
it is necessary to have a third person with an ampler juris-
diction who includes both in his government. A monarch
is necessary for the whole world. The world is best ordered
when justice is most powerful, and this can only be when it
is under a monarch, who is more powerful than any other
ruler and can thus most effectively do justice. He is also
free from greed, the chief enemy of justice, as there is nothing
left for him to desire. He is also in closer connection in every
respect with his subjects than any other ruler, for their rela-
tions with their subjects are only partial. Moreover, other
rulers derive their power from the monarch, while the monarch
has his power over the subjects directly and prior to all
others. The monarch, therefore, being closer to his subjects
than any other ruler will beyond all others seek their good.
That the monarch has more power than anyone else to do
justice is clear, for he can have no enemies. 1
The human race is also at its best when it is most free, and
this according to Dante is another argument in favour of mon-
archy, for it is under a monarch that it is most free. Freedom
is the greatest gift conferred by God on man, and as only
that is free which exists for its own sake, it can only be attained
under a monarchy; for it is only under a monarchy that
perverted forms of government can be corrected, and the
monarch, who beyond all others loves mankind, although
the master as regards the means, is the servant of all as regards
the end of his government. 2 Dante is careful to explain that
1 Id. ,i. 8, 10, n.
* Id. , i. 12: "Et humanum genus,
potissime liberum, optime se habet.
Hoc erit manifestum, si principiutn
pateat libertatis. Propter quod scien-
dum est, quod primum principium
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? chap. vn. J
117
POLITICAL UNITY IN EUROPE.
nations, kingdoms, and states have their own special con-
ditions, which onght to be regulated by special laws. It is
only as regards things which are common to all, that men
should be governed by the one ruler. 1
In concluding his arguments to show that a monarch is
required for the wellbeing of the world, Dante sees them
confirmed by the state of the world when the Son of God
became man. At no other time since the fall of our first
parents was the whole world at peace, as was the case under
the perfect monarchy of " divus Augustus. " 2
phum in quinto ad Kichomachum,
(witUciav commendantem. Habent
namque nationes, regna et civitates
inter se proprietates, quas legibus dif-
ferentibus regulari oportet. . . . Sod sic
intelligendum est, ut humanum genus
secundum sua communia, quae omnibus
competunt, ab eo rogatur, et communi
regula gubernotur ad pacem. Quam
quidem regulam, sive legem, particu-
lares principes ab eo recipere debent,
tanquam intellectus practicus ad con-
clusionem operativam recipit maiorem
propositionem ab intellectu speculativo
. . . Et hoc non solum possibile est uni,
sed necosse est ab uno procedere, ut
omnia confusio de principiis univer-
salibus auferatur. "
* Id. , i. 16: "Rationibus omnibus
supra positis, experientia memorabilis
attestatur; status videlicet illius mor-
talium, quem Dei Filius in salutem
hominis hominem adsumpturus, vel
expectavit, vel quum voluit ipse
disposuit. Nam si a lapsu primorum
parentum, qui diverticulum fuit totius
nostrae deviationis, dispositiones hom-
inum et tempore reoolamus; non in-
veniomus nisi sub divo Augusto Mon-
archa, existente Monarchia perfecta,
mundum undique fuisse quietum.
. . . (Since then) O genus humanum 1
quantis procellis atque iacturis,
quantisque naufragiis agitari te necosao
est, dum bellua multorum eapitum
factum, in diversa conaris. "
libertatis est libertas arbitrii,
quam multi habent in ore, in intellectu
vero pauci . . . iterum manifestum
esse potest, quod haee libertas, sive
principium hoc totius libertatis nostrae,
est maximum donum humanae naturae
a Deo collatum . . . quia per ipsum
hie felicitamur ut homines, per
ipsum alibi felicitamur ut Dii. Quod
si ita est, quia erit qui humanum genua
optime ae habere non dicat, quum
potiasime hoc principio possit uti?
Sed exdatens sub monarcha, est potis-
aime liberum. Propter quod sciendum,
quod illud est liberum quod suimet et
non alterius gratia est . . . Genua
humanum, solum imperante monarcha,
sui et non alterius gratia est; tuno
enim solum politiae diriguntur obliquae,
democraticae scilicet, oligarchiae atque
? ? tyrannides, quae in servitutem coguut
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? 118 FOURTEENTH CENTURY. [PABT I.
Dante devotes the second book of the 'De Monarchia ' to
proving that the Eoman people acquired lawfully the empire
over all mankind. At one time, like many others, he be-
lieved that they had gained it unlawfully by violence. Later
on the conviction was forced on him by most manifest signs
that they owed the "imperium" to divine providence. He
now deplored the grievous sight of kings and princes, agreeing
only in this, to oppose their Lord and His anointed, the
Eoman Prince. 1 Dante accordingly sought to prove by
divine authority, and by the light of human reason, that the
Eoman empire existed "de jure. " 2 During its progress the
Eoman empire was supported by miracles which showed it
was willed by God, and consequently that it was " de jure. " 3
The Eomans showed in their history their devotion to the
common good of the Eepublic, and therefore to what was
just; they gave the world universal peace and liberty,
and it has been well said that the Eoman empire sprang
from the fount of religion (" de fonte nascitur pietatis").
He gives a number of instances of the devotion to the
common good of Eoman citizens, such as Cincinnatus, the
Decii, Fabricius, and others. * Nature always acts with a
view to its final goal, and this cannot be attained by one
man working alone, but only by a multitude ordained for
divers operations. There are not only individuals but also
whole nations with an aptitude for government, while other
nations are only fit to be subjects and to serve, and for such
it is not only expedient but just that they should be ruled,
1 Id. , ii. 1: "Admirabar equidem
aliquando, Romanum populum in
Orbe terrarum sine ulla resistentia
fuisse praefectum; quum tamen super-
ficialiter intuens, ilium nullo tare,
sed armorum tantummodo violentia,
obtinuisse arbitrabar. Sed postquam
medullitus oculos mentis infixi, el
per efficacissima signa divinam provi-
dentiam hoc eflecisse cognovi, admira-
tione cedente, derisiva quaedam super-
venit despeotio, quum gentes noverim
contra Romani populi praeeminentiam
fremuisse, quum videam populos vana
meditantes, ut ipse solebam, quum
insuper doleam, Reges et Principes in
hoc vitio concordantes, ut adversentur
Domino suo, et unico suo Romano
principi. Propter quod derisive, non
sine dolore quodam, cum illo clamare
possum pro populo glorioso et pro
Caosaro, qui pro Principe Coeli clama-
bat: 'Quare fremuerunt gentes, et
populi meditati sunt inania. '"
? Id. , ii. 1.
? Id. , ii. 4.
4 Id. , ii. 5.
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? CHAP. TO. ]
119
POLITICAL UNITY IN EUROPE.
even under compulsion. 1 Now clearly the Eomans were the
people ordained by nature for command. That this was the
judgment of God appears clear from the fact that it was the
Eoman people which prevailed when all were striving for the
empire of the world. Dante appeals to history for evidence
of this. Among other witnesses Luke, the scribe of Christ,
writes that "there went out an edict from Augustus that
the whole world should be enrolled," thus showing that the
Eomans at that time held universal sway. 2 This empire was
acquired as in single combat by the ordeal of battle, and
whatever is so acquired is rightly acquired, for it is obtained
by divine judgment. 3
The ' Commedia ' breathes the same spirit in every reference
to the empire, from the beginning of the 'Inferno' right
through to the vision of the throne set apart for Henry VII.
in the empyrean. Dante's guide through hell and purgatory
is Virgil, the great poet of the empire. In limbo we find
Caesar, "Cesare armato con gli occhi grifagni," and many
of his great predecessors in Eoman story. 4 Ulysses and Diomed
groan in the flames for the horse, "che fe' la porta Ond' usci
de'Eomani il gentil seme. "5 One of the lowest subdivisions
of the 'Inferno ' is named after the Trojan traitor Antenor,8
and in the very lowest depths of all Judas Iscariot has as
his fellow sufferers Brutus and Cassius, the murderers of
Julius Caesar.
7
In the 'Purgatorio ' we have the magnificent lines, partly
quoted above, in which Dante deplores the fate of Italy
enslaved and full of woes, because it has no emperor to guide
it, and he attacks the "German Albert" and his father
Eudolf for neglecting Italy, the garden of the empire. 8
In the sixteenth canto Dante places in the mouth of a
Lombard (Marco Lombardo) a violent attack on the papacy
for combining the temporal with the spiritual power. 9 In
another canto we are told how the good Titus, with the help
>> Id. , ii. 7. ? Id. id. , 32.
* Id. , ii. 9. 'Id. id. , 34.
* Id. , ii. 10. ? Id. , Purgatorio, vi. 78.
* 'Commedia,' Inferno, 4. * Id. id. , xvi. 46.
* Id. id. , 28.
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? 120
[PABT I.
FOURTEENTH CENTURY.
of the Deity, revenged the treachery of Judas. 1 Finally, in
the earthly paradise, on the summit of the mountain of
purgatory, we have the symbolical vision of Christ, under the
form of a gryphon. We cannot enter into details of the vision
and its symbolical meaning, but it shows how throughout
this canto Dante has constantly in mind the empire and its
importance to the world in connection with the divine scheme
for its wellbeing. 2 The last canto of the ' Paradiso ' shows no
change in Dante's conception of the importance of the empire
in the government of this world. One of the first human
beings on whom Dante sets eyes in heaven is Constance :--
"Che del seeondo vento di Suave
genero il terzo, e l'ultima possanza,"
the wife of Henry VI. and the mother of Frederick II. 3 This
is in the circle of the moon. In the next circle, that of Mercury,
Justinian sets forth the praises of the Eoman empire and of
its great exploits, and tells how under Augustus it gave peace
to the whole world, so that the gates of the temple of Janus
were closed. He refers to the great crime done under Tiberius
and to the vengeance on the Jews under Titus. He tells of
Charlemagne and how he saved the Church from the Lom-
bards. The Guelfs and Ghibellines sin alike, the one party
by its opposition to the empire and the other by seeking to
annex it to a faction; by their sins they are the cause of the
ills of Italy. * In the sphere of Jupiter the spirits, before Dante
leaves, form themselves into the shape of an eagle's head
and neck (the Eoman symbol),5 and the eagle tells how
Constantino now knows how grievously the world has
suffered from his well-intentioned act (the donation). 8
There is one more reference to the empire when Dante,
still accompanied by Beatrice, has reached the empyrean,
the heaven which is pure light, where he sees the whole com-
pany of heaven, and where there is neither far nor near.
Beatrice points out to our poet the great throne reserved for
1 Id. id. , xxi.
* Id. id. , xxxii.
* Id. , 'Paradiao,' iii.
4 Id. id. , vi.
? Id. id. , xviii.
? Id. id. , xx.
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? CHAP. VII. ]
121
POLITICAL UNITY tN EUROPE.
the exalted Henry, who will come to govern Italy before it
is ready for his rnle. The Pope, on the other hand, his secret
and open opponent, will shortly thereafter be thrust down
where Simon Magus has his place. 1 Thus we find in the
'Commedia ' from first to last the same exalted view of the
empire as in the 'Convivio' and in 'De Monarchia,' and
throughout it is the one government that can secure justice
and liberty, and therewith peace.
But the emperor was to be no mere faineant. In his letter
to the Florentines he warns them of the dreadful consequences
if they do not submit to the Eoman Prince, and reminds
them of the destruction by Frederick I. of Spoleto and
Milan, and he prophesies that their city will be taken, the
greater part of the inhabitants slain or made prisoners, and
that they will endure the same sufferings for their perfidy as
the glorious city of Saguntum bore voluntarily in its faithful
struggle for liberty. The guardian of the Eoman state, the
"dims," and triumphant Henry has come thirsting not for
his own but the public weal. 2
Similarly in his letter addressed to the princes and rulers
of Italy, Dante gives them the glorious news of the coming
of Henry, who will release Italy from bondage and show
mercy to all who seek it, while avenging the crimes of back-
sliders. He calls on them not only to arise, but to stand
in awe, before one whose waters they drink, on whose
seas they sail, and who possess whatever they hold, by
virtue of his law. The Eoman Prince is predestined
by God. 3
1 Id. id. , xxz. : E fia prefotto nel foro divino
"In quel gran seggio, a cho tu gli occhi Allora tal, cho palese e copcrto
tieni Non andera con lui per un cammino.
Per la corona che gia' v'a su posta. Ma poco poi sara de Dio eofferto
Prima che tu a queste nozzo oeni, Nel santo offizio; oh'ei sara
Seders, l'alma, che fia giu agosta, detruso
Dell' alto Arrigo, ch'a drizzare La dovo Simon mago e' per suo
Italia merto,
Verra in prima che ella sia disposta. E fara quel d'Anagna entrar piu
La cieca cupidigia che vi ammalia, giuso. "
Sinuli' fatti v'ha al fantolino, * Id. , Ep. vi.
Che muor di fame e caccia via la >> Id. , Ep. v.
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? 122
FOURTEENTH CENTURY. [PABT I.
Dante throughout his writings treats the empire of his
time as one with the old Eoman empire, divinely conferred
on the Eomans on account of their capacity for righteousness.
Of Eome he says that he firmly holds that the very stones
of its walls are worthy of reverence, and that the ground on
which she is built is excellent beyond all that man can utter. 1
As regards the German electors, he looked on them as merely
the heralds of the divine providence. 2
Dante devotes the third book of the 'De Monarchia' to
proving that the emperor receives his power directly from
God, and that the Church is not qualified to exercise temporal
power. There were three classes with whom he had to deal
in proving that the emperor did not derive his power from the
Church. First came the Pope and certain of the clergy and
others, whom he believed to be moved entirely by zeal
and not by pride. Next came those influenced by
greed, and last of all the Decretalists, who maintained that
the traditions of the Church were the foundations of the faith. 3
He contends that the temporal power does not derive its
being, nor its authority, from the spiritual, though it operates
more efficiently when aided by the light of grace imparted
on earth by the blessing of the supreme Pontiff. * It is un-
necessary to follow Dante in his answers to the ordinary
arguments on behalf of the Church, such as that the sun repre-
sents the Church, and the moon, with its borrowed light, the
empire. 5 As regards Constantino's donation, he does not
dispute the historical fact, but maintains it was invalid, as
no one has the right as holder of an office to do things incon-
sistent with that office (" contra illud officium "). Constantine
had no power to make such a gift, and the Church had no
authority to receive it, for it was inconsistent with the express
commands in the Gospels that the Church should not possess
gold and silver. This would not, however, prevent the
emperor from granting a patrimony to the Church, so long
as he retained "the superior dominion. " The Pope might
1 Id. , ' Convivio,' iv. 5.
? Id. , ' Do Mon. ,' iii. 16.
> Id. id. , ui. 3.
? Id. id. , iii. 4.
* Id. id. , iii. 4. See also following
chapters for other common arguments.
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? CHAP. TO. ]
123
POLITICAL UNITY IN EUROPE.
also receive gifts, not as a proprietor but as a steward on behalf
of the poor. 1
Thus Dante derives the temporal power directly from God
and not, as we have already said, from the Church,
which has not even the right to exercise such power, but the
very last words of the ' De Monarchia' are a warning to the
temporal ruler to show such reverence to Peter as is due
from the first-born to his father, so that enlightened by
this paternal grace he may better rule the world, over
which he has been set by God, who is the supreme Euler of
all things, spiritual and temporal. 2
Dante's conception of the need of a universal monarchy
arose, no doubt, primarily from the lamentable political
condition of Italy, the violent intestine quarrels in the cities,
and the continual conflicts between these, but it also had
reference to the need of some system of international peace
for Europe. It has been contended by Professor Ercole in
an important and learned work that, while Dante urges with
such eloquence the need of the universal empire to give
justice and peace to the world, he does not conceive of this
authority as implying a continual interference with the
internal laws and conditions of particular states; as indeed
is indicated in a passage of the 'De Monarchia,' which we
have cited. 3 Professor Ercole has also drawn attention to
some very important passages in Engelbert of Admont's
work, ' De Ortu et Fine Eomani Imperii,' which seem to express
the same conception. 4 He also points out that while Bartolus
maintained the independence or autonomy of the great Italian
cities as being "universitates superiorem non reoognoscentes,"
when his position is more closely examined we find that he
thought of the imperial authority as still continuing, not as
exercising a direct control over those and other states, but
as a supra-national power whose function it was to maintain
justice and peace in the world. 5
1 Id. id. , iii. 10. Althusio,' pp. 134-137.
> Id. id. , iii. IS. ? Id. id. , pp. 131-134.
>> F. Ercole, 'Da Bartolo all' ? Id. id. , pp. 118-130.
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? 124: FOURTEENTH CENTURY. [PABT I.
Dante was not then alone in the fourteenth century in the
conception of some system of authority and order which,
should give peace to the world, and it is this which gives
some real interest to the work of Pierre Dubois'' De Eecupera-
tione Terrae Sanctae. ' There is indeed in this much which
is fantastic and much which merely expresses the national
ambition of some Frenchmen; but at the same time there is
not a little which is significant. 1
Dubois had not indeed anything of the imaginative magni-
ficence of the great poet: he was a man of pedestrian and
even in some respects of confused mind, but, in some ways
at least, his conceptions were perhaps nearer to the actual
conditions of the time than those of Dante.
There is not a line in the 'Commedia' to indicate that
Dante had abandoned hope of the "veltro," the future
emperor, who would come at a more opportune time to
restore Dante's beloved Italy, the " giardino dell' impero. "
Dante was not a mere theorist, the false prophet of a dead
empire. He had everything in his experience to open his
eyes to the need of a strong ruler in Italy, to control a turbulent
people. It is easy for us now looking back to see that the
time for a world monarchy was over; but in Dante's lifetime
the Papacy, in outward appearance at the height of its power,
had been mastered by the ruler of France, and now that the
papacy had been so much weakened by Philip the Fair it
was difficult to set limits to the power of a renovated Eoman
empire. There was nothing intrinsically absurd in the vision
of a great emperor ruling the world in temporal matters hand
in hand with a reformed and chastened papacy governing
in spiritual matters.
The earliest statement of Dante's political theories is con-
tained in the 'Convivio,' and was probably written not later
than 1308. The 'Convivio' is a fragment, and Dante wrote
only four out of the fifteen books he had projected. In the
last book of the 'Convivio' he discusses the question of
what constitutes true nobility, and as he quotes and disagrees
with the dictum on this subject of Frederick H. , he digresses
into the question of the nature of imperial authority. His
two chapters on the subject contain in a condensed form
some of his arguments in the 'De Monarchia. ' * Between
1 Kpistola v. * 'Paradiao,' m.
* Kpistola vi. 4 Dante, 'Convivio,' iv. 8.
VOL. VI. H
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? 114
[PABT I.
FOURTEENTH CENTURY.
the 'Convivio' and the 'De Monarchia' come his letters
to the kings and other rulers of Italy, to the Florentines,
and to Henry VII. , written in connection with Henry's
expedition to Italy. The last of his political letters was
addressed, to the Italian cardinals, some time (probably early)
during the long interregnum between the death of Clement V.
and the election of John XXII.
Eeferences to the empire and the papacy occur throughout
the 'Commedia. ' In the first canto of the 'Inferno,' Virgil,
the poet of the empire, is sent to guide Dante through hell
and purgatory, and it is not till they arrive at the terrestrial
paradise that he leaves him in the charge of Beatrice. The
thirtieth canto of the 'Paradiso' ends with the stern de-
nunciation by Beatrice of Clement V. :--
"E fia prefetto nel foro divino
Allora tal, che palese e coperto
Non andera con lui per un cammino.
Ma poco poi sari de Dio sofferto
Nel santo offizio; ch'ei sara' detruso
La' dove Simon mago e per suo merto
E far a quel d'Anagna entrar piu giuso. " 1
While Dante makes no attempt in the 'Commedia' to
moderate his language in order to conciliate his opponents,
there is a studied moderation in the 'De Monarchia,' which
would fit in well with an attempt on his part, to write a
defence of the empire and an assertion of its complete freedom,
on the temporal side, from papal control, without exasperating
the Curia.
According to Dante, man's end is twofold, in the first place
happiness in this life, consisting in the unchecked develop-
ment of his special "virtus. " The other end of man is to
secure the happiness of life eternal, to which man can only
attain by the help of the divine light. 2 Inasmuch, however,
i 'Paradiso,' Canto xxx. , 142-148.
? 'De Monarchia,' iii. 16: "Duos
igitur fines Providentia ilia inenarra-
bilis homini proposuit intendendos;
beatitudinem scilicet huius vitae, quae
in operatione propriae virtutis consistit,
et per terrestren Paradisum figuratur;
et beatitudinem vitae aeternae, quae
consistit in fruitione divini aspectus ad
quam propria virtus ascendere non po-
test, nisi lumine divino adiuta, quae per
Paradisum coelestem intelligi datur. "
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? chap. VII. ] POLITICAL UNITY IN EUROPE. 115
as man's happiness in this life is in some measure ordered
for immortal felicity the emperor, who provides for man's
temporal welfare, should show Peter that reverence which is
due from a first-born son to his father, so that illuminated
by the light of paternal favour he may the better rule this
world, to whose government he has been appointed by God,
to whom are subject all things alike, temporal and spiritual. 1
Dante points out that just as nature produces the thumb
for one purpose and the whole hand for another and so on,
in like manner we come finally to an end for which God has
created the whole human race. Now the special capacity of
man is apprehension by means of the potential (" possibilis ")
intellect, and to make this capacity operative, many men are
needed, for the work could not be done by one man or by
some limited association of men. The function proper to the
human race is to put into operation the whole of this capacity,
not only for speculation but also for action. And just as each
individual requires peace and quietness if he is to attain
to perfection in knowledge (prudentia) and in wisdom, so
too it is peace that enables the human race as a whole best
to achieve its almost divine work. Universal peace is thus
the best of those things which are ordered for our happiness.
We have it on the authority of the great philosopher
in his Politics, and we can also prove that when several
things are ordered for one end, one of them must direct the
others. This is true of the home, of the village, and so on,
up to the kingdom, and it applies also to the whole human
race, since it also is ordered to one end. It is therefore clear
that a monarchy or empire is necessary for the wellbeing of
the world. 2
Dante gives other reasons for holding that the whole
1 'De Monarchia,' iii. 16: "Quae qui-
dam veritas ultimae quaestioni a non
ftic stride recipienda est, ut Romanus
princeps in aliquo Romano Pontiaei non
eubiaceat; quum mortalia ista felicitas
quodammodo ad immortalem feliei-
tatein ordinotur. Ilia igituf roverentia
Caesar utatur ad Petrum, qua primo-
genitus filius dobeat uti ad patrem; ut
luce paternae gratiae illustratus, vir-
tuosius orbem terrae irradiet, cui ab
Illo solo praefectue est qui est omnium
apiritualium et temporalium guber-
nator. "
> 'Do Monarchia,' i. 3-7.
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? 116
[part I.
FOURTEENTH CENTURY.
human race should be under one ruler; as, for instance, that
it is the purpose of God that every created being should
be in the divine likeness, so far as his nature will permit,
and that therefore the human race is best disposed when it
is most like to God; and as the essence of unity (" vera ratio
unius ") is in the Deity, it is likest Him when it is most one,
and this can only be when it is subject to one ruler (" princeps ").
Wherever disputes occur a judge is required, and as disputes
are possible, where there are rulers not subject to one another,
it is necessary to have a third person with an ampler juris-
diction who includes both in his government. A monarch
is necessary for the whole world. The world is best ordered
when justice is most powerful, and this can only be when it
is under a monarch, who is more powerful than any other
ruler and can thus most effectively do justice. He is also
free from greed, the chief enemy of justice, as there is nothing
left for him to desire. He is also in closer connection in every
respect with his subjects than any other ruler, for their rela-
tions with their subjects are only partial. Moreover, other
rulers derive their power from the monarch, while the monarch
has his power over the subjects directly and prior to all
others. The monarch, therefore, being closer to his subjects
than any other ruler will beyond all others seek their good.
That the monarch has more power than anyone else to do
justice is clear, for he can have no enemies. 1
The human race is also at its best when it is most free, and
this according to Dante is another argument in favour of mon-
archy, for it is under a monarch that it is most free. Freedom
is the greatest gift conferred by God on man, and as only
that is free which exists for its own sake, it can only be attained
under a monarchy; for it is only under a monarchy that
perverted forms of government can be corrected, and the
monarch, who beyond all others loves mankind, although
the master as regards the means, is the servant of all as regards
the end of his government. 2 Dante is careful to explain that
1 Id. ,i. 8, 10, n.
* Id. , i. 12: "Et humanum genus,
potissime liberum, optime se habet.
Hoc erit manifestum, si principiutn
pateat libertatis. Propter quod scien-
dum est, quod primum principium
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? chap. vn. J
117
POLITICAL UNITY IN EUROPE.
nations, kingdoms, and states have their own special con-
ditions, which onght to be regulated by special laws. It is
only as regards things which are common to all, that men
should be governed by the one ruler. 1
In concluding his arguments to show that a monarch is
required for the wellbeing of the world, Dante sees them
confirmed by the state of the world when the Son of God
became man. At no other time since the fall of our first
parents was the whole world at peace, as was the case under
the perfect monarchy of " divus Augustus. " 2
phum in quinto ad Kichomachum,
(witUciav commendantem. Habent
namque nationes, regna et civitates
inter se proprietates, quas legibus dif-
ferentibus regulari oportet. . . . Sod sic
intelligendum est, ut humanum genus
secundum sua communia, quae omnibus
competunt, ab eo rogatur, et communi
regula gubernotur ad pacem. Quam
quidem regulam, sive legem, particu-
lares principes ab eo recipere debent,
tanquam intellectus practicus ad con-
clusionem operativam recipit maiorem
propositionem ab intellectu speculativo
. . . Et hoc non solum possibile est uni,
sed necosse est ab uno procedere, ut
omnia confusio de principiis univer-
salibus auferatur. "
* Id. , i. 16: "Rationibus omnibus
supra positis, experientia memorabilis
attestatur; status videlicet illius mor-
talium, quem Dei Filius in salutem
hominis hominem adsumpturus, vel
expectavit, vel quum voluit ipse
disposuit. Nam si a lapsu primorum
parentum, qui diverticulum fuit totius
nostrae deviationis, dispositiones hom-
inum et tempore reoolamus; non in-
veniomus nisi sub divo Augusto Mon-
archa, existente Monarchia perfecta,
mundum undique fuisse quietum.
. . . (Since then) O genus humanum 1
quantis procellis atque iacturis,
quantisque naufragiis agitari te necosao
est, dum bellua multorum eapitum
factum, in diversa conaris. "
libertatis est libertas arbitrii,
quam multi habent in ore, in intellectu
vero pauci . . . iterum manifestum
esse potest, quod haee libertas, sive
principium hoc totius libertatis nostrae,
est maximum donum humanae naturae
a Deo collatum . . . quia per ipsum
hie felicitamur ut homines, per
ipsum alibi felicitamur ut Dii. Quod
si ita est, quia erit qui humanum genua
optime ae habere non dicat, quum
potiasime hoc principio possit uti?
Sed exdatens sub monarcha, est potis-
aime liberum. Propter quod sciendum,
quod illud est liberum quod suimet et
non alterius gratia est . . . Genua
humanum, solum imperante monarcha,
sui et non alterius gratia est; tuno
enim solum politiae diriguntur obliquae,
democraticae scilicet, oligarchiae atque
? ? tyrannides, quae in servitutem coguut
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? 118 FOURTEENTH CENTURY. [PABT I.
Dante devotes the second book of the 'De Monarchia ' to
proving that the Eoman people acquired lawfully the empire
over all mankind. At one time, like many others, he be-
lieved that they had gained it unlawfully by violence. Later
on the conviction was forced on him by most manifest signs
that they owed the "imperium" to divine providence. He
now deplored the grievous sight of kings and princes, agreeing
only in this, to oppose their Lord and His anointed, the
Eoman Prince. 1 Dante accordingly sought to prove by
divine authority, and by the light of human reason, that the
Eoman empire existed "de jure. " 2 During its progress the
Eoman empire was supported by miracles which showed it
was willed by God, and consequently that it was " de jure. " 3
The Eomans showed in their history their devotion to the
common good of the Eepublic, and therefore to what was
just; they gave the world universal peace and liberty,
and it has been well said that the Eoman empire sprang
from the fount of religion (" de fonte nascitur pietatis").
He gives a number of instances of the devotion to the
common good of Eoman citizens, such as Cincinnatus, the
Decii, Fabricius, and others. * Nature always acts with a
view to its final goal, and this cannot be attained by one
man working alone, but only by a multitude ordained for
divers operations. There are not only individuals but also
whole nations with an aptitude for government, while other
nations are only fit to be subjects and to serve, and for such
it is not only expedient but just that they should be ruled,
1 Id. , ii. 1: "Admirabar equidem
aliquando, Romanum populum in
Orbe terrarum sine ulla resistentia
fuisse praefectum; quum tamen super-
ficialiter intuens, ilium nullo tare,
sed armorum tantummodo violentia,
obtinuisse arbitrabar. Sed postquam
medullitus oculos mentis infixi, el
per efficacissima signa divinam provi-
dentiam hoc eflecisse cognovi, admira-
tione cedente, derisiva quaedam super-
venit despeotio, quum gentes noverim
contra Romani populi praeeminentiam
fremuisse, quum videam populos vana
meditantes, ut ipse solebam, quum
insuper doleam, Reges et Principes in
hoc vitio concordantes, ut adversentur
Domino suo, et unico suo Romano
principi. Propter quod derisive, non
sine dolore quodam, cum illo clamare
possum pro populo glorioso et pro
Caosaro, qui pro Principe Coeli clama-
bat: 'Quare fremuerunt gentes, et
populi meditati sunt inania. '"
? Id. , ii. 1.
? Id. , ii. 4.
4 Id. , ii. 5.
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? CHAP. TO. ]
119
POLITICAL UNITY IN EUROPE.
even under compulsion. 1 Now clearly the Eomans were the
people ordained by nature for command. That this was the
judgment of God appears clear from the fact that it was the
Eoman people which prevailed when all were striving for the
empire of the world. Dante appeals to history for evidence
of this. Among other witnesses Luke, the scribe of Christ,
writes that "there went out an edict from Augustus that
the whole world should be enrolled," thus showing that the
Eomans at that time held universal sway. 2 This empire was
acquired as in single combat by the ordeal of battle, and
whatever is so acquired is rightly acquired, for it is obtained
by divine judgment. 3
The ' Commedia ' breathes the same spirit in every reference
to the empire, from the beginning of the 'Inferno' right
through to the vision of the throne set apart for Henry VII.
in the empyrean. Dante's guide through hell and purgatory
is Virgil, the great poet of the empire. In limbo we find
Caesar, "Cesare armato con gli occhi grifagni," and many
of his great predecessors in Eoman story. 4 Ulysses and Diomed
groan in the flames for the horse, "che fe' la porta Ond' usci
de'Eomani il gentil seme. "5 One of the lowest subdivisions
of the 'Inferno ' is named after the Trojan traitor Antenor,8
and in the very lowest depths of all Judas Iscariot has as
his fellow sufferers Brutus and Cassius, the murderers of
Julius Caesar.
7
In the 'Purgatorio ' we have the magnificent lines, partly
quoted above, in which Dante deplores the fate of Italy
enslaved and full of woes, because it has no emperor to guide
it, and he attacks the "German Albert" and his father
Eudolf for neglecting Italy, the garden of the empire. 8
In the sixteenth canto Dante places in the mouth of a
Lombard (Marco Lombardo) a violent attack on the papacy
for combining the temporal with the spiritual power. 9 In
another canto we are told how the good Titus, with the help
>> Id. , ii. 7. ? Id. id. , 32.
* Id. , ii. 9. 'Id. id. , 34.
* Id. , ii. 10. ? Id. , Purgatorio, vi. 78.
* 'Commedia,' Inferno, 4. * Id. id. , xvi. 46.
* Id. id. , 28.
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? 120
[PABT I.
FOURTEENTH CENTURY.
of the Deity, revenged the treachery of Judas. 1 Finally, in
the earthly paradise, on the summit of the mountain of
purgatory, we have the symbolical vision of Christ, under the
form of a gryphon. We cannot enter into details of the vision
and its symbolical meaning, but it shows how throughout
this canto Dante has constantly in mind the empire and its
importance to the world in connection with the divine scheme
for its wellbeing. 2 The last canto of the ' Paradiso ' shows no
change in Dante's conception of the importance of the empire
in the government of this world. One of the first human
beings on whom Dante sets eyes in heaven is Constance :--
"Che del seeondo vento di Suave
genero il terzo, e l'ultima possanza,"
the wife of Henry VI. and the mother of Frederick II. 3 This
is in the circle of the moon. In the next circle, that of Mercury,
Justinian sets forth the praises of the Eoman empire and of
its great exploits, and tells how under Augustus it gave peace
to the whole world, so that the gates of the temple of Janus
were closed. He refers to the great crime done under Tiberius
and to the vengeance on the Jews under Titus. He tells of
Charlemagne and how he saved the Church from the Lom-
bards. The Guelfs and Ghibellines sin alike, the one party
by its opposition to the empire and the other by seeking to
annex it to a faction; by their sins they are the cause of the
ills of Italy. * In the sphere of Jupiter the spirits, before Dante
leaves, form themselves into the shape of an eagle's head
and neck (the Eoman symbol),5 and the eagle tells how
Constantino now knows how grievously the world has
suffered from his well-intentioned act (the donation). 8
There is one more reference to the empire when Dante,
still accompanied by Beatrice, has reached the empyrean,
the heaven which is pure light, where he sees the whole com-
pany of heaven, and where there is neither far nor near.
Beatrice points out to our poet the great throne reserved for
1 Id. id. , xxi.
* Id. id. , xxxii.
* Id. , 'Paradiao,' iii.
4 Id. id. , vi.
? Id. id. , xviii.
? Id. id. , xx.
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? CHAP. VII. ]
121
POLITICAL UNITY tN EUROPE.
the exalted Henry, who will come to govern Italy before it
is ready for his rnle. The Pope, on the other hand, his secret
and open opponent, will shortly thereafter be thrust down
where Simon Magus has his place. 1 Thus we find in the
'Commedia ' from first to last the same exalted view of the
empire as in the 'Convivio' and in 'De Monarchia,' and
throughout it is the one government that can secure justice
and liberty, and therewith peace.
But the emperor was to be no mere faineant. In his letter
to the Florentines he warns them of the dreadful consequences
if they do not submit to the Eoman Prince, and reminds
them of the destruction by Frederick I. of Spoleto and
Milan, and he prophesies that their city will be taken, the
greater part of the inhabitants slain or made prisoners, and
that they will endure the same sufferings for their perfidy as
the glorious city of Saguntum bore voluntarily in its faithful
struggle for liberty. The guardian of the Eoman state, the
"dims," and triumphant Henry has come thirsting not for
his own but the public weal. 2
Similarly in his letter addressed to the princes and rulers
of Italy, Dante gives them the glorious news of the coming
of Henry, who will release Italy from bondage and show
mercy to all who seek it, while avenging the crimes of back-
sliders. He calls on them not only to arise, but to stand
in awe, before one whose waters they drink, on whose
seas they sail, and who possess whatever they hold, by
virtue of his law. The Eoman Prince is predestined
by God. 3
1 Id. id. , xxz. : E fia prefotto nel foro divino
"In quel gran seggio, a cho tu gli occhi Allora tal, cho palese e copcrto
tieni Non andera con lui per un cammino.
Per la corona che gia' v'a su posta. Ma poco poi sara de Dio eofferto
Prima che tu a queste nozzo oeni, Nel santo offizio; oh'ei sara
Seders, l'alma, che fia giu agosta, detruso
Dell' alto Arrigo, ch'a drizzare La dovo Simon mago e' per suo
Italia merto,
Verra in prima che ella sia disposta. E fara quel d'Anagna entrar piu
La cieca cupidigia che vi ammalia, giuso. "
Sinuli' fatti v'ha al fantolino, * Id. , Ep. vi.
Che muor di fame e caccia via la >> Id. , Ep. v.
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? 122
FOURTEENTH CENTURY. [PABT I.
Dante throughout his writings treats the empire of his
time as one with the old Eoman empire, divinely conferred
on the Eomans on account of their capacity for righteousness.
Of Eome he says that he firmly holds that the very stones
of its walls are worthy of reverence, and that the ground on
which she is built is excellent beyond all that man can utter. 1
As regards the German electors, he looked on them as merely
the heralds of the divine providence. 2
Dante devotes the third book of the 'De Monarchia' to
proving that the emperor receives his power directly from
God, and that the Church is not qualified to exercise temporal
power. There were three classes with whom he had to deal
in proving that the emperor did not derive his power from the
Church. First came the Pope and certain of the clergy and
others, whom he believed to be moved entirely by zeal
and not by pride. Next came those influenced by
greed, and last of all the Decretalists, who maintained that
the traditions of the Church were the foundations of the faith. 3
He contends that the temporal power does not derive its
being, nor its authority, from the spiritual, though it operates
more efficiently when aided by the light of grace imparted
on earth by the blessing of the supreme Pontiff. * It is un-
necessary to follow Dante in his answers to the ordinary
arguments on behalf of the Church, such as that the sun repre-
sents the Church, and the moon, with its borrowed light, the
empire. 5 As regards Constantino's donation, he does not
dispute the historical fact, but maintains it was invalid, as
no one has the right as holder of an office to do things incon-
sistent with that office (" contra illud officium "). Constantine
had no power to make such a gift, and the Church had no
authority to receive it, for it was inconsistent with the express
commands in the Gospels that the Church should not possess
gold and silver. This would not, however, prevent the
emperor from granting a patrimony to the Church, so long
as he retained "the superior dominion. " The Pope might
1 Id. , ' Convivio,' iv. 5.
? Id. , ' Do Mon. ,' iii. 16.
> Id. id. , ui. 3.
? Id. id. , iii. 4.
* Id. id. , iii. 4. See also following
chapters for other common arguments.
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? CHAP. TO. ]
123
POLITICAL UNITY IN EUROPE.
also receive gifts, not as a proprietor but as a steward on behalf
of the poor. 1
Thus Dante derives the temporal power directly from God
and not, as we have already said, from the Church,
which has not even the right to exercise such power, but the
very last words of the ' De Monarchia' are a warning to the
temporal ruler to show such reverence to Peter as is due
from the first-born to his father, so that enlightened by
this paternal grace he may better rule the world, over
which he has been set by God, who is the supreme Euler of
all things, spiritual and temporal. 2
Dante's conception of the need of a universal monarchy
arose, no doubt, primarily from the lamentable political
condition of Italy, the violent intestine quarrels in the cities,
and the continual conflicts between these, but it also had
reference to the need of some system of international peace
for Europe. It has been contended by Professor Ercole in
an important and learned work that, while Dante urges with
such eloquence the need of the universal empire to give
justice and peace to the world, he does not conceive of this
authority as implying a continual interference with the
internal laws and conditions of particular states; as indeed
is indicated in a passage of the 'De Monarchia,' which we
have cited. 3 Professor Ercole has also drawn attention to
some very important passages in Engelbert of Admont's
work, ' De Ortu et Fine Eomani Imperii,' which seem to express
the same conception. 4 He also points out that while Bartolus
maintained the independence or autonomy of the great Italian
cities as being "universitates superiorem non reoognoscentes,"
when his position is more closely examined we find that he
thought of the imperial authority as still continuing, not as
exercising a direct control over those and other states, but
as a supra-national power whose function it was to maintain
justice and peace in the world. 5
1 Id. id. , iii. 10. Althusio,' pp. 134-137.
> Id. id. , iii. IS. ? Id. id. , pp. 131-134.
>> F. Ercole, 'Da Bartolo all' ? Id. id. , pp. 118-130.
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-19 10:33 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/mdp. 39015002404211 Public Domain in the United States, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-us-google
? 124: FOURTEENTH CENTURY. [PABT I.
Dante was not then alone in the fourteenth century in the
conception of some system of authority and order which,
should give peace to the world, and it is this which gives
some real interest to the work of Pierre Dubois'' De Eecupera-
tione Terrae Sanctae. ' There is indeed in this much which
is fantastic and much which merely expresses the national
ambition of some Frenchmen; but at the same time there is
not a little which is significant. 1
Dubois had not indeed anything of the imaginative magni-
ficence of the great poet: he was a man of pedestrian and
even in some respects of confused mind, but, in some ways
at least, his conceptions were perhaps nearer to the actual
conditions of the time than those of Dante.
