He did not see that the continuity
of an oligarchy need not be physical, nor did he pause to
reflect that hereditary aristocracies have always been short-
lived, whereas adoptive organizations such as the Catholic
Church have sometimes lasted for hundreds or thousands of years.
of an oligarchy need not be physical, nor did he pause to
reflect that hereditary aristocracies have always been short-
lived, whereas adoptive organizations such as the Catholic
Church have sometimes lasted for hundreds or thousands of years.
Orwell - 1984
com
serious. Physical facts could not be ignored. In philosophy,
or religion, or ethics, or politics, two and two might make
five, but when one was designing a gun or an aeroplane they
had to make four. Inefficient nations were always conquered
sooner or later, and the struggle for efficiency was inimi-
cal to illusions. Moreover, to be efficient it was necessary to
be able to learn from the past, which meant having a fairly
accurate idea of what had happened in the past. Newspa-
pers and history books were, of course, always coloured and
biased, but falsification of the kind that is practised today
would have been impossible. War was a sure safeguard of
sanity, and so far as the ruling classes were concerned it was
probably the most important of all safeguards. While wars
could be won or lost, no ruling class could be completely ir-
responsible.
But when war becomes literally continuous, it also ceases
to be dangerous. When war is continuous there is no such
thing as military necessity. Technical progress can cease
and the most palpable facts can be denied or disregarded.
As we have seen, researches that could be called scientific
are still carried out for the purposes of war, but they are es-
sentially a kind of daydreaming, and their failure to show
results is not important. Efficiency, even military efficiency,
is no longer needed. Nothing is efficient in Oceania except
the Thought Police. Since each of the three super-states is
unconquerable, each is in effect a separate universe within
which almost any perversion of thought can be safely prac-
tised. Reality only exerts its pressure through the needs of
everyday life — the need to eat and drink, to get shelter and
1984
clothing, to avoid swallowing poison or stepping out of top -
storey windows, and the like. Between life and death, and
between physical pleasure and physical pain, there is still
a distinction, but that is all. Cut off from contact with the
outer world, and with the past, the citizen of Oceania is
like a man in interstellar space, who has no way of know-
ing which direction is up and which is down. The rulers of
such a state are absolute, as the Pharaohs or the Caesars
could not be. They are obliged to prevent their followers
from starving to death in numbers large enough to be in-
convenient, and they are obliged to remain at the same
low level of military technique as their rivals; but once that
minimum is achieved, they can twist reality into whatever
shape they choose.
The war, therefore, if we judge it by the standards of pre-
vious wars, is merely an imposture. It is like the battles
between certain ruminant animals whose horns are set at
such an angle that they are incapable of hurting one anoth-
er. But though it is unreal it is not meaningless. It eats up
the surplus of consumable goods, and it helps to preserve
the special mental atmosphere that a hierarchical society
needs. War, it will be seen, is now a purely internal affair.
In the past, the ruling groups of all countries, although
they might recognize their common interest and therefore
limit the destructiveness of war, did fight against one an-
other, and the victor always plundered the vanquished. In
our own day they are not fighting against one another at
all. The war is waged by each ruling group against its own
subjects, and the object of the war is not to make or prevent
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conquests of territory, but to keep the structure of society
intact. The very word 'war', therefore, has become mislead-
ing. It would probably be accurate to say that by becoming
continuous war has ceased to exist. The peculiar pressure
that it exerted on human beings between the Neolithic Age
and the early twentieth century has disappeared and been
replaced by something quite different. The effect would be
much the same if the three super-states, instead of fighting
one another, should agree to live in perpetual peace, each
inviolate within its own boundaries. For in that case each
would still be a self-contained universe, freed for ever from
the sobering influence of external danger. A peace that was
truly permanent would be the same as a permanent war.
This — although the vast majority of Party members under-
stand it only in a shallower sense — is the inner meaning of
the Party slogan: WAR IS PEACE.
Winston stopped reading for a moment. Somewhere in
remote distance a rocket bomb thundered. The blissful feel-
ing of being alone with the forbidden book, in a room with
no telescreen, had not worn off. Solitude and safety were
physical sensations, mixed up somehow with the tiredness
of his body, the softness of the chair, the touch of the faint
breeze from the window that played upon his cheek. The
book fascinated him, or more exactly it reassured him. In
a sense it told him nothing that was new, but that was part
of the attraction. It said what he would have said, if it had
been possible for him to set his scattered thoughts in or-
der. It was the product of a mind similar to his own, but
enormously more powerful, more systematic, less fear-rid-
1984
den. The best books, he perceived, are those that tell you
what you know already. He had just turned back to Chapter
I when he heard Julia's footstep on the stair and started out
of his chair to meet her. She dumped her brown tool-bag on
the floor and flung herself into his arms. It was more than a
week since they had seen one another.
'I've got THE BOOK,' he said as they disentangled them-
selves.
'Oh, you've got it? Good,' she said without much interest,
and almost immediately knelt down beside the oil stove to
make the coffee.
They did not return to the subject until they had been
in bed for half an hour. The evening was just cool enough
to make it worth while to pull up the counterpane. From
below came the familiar sound of singing and the scrape
of boots on the flagstones. The brawny red-armed woman
whom Winston had seen there on his first visit was almost a
fixture in the yard. There seemed to be no hour of daylight
when she was not marching to and fro between the washtub
and the line, alternately gagging herself with clothes pegs
and breaking forth into lusty song. Julia had settled down
on her side and seemed to be already on the point of falling
asleep. He reached out for the book, which was lying on the
floor, and sat up against the bedhead.
'We must read it,' he said. 'You too. All members of the
Brotherhood have to read it. '
'You read it,' she said with her eyes shut. 'Read it aloud.
That's the best way. Then you can explain it to me as you
go-'
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The clock's hands said six, meaning eighteen. They had
three or four hours ahead of them. He propped the book
against his knees and began reading:
Chapter I Ignorance is Strength
Throughout recorded time, and probably since the end
of the Neolithic Age, there have been three kinds of people
in the world, the High, the Middle, and the Low. They have
been subdivided in many ways, they have borne count-
less different names, and their relative numbers, as well as
their attitude towards one another, have varied from age to
age: but the essential structure of society has never altered.
Even after enormous upheavals and seemingly irrevocable
changes, the same pattern has always reasserted itself, just
as a gyroscope will always return to equilibnum, however
far it is pushed one way or the other
'Julia, are you awake? ' said Winston.
'Yes, my love, I'm listening. Go on. It's marvellous. '
He continued reading:
The aims of these three groups are entirely irreconcil-
able. The aim of the High is to remain where they are. The
aim of the Middle is to change places with the High. The
aim of the Low, when they have an aim — for it is an abiding
characteristic of the Low that they are too much crushed
by drudgery to be more than intermittently conscious of
anything outside their daily lives — is to abolish all distinc-
tions and create a society in which all men shall be equal.
Thus throughout history a struggle which is the same in its
main outlines recurs over and over again. For long periods
the High seem to be securely in power, but sooner or later
1984
there always comes a moment when they lose either their
belief in themselves or their capacity to govern efficiently
or both. They are then overthrown by the Middle, who en-
list the Low on their side by pretending to them that they
are fighting for liberty and justice. As soon as they have
reached their objective, the Middle thrust the Low back
into their old position of servitude, and themselves become
the High. Presently a new Middle group splits off from one
of the other groups, or from both of them, and the struggle
begins over again. Of the three groups, only the Low are
never even temporarily successful in achieving their aims.
It would be an exaggeration to say that throughout history
there has been no progress of a material kind. Even today,
in a period of decline, the average human being is physical-
ly better off than he was a few centuries ago. But no advance
in wealth, no softening of manners, no reform or revolu-
tion has ever brought human equality a millimetre nearer.
From the point of view of the Low, no historic change has
ever meant much more than a change in the name of their
masters.
By the late nineteenth century the recurrence of this pat-
tern had become obvious to many observers. There then
rose schools of thinkers who interpreted history as a cy-
clical process and claimed to show that inequality was the
unalterable law of human life. This doctrine, of course, had
always had its adherents, but in the manner in which it was
now put forward there was a significant change. In the past
the need for a hierarchical form of society had been the doc-
trine specifically of the High. It had been preached by kings
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and aristocrats and by the priests, lawyers, and the like who
were parasitical upon them, and it had generally been soft-
ened by promises of compensation in an imaginary world
beyond the grave. The Middle, so long as it was struggling
for power, had always made use of such terms as freedom,
justice, and fraternity Now, however, the concept of hu-
man brotherhood began to be assailed by people who were
not yet in positions of command, but merely hoped to be so
before long. In the past the Middle had made revolutions
under the banner of equality, and then had established a
fresh tyranny as soon as the old one was overthrown. The
new Middle groups in effect proclaimed their tyranny be-
forehand. Socialism, a theory which appeared in the early
nineteenth century and was the last link in a chain of
thought stretching back to the slave rebellions of antiquity,
was still deeply infected by the Utopianism of past ages. But
in each variant of Socialism that appeared from about 1900
onwards the aim of establishing liberty and equality was
more and more openly abandoned. The new movements
which appeared in the middle years of the century, Ingsoc
in Oceania, Neo-Bolshevism in Eurasia, Death-Worship, as
it is commonly called, in Eastasia, had the conscious aim
of perpetuating UNfreedom and INequality These new
movements, of course, grew out of the old ones and tended
to keep their names and pay lip-service to their ideology.
But the purpose of all of them was to arrest progress and
freeze history at a chosen moment. The familiar pendulum
swing was to happen once more, and then stop. As usual,
the High were to be turned out by the Middle, who would
256 1984
then become the High; but this time, by conscious strategy,
the High would be able to maintain their position perma-
nently.
The new doctrines arose partly because of the accu-
mulation of historical knowledge, and the growth of the
historical sense, which had hardly existed before the nine-
teenth century. The cyclical movement of history was now
intelligible, or appeared to be so; and if it was intelligible,
then it was alterable. But the principal, underlying cause
was that, as early as the beginning of the twentieth century,
human equality had become technically possible. It was still
true that men were not equal in their native talents and that
functions had to be specialized in ways that favoured some
individuals against others; but there was no longer any real
need for class distinctions or for large differences of wealth.
In earlier ages, class distinctions had been not only inevi-
table but desirable. Inequality was the price of civilization.
With the development of machine production, however, the
case was altered. Even if it was still necessary for human
beings to do different kinds of work, it was no longer neces-
sary for them to live at different social or economic levels.
Therefore, from the point of view of the new groups who
were on the point of seizing power, human equality was no
longer an ideal to be striven after, but a danger to be avert-
ed. In more primitive ages, when a just and peaceful society
was in fact not possible, it had been fairly easy to believe it.
The idea of an earthly paradise in which men should live
together in a state of brotherhood, without laws and with-
out brute labour, had haunted the human imagination for
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thousands of years. And this vision had had a certain hold
even on the groups who actually profited by each histori-
cal change. The heirs of the French, English, and American
revolutions had partly believed in their own phrases about
the rights of man, freedom of speech, equality before the
law, and the like, and have even allowed their conduct to
be influenced by them to some extent. But by the fourth
decade of the twentieth century all the main currents of
political thought were authoritarian. The earthly paradise
had been discredited at exactly the moment when it became
realizable. Every new political theory, by whatever name it
called itself, led back to hierarchy and regimentation. And
in the general hardening of outlook that set in round about
1930, practices which had been long abandoned, in some
cases for hundreds of years — imprisonment without trial,
the use of war prisoners as slaves, public executions, torture
to extract confessions, the use of hostages, and the depor-
tation of whole populations— not only became common
again, but were tolerated and even defended by people who
considered themselves enlightened and progressive.
It was only after a decade of national wars, civil wars,
revolutions, and counter-revolutions in all parts of the
world that Ingsoc and its rivals emerged as fully worked-
out political theories. But they had been foreshadowed by
the various systems, generally called totalitarian, which
had appeared earlier in the century, and the main outlines
of the world which would emerge from the prevailing chaos
had long been obvious. What kind of people would control
this world had been equally obvious. The new aristocracy
258 1984
was made up for the most part of bureaucrats, scientists,
technicians, trade-union organizers, publicity experts, so-
ciologists, teachers, journalists, and professional politicians.
These people, whose origins lay in the salaried middle class
and the upper grades of the working class, had been shaped
and brought together by the barren world of monopoly in-
dustry and centralized government. As compared with
their opposite numbers in past ages, they were less avari-
cious, less tempted by luxury, hungrier for pure power, and,
above all, more conscious of what they were doing and
more intent on crushing opposition. This last difference was
cardinal. By comparison with that existing today, all the
tyrannies of the past were half-hearted and inefficient. The
ruling groups were always infected to some extent by lib-
eral ideas, and were content to leave loose ends everywhere,
to regard only the overt act and to be uninterested in what
their subjects were thinking. Even the Catholic Church of
the Middle Ages was tolerant by modern standards. Part of
the reason for this was that in the past no government had
the power to keep its citizens under constant surveillance.
The invention of print, however, made it easier to manipu-
late public opinion, and the film and the radio carried the
process further. With the development of television, and
the technical advance which made it possible to receive and
transmit simultaneously on the same instrument, private
life came to an end. Every citizen, or at least every citizen
important enough to be worth watching, could be kept for
twenty- four hours a day under the eyes of the police and in
the sound of official propaganda, with all other channels
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of communication closed. The possibility of enforcing not
only complete obedience to the will of the State, but com-
plete uniformity of opinion on all subjects, now existed for
the first time.
After the revolutionary period of the fifties and sixties,
society regrouped itself, as always, into High, Middle, and
Low. But the new High group, unlike all its forerunners, did
not act upon instinct but knew what was needed to safeguard
its position. It had long been realized that the only secure
basis for oligarchy is collectivism. Wealth and privilege are
most easily defended when they are possessed jointly. The
so-called 'abolition of private property' which took place in
the middle years of the century meant, in effect, the con-
centration of property in far fewer hands than before: but
with this difference, that the new owners were a group in-
stead of a mass of individuals. Individually, no member of
the Party owns anything, except petty personal belongings.
Collectively, the Party owns everything in Oceania, be-
cause it controls everything, and disposes of the products
as it thinks fit. In the years following the Revolution it was
able to step into this commanding position almost unop-
posed, because the whole process was represented as an act
of collectivization. It had always been assumed that if the
capitalist class were expropriated, Socialism must follow:
and unquestionably the capitalists had been expropriated.
Factories, mines, land, houses, transport — everything had
been taken away from them: and since these things were
no longer private property, it followed that they must be
public property. Ingsoc, which grew out of the earlier So-
1984
cialist movement and inherited its phraseology, has in fact
carried out the main item in the Socialist programme; with
the result, foreseen and intended beforehand, that econom-
ic inequality has been made permanent.
But the problems of perpetuating a hierarchical soci-
ety go deeper than this. There are only four ways in which
a ruling group can fall from power. Either it is conquered
from without, or it governs so inefficiently that the masses
are stirred to revolt, or it allows a strong and discontented
Middle group to come into being, or it loses its own self-
confidence and willingness to govern. These causes do not
operate singly, and as a rule all four of them are present in
some degree. A ruling class which could guard against all
of them would remain in power permanently. Ultimately
the determining factor is the mental attitude of the ruling
class itself.
After the middle of the present century, the first dan-
ger had in reality disappeared. Each of the three powers
which now divide the world is in fact unconquerable, and
could only become conquerable through slow demographic
changes which a government with wide powers can easi-
ly avert. The second danger, also, is only a theoretical one.
The masses never revolt of their own accord, and they never
revolt merely because they are oppressed. Indeed, so long
as they are not permitted to have standards of comparison,
they never even become aware that they are oppressed. The
recurrent economic crises of past times were totally un-
necessary and are not now permitted to happen, but other
and equally large dislocations can and do happen without
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having political results, because there is no way in which
discontent can become articulate. As for the problem of
over-production, which has been latent in our society since
the development of machine technique, it is solved by the
device of continuous warfare (see Chapter III), which is
also useful in keying up public morale to the necessary
pitch. From the point of view of our present rulers, there-
fore, the only genuine dangers are the splitting- off of a new
group of able, under- employed, power-hungry people, and
the growth of liberalism and scepticism in their own ranks.
The problem, that is to say, is educational. It is a problem
of continuously moulding the consciousness both of the
directing group and of the larger executive group that lies
immediately below it. The consciousness of the masses
needs only to be influenced in a negative way.
Given this background, one could infer, if one did not
know it already, the general structure of Oceanic society. At
the apex of the pyramid comes Big Brother. Big Brother is in-
fallible and all-powerful. Every success, every achievement,
every victory, every scientific discovery, all knowledge, all
wisdom, all happiness, all virtue, are held to issue directly
from his leadership and inspiration. Nobody has ever seen
Big Brother. He is a face on the hoardings, a voice on the
telescreen. We may be reasonably sure that he will never die,
and there is already considerable uncertainty as to when he
was born. Big Brother is the guise in which the Party choos-
es to exhibit itself to the world. His function is to act as a
focusing point for love, fear, and reverence, emotions which
are more easily felt towards an individual than towards an
1984
organization. Below Big Brother comes the Inner Party. Its
numbers limited to six millions, or something less than
2 per cent of the population of Oceania. Below the Inner
Party comes the Outer Party, which, if the Inner Party is de-
scribed as the brain of the State, may be justly likened to the
hands. Below that come the dumb masses whom we habitu-
ally refer to as 'the proles', numbering perhaps 85 per cent of
the population. In the terms of our earlier classification, the
proles are the Low: for the slave population of the equatori-
al lands who pass constantly from conqueror to conqueror,
are not a permanent or necessary part of the structure.
In principle, membership of these three groups is not he-
reditary. The child of Inner Party parents is in theory not
born into the Inner Party. Admission to either branch of the
Party is by examination, taken at the age of sixteen. Nor is
there any racial discrimination, or any marked domination
of one province by another. Jews, Negroes, South Ameri-
cans of pure Indian blood are to be found in the highest
ranks of the Party, and the administrators of any area are
always drawn from the inhabitants of that area. In no part
of Oceania do the inhabitants have the feeling that they are
a colonial population ruled from a distant capital. Ocea-
nia has no capital, and its titular head is a person whose
whereabouts nobody knows. Except that English is its chief
LINGUA FRANCA and Newspeak its official language, it is
not centralized in any way. Its rulers are not held together
by blood-ties but by adherence to a common doctrine. It
is true that our society is stratified, and very rigidly strat-
ified, on what at first sight appear to be hereditary lines.
FreeeBooksatPlaneteBook. com 263
There is far less to-and-fro movement between the differ-
ent groups than happened under capitalism or even in the
pre-industrial age. Between the two branches of the Party
there is a certain amount of interchange, but only so much
as will ensure that weaklings are excluded from the Inner
Party and that ambitious members of the Outer Party are
made harmless by allowing them to rise. Proletarians, in
practice, are not allowed to graduate into the Party. The
most gifted among them, who might possibly become nu-
clei of discontent, are simply marked down by the Thought
Police and eliminated. But this state of affairs is not neces-
sarily permanent, nor is it a matter of principle. The Party
is not a class in the old sense of the word. It does not aim
at transmitting power to its own children, as such; and if
there were no other way of keeping the ablest people at the
top, it would be perfectly prepared to recruit an entire new
generation from the ranks of the proletariat. In the crucial
years, the fact that the Party was not a hereditary body did
a great deal to neutralize opposition. The older kind of So-
cialist, who had been trained to fight against something
called 'class privilege' assumed that what is not hereditary
cannot be permanent.
He did not see that the continuity
of an oligarchy need not be physical, nor did he pause to
reflect that hereditary aristocracies have always been short-
lived, whereas adoptive organizations such as the Catholic
Church have sometimes lasted for hundreds or thousands of years. The essence of oligarchical rule is not father-to-son
inheritance, but the persistence of a certain world-view and
a certain way of life, imposed by the dead upon the living. A
264 1984
ruling group is a ruling group so long as it can nominate its
successors. The Party is not concerned with perpetuating
its blood but with perpetuating itself. WHO wields power
is not important, provided that the hierarchical structure
remains always the same.
All the beliefs, habits, tastes, emotions, mental attitudes
that characterize our time are really designed to sustain the
mystique of the Party and prevent the true nature of pres-
ent-day society from being perceived. Physical rebellion, or
any preliminary move towards rebellion, is at present not
possible. From the proletarians nothing is to be feared. Left
to themselves, they will continue from generation to gener-
ation and from century to century, working, breeding, and
dying, not only without any impulse to rebel, but without
the power of grasping that the world could be other than it
is. They could only become dangerous if the advance of in-
dustrial technique made it necessary to educate them more
highly; but, since military and commercial rivalry are no
longer important, the level of popular education is actually
declining. What opinions the masses hold, or do not hold,
is looked on as a matter of indifference. They can be granted
intellectual liberty because they have no intellect. In a Party
member, on the other hand, not even the smallest deviation
of opinion on the most unimportant subject can be toler-
ated.
A Party member lives from birth to death under the eye
of the Thought Police. Even when he is alone he can never be
sure that he is alone. Wherever he may be, asleep or awake,
working or resting, in his bath or in bed, he can be inspected
FreeeBooksatPlaneteBook. com 265
without warning and without knowing that he is being in-
spected. Nothing that he does is indifferent. His friendships,
his relaxations, his behaviour towards his wife and children,
the expression of his face when he is alone, the words he
mutters in sleep, even the characteristic movements of his
body, are all jealously scrutinized. Not only any actual mis-
demeanour, but any eccentricity, however small, any change
of habits, any nervous mannerism that could possibly be
the symptom of an inner struggle, is certain to be detected.
He has no freedom of choice in any direction whatever. On
the other hand his actions are not regulated by law or by any
clearly formulated code of behaviour. In Oceania there is
no law. Thoughts and actions which, when detected, mean
certain death are not formally forbidden, and the endless
purges, arrests, tortures, imprisonments, and vaporizations
are not inflicted as punishment for crimes which have ac-
tually been committed, but are merely the wiping- out of
persons who might perhaps commit a crime at some time in
the future. A Party member is required to have not only the
right opinions, but the right instincts. Many of the beliefs
and attitudes demanded of him are never plainly stated, and
could not be stated without laying bare the contradictions
inherent in Ingsoc. If he is a person naturally orthodox (in
Newspeak a GOODTHINKER), he will in all circumstanc-
es know, without taking thought, what is the true belief or
the desirable emotion. But in any case an elaborate men-
tal training, undergone in childhood and grouping itself
round the Newspeak words CRIMESTOP, BLACKWHITE,
and DOUBLETHINK, makes him unwilling and unable to
1984
think too deeply on any subject whatever.
A Party member is expected to have no private emotions
and no respites from enthusiasm. He is supposed to live in a
continuous frenzy of hatred of foreign enemies and internal
traitors, triumph over victories, and self-abasement before
the power and wisdom of the Party. The discontents pro-
duced by his bare, unsatisfying life are deliberately turned
outwards and dissipated by such devices as the Two Minutes
Hate, and the speculations which might possibly induce a
sceptical or rebellious attitude are killed in advance by his
early acquired inner discipline. The first and simplest stage
in the discipline, which can be taught even to young chil-
dren, is called, in Newspeak, CRIMESTOP CRIMESTOP
means the faculty of stopping short, as though by instinct,
at the threshold of any dangerous thought. It includes the
power of not grasping analogies, of failing to perceive logi-
cal errors, of misunderstanding the simplest arguments if
they are inimical to Ingsoc, and of being bored or repelled
by any train of thought which is capable of leading in a
heretical direction. CRIMESTOP, in short, means protec-
tive stupidity. But stupidity is not enough. On the contrary,
orthodoxy in the full sense demands a control over one's
own mental processes as complete as that of a contortion-
ist over his body. Oceanic society rests ultimately on the
belief that Big Brother is omnipotent and that the Party is
infallible. But since in reality Big Brother is not omnipotent
and the party is not infallible, there is need for an unwea-
rying, moment-to-moment flexibility in the treatment of
facts. The keyword here is BLACKWHITE. Like so many
Free eBooks at Planet eBook. com 267
Newspeak words, this word has two mutually contradicto-
ry meanings. Applied to an opponent, it means the habit of
impudently claiming that black is white, in contradiction of
the plain facts. Applied to a Party member, it means a loyal
willingness to say that black is white when Party discipline
demands this. But it means also the ability to BELIEVE that
black is white, and more, to KNOW that black is white, and
to forget that one has ever believed the contrary. This de-
mands a continuous alteration of the past, made possible
by the system of thought which really embraces all the rest,
and which is known in Newspeak as DOUBLETHINK.
The alteration of the past is necessary for two reasons,
one of which is subsidiary and, so to speak, precaution-
ary. The subsidiary reason is that the Party member, like
the proletarian, tolerates present-day conditions partly be-
cause he has no standards of comparison. He must be cut
off from the past, just as he must be cut off from foreign
countries, because it is necessary for him to believe that
he is better off than his ancestors and that the average lev-
el of material comfort is constantly rising. But by far the
more important reason for the readjustment of the past is
the need to safeguard the infallibility of the Party. It is not
merely that speeches, statistics, and records of every kind
must be constantly brought up to date in order to show that
the predictions of the Party were in all cases right. It is also
that no change in doctrine or in political alignment can
ever be admitted. For to change one's mind, or even one's
policy, is a confession of weakness. If, for example, Eurasia
or Eastasia (whichever it may be) is the enemy today, then
1984
that country must always have been the enemy. And if the
facts say otherwise then the facts must be altered. Thus his-
tory is continuously rewritten. This day-to-day falsification
of the past, carried out by the Ministry of Truth, is as neces-
sary to the stability of the regime as the work of repression
and espionage carried out by the Ministry of Love.
The mutability of the past is the central tenet of Ingsoc.
Past events, it is argued, have no objective existence, but
survive only in written records and in human memories.
The past is whatever the records and the memories agree
upon. And since the Party is in full control of all records
and in equally full control of the minds of its members, it
follows that the past is whatever the Party chooses to make
it. It also follows that though the past is alterable, it never
has been altered in any specific instance. For when it has
been recreated in whatever shape is needed at the moment,
then this new version IS the past, and no different past can
ever have existed. This holds good even when, as often hap-
pens, the same event has to be altered out of recognition
several times in the course of a year. At all times the Party
is in possession of absolute truth, and clearly the absolute
can never have been different from what it is now. It will
be seen that the control of the past depends above all on
the training of memory. To make sure that all written re-
cords agree with the orthodoxy of the moment is merely
a mechanical act. But it is also necessary to REMEMBER
that events happened in the desired manner. And if it is
necessary to rearrange one's memories or to tamper with
written records, then it is necessary to FORGET that one
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has done so. The trick of doing this can be learned like any
other mental technique. It is learned by the majority of Par-
ty members, and certainly by all who are intelligent as well
as orthodox. In Oldspeak it is called, quite frankly, 'reality
control'. In Newspeak it is called DOUBLETHINK, though
DOUBLETHINK comprises much else as well.
DOUBLETHINK means the power of holding two
contradictory beliefs in one's mind simultaneously, and ac-
cepting both of them. The Party intellectual knows in which
direction his memories must be altered; he therefore knows
that he is playing tricks with reality; but by the exercise of
DOUBLETHINK he also satisfies himself that reality is not
violated. The process has to be conscious, or it would not
be carried out with sufficient precision, but it also has to be
unconscious, or it would bring with it a feeling of falsity and
hence of guilt. DOUBLETHINK lies at the very heart of In-
gsoc, since the essential act of the Party is to use conscious
deception while retaining the firmness of purpose that goes
with complete honesty. To tell deliberate lies while genu-
inely believing in them, to forget any fact that has become
inconvenient, and then, when it becomes necessary again,
to draw it back from oblivion for just so long as it is needed,
to deny the existence of objective reality and all the while
to take account of the reality which one denies — all this is
indispensably necessary. Even in using the word DOUBLE-
THINK it is necessary to exercise DOUBLETHINK. For
by using the word one admits that one is tampering with
reality; by a fresh act of DOUBLETHINK one erases this
knowledge; and so on indefinitely, with the lie always one
1984
leap ahead of the truth. Ultimately it is by means of DOU-
BLETHINK that the Party has been able — and may, for all
we know, continue to be able for thousands of years — to ar-
rest the course of history.
All past oligarchies have fallen from power either because
they ossified or because they grew soft. Either they became
stupid and arrogant, failed to adjust themselves to chang-
ing circumstances, and were overthrown; or they became
liberal and cowardly, made concessions when they should
have used force, and once again were overthrown. They fell,
that is to say, either through consciousness or through un-
consciousness. It is the achievement of the Party to have
produced a system of thought in which both conditions can
exist simultaneously. And upon no other intellectual basis
could the dominion of the Party be made permanent. If one
is to rule, and to continue ruling, one must be able to dis-
locate the sense of reality. For the secret of rulership is to
combine a belief in one's own infallibility with the Power to
learn from past mistakes.
It need hardly be said that the subtlest practitioners of
DOUBLETHINK are those who invented DOUBLETHINK
and know that it is a vast system of mental cheating. In
our society, those who have the best knowledge of what is
happening are also those who are furthest from seeing the
world as it is. In general, the greater the understanding, the
greater the delusion; the more intelligent, the less sane. One
clear illustration of this is the fact that war hysteria increas-
es in intensity as one rises in the social scale. Those whose
attitude towards the war is most nearly rational are the sub-
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ject peoples of the disputed territories. To these people the
war is simply a continuous calamity which sweeps to and
fro over their bodies like a tidal wave. Which side is win-
ning is a matter of complete indifference to them. They are
aware that a change of overlordship means simply that they
will be doing the same work as before for new masters who
treat them in the same manner as the old ones. The slightly
more favoured workers whom we call 'the proles' are only
intermittently conscious of the war. When it is necessary
they can be prodded into frenzies of fear and hatred, but
when left to themselves they are capable of forgetting for
long periods that the war is happening. It is in the ranks of
the Party, and above all of the Inner Party, that the true war
enthusiasm is found. World- conquest is believed in most
firmly by those who know it to be impossible. This peculiar
linking-together of opposites — knowledge with ignorance,
cynicism with fanaticism — is one of the chief distinguish-
ing marks of Oceanic society. The official ideology abounds
with contradictions even when there is no practical reason
for them. Thus, the Party rejects and vilifies every principle
for which the Socialist movement originally stood, and it
chooses to do this in the name of Socialism. It preaches a
contempt for the working class unexampled for centuries
past, and it dresses its members in a uniform which was at
one time peculiar to manual workers and was adopted for
that reason. It systematically undermines the solidarity of
the family, and it calls its leader by a name which is a direct
appeal to the sentiment of family loyalty. Even the names of
the four Ministries by which we are governed exhibit a sort
1984
of impudence in their deliberate reversal of the facts. The
Ministry of Peace concerns itself with war, the Ministry of
Truth with lies, the Ministry of Love with torture and the
Ministry of Plenty with starvation. These contradictions
are not accidental, nor do they result from ordinary hypoc-
risy; they are deliberate exercises in DOUBLETHINK. For
it is only by reconciling contradictions that power can be
retained indefinitely. In no other way could the ancient cy-
cle be broken. If human equality is to be for ever averted — if
the High, as we have called them, are to keep their places
permanently — then the prevailing mental condition must
be controlled insanity.
But there is one question which until this moment we
have almost ignored. It is; WHY should human equality be
averted? Supposing that the mechanics of the process have
been rightly described, what is the motive for this huge,
accurately planned effort to freeze history at a particular
moment of time?
Here we reach the central secret. As we have seen, the
mystique of the Party, and above all of the Inner Party, de-
pends upon DOUBLETHINK But deeper than this lies the
original motive, the never- questioned instinct that first led
to the seizure of power and brought DOUBLETHINK, the
Thought Police, continuous warfare, and all the other nec-
essary paraphernalia into existence afterwards. This motive
really consists. . .
Winston became aware of silence, as one becomes aware
of a new sound. It seemed to him that Julia had been very
still for some time past. She was lying on her side, na-
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ked from the waist upwards, with her cheek pillowed on
her hand and one dark lock tumbling across her eyes. Her
breast rose and fell slowly and regularly.
'Julia. '
No answer.
'Julia, are you awake? '
No answer. She was asleep. He shut the book, put it care-
fully on the floor, lay down, and pulled the coverlet over
both of them.
He had still, he reflected, not learned the ultimate secret.
He understood HOW; he did not understand WHY. Chap-
ter I, like Chapter III, had not actually told him anything
that he did not know, it had merely systematized the knowl-
edge that he possessed already. But after reading it he knew
better than before that he was not mad. Being in a minority,
even a minority of one, did not make you mad. There was
truth and there was untruth, and if you clung to the truth
even against the whole world, you were not mad. A yellow
beam from the sinking sun slanted in through the window
and fell across the pillow. He shut his eyes. The sun on his
face and the girl's smooth body touching his own gave him
a strong, sleepy, confident feeling. He was safe, everything
was all right. He fell asleep murmuring 'Sanity is not sta-
tistical,' with the feeling that this remark contained in it a
profound wisdom.
When he woke it was with the sensation of having slept
for a long time, but a glance at the old-fashioned clock told
him that it was only twenty-thirty He lay dozing for a while;
1984
then the usual deep-lunged singing struck up from the yard
below:
'It was only an 'opeless fancy,
It passed like an Ipril dye,
But a look an a word an the dreams they stirred
They 'ave stolen my 'eart awye! '
The driveling song seemed to have kept its popularity.
You still heard it all over the place. It had outlived the Hate
Song. Julia woke at the sound, stretched herself luxuriously,
and got out of bed.
'I'm hungry' she said. 'Let's make some more coffee.
Damn! The stove's gone out and the water's cold. ' She picked
the stove up and shook it. 'There's no oil in it. '
'We can get some from old Charrington, I expect. '
'The funny thing is I made sure it was full. I'm going to
put my clothes on,' she added. 'It seems to have got colder. '
Winston also got up and dressed himself. The indefati-
gable voice sang on:
"Ihey sye that time 'eals all things,
They sye you can always forget;
But the smiles an the tears acrorss the years
They twist my 'eart-strings yet! '
As he fastened the belt of his overalls he strolled across
to the window. The sun must have gone down behind the
houses; it was not shining into the yard any longer. The flag-
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stones were wet as though they had just been washed, and
he had the feeling that the sky had been washed too, so fresh
and pale was the blue between the chimney-pots. Tireless-
ly the woman marched to and fro, corking and uncorking
herself, singing and falling silent, and pegging out more di-
apers, and more and yet more. He wondered whether she
took in washing for a living or was merely the slave of twen-
ty or thirty grandchildren. Julia had come across to his side;
together they gazed down with a sort of fascination at the
sturdy figure below. As he looked at the woman in her char-
acteristic attitude, her thick arms reaching up for the line,
her powerful mare-like buttocks protruded, it struck him
for the first time that she was beautiful. It had never before
occurred to him that the body of a woman of fifty, blown up
to monstrous dimensions by childbearing, then hardened,
roughened by work till it was coarse in the grain like an
over-ripe turnip, could be beautiful. But it was so, and after
all, he thought, why not? The solid, contourless body, like a
block of granite, and the rasping red skin, bore the same re-
lation to the body of a girl as the rose-hip to the rose. Why
should the fruit be held inferior to the flower?
'She's beautiful,' he murmured.
'She's a metre across the hips, easily' said Julia.
'That is her style of beauty' said Winston.
He held Julia's supple waist easily encircled by his arm.
From the hip to the knee her flank was against his. Out of
their bodies no child would ever come. That was the one
thing they could never do. Only by word of mouth, from
mind to mind, could they pass on the secret. The woman
276 1984
down there had no mind, she had only strong arms, a warm
heart, and a fertile belly. He wondered how many children
she had given birth to. It might easily be fifteen. She had
had her momentary flowering, a year, perhaps, of wild-rose
beauty and then she had suddenly swollen like a fertilized
fruit and grown hard and red and coarse, and then her life
had been laundering, scrubbing, darning, cooking, sweep-
ing, polishing, mending, scrubbing, laundering, first for
children, then for grandchildren, over thirty unbroken
years. At the end of it she was still singing. The mystical
reverence that he felt for her was somehow mixed up with
the aspect of the pale, cloudless sky, stretching away behind
the chimney-pots into interminable distance. It was curi-
ous to think that the sky was the same for everybody, in
Eurasia or Eastasia as well as here. And the people under
the sky were also very much the same — everywhere, all over
the world, hundreds of thousands of millions of people just
like this, people ignorant of one another's existence, held
apart by walls of hatred and lies, and yet almost exactly the
same — people who had never learned to think but who were
storing up in their hearts and bellies and muscles the power
that would one day overturn the world. If there was hope,
it lay in the proles! Without having read to the end of THE
BOOK, he knew that that must be Goldstein's final message.
The future belonged to the proles. And could he be sure that
when their time came the world they constructed would not
be just as alien to him, Winston Smith, as the world of the
Party? Yes, because at the least it would be a world of sanity.
Where there is equality there can be sanity. Sooner or later
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it would happen, strength would change into consciousness.
The proles were immortal, you could not doubt it when you
looked at that valiant figure in the yard. In the end their
awakening would come. And until that happened, though it
might be a thousand years, they would stay alive against all
the odds, like birds, passing on from body to body the vital-
ity which the Party did not share and could not kill.
'Do you remember,' he said, 'the thrush that sang to us,
that first day, at the edge of the wood? '
'He wasn't singing to us,' said Julia. 'He was singing to
please himself.
serious. Physical facts could not be ignored. In philosophy,
or religion, or ethics, or politics, two and two might make
five, but when one was designing a gun or an aeroplane they
had to make four. Inefficient nations were always conquered
sooner or later, and the struggle for efficiency was inimi-
cal to illusions. Moreover, to be efficient it was necessary to
be able to learn from the past, which meant having a fairly
accurate idea of what had happened in the past. Newspa-
pers and history books were, of course, always coloured and
biased, but falsification of the kind that is practised today
would have been impossible. War was a sure safeguard of
sanity, and so far as the ruling classes were concerned it was
probably the most important of all safeguards. While wars
could be won or lost, no ruling class could be completely ir-
responsible.
But when war becomes literally continuous, it also ceases
to be dangerous. When war is continuous there is no such
thing as military necessity. Technical progress can cease
and the most palpable facts can be denied or disregarded.
As we have seen, researches that could be called scientific
are still carried out for the purposes of war, but they are es-
sentially a kind of daydreaming, and their failure to show
results is not important. Efficiency, even military efficiency,
is no longer needed. Nothing is efficient in Oceania except
the Thought Police. Since each of the three super-states is
unconquerable, each is in effect a separate universe within
which almost any perversion of thought can be safely prac-
tised. Reality only exerts its pressure through the needs of
everyday life — the need to eat and drink, to get shelter and
1984
clothing, to avoid swallowing poison or stepping out of top -
storey windows, and the like. Between life and death, and
between physical pleasure and physical pain, there is still
a distinction, but that is all. Cut off from contact with the
outer world, and with the past, the citizen of Oceania is
like a man in interstellar space, who has no way of know-
ing which direction is up and which is down. The rulers of
such a state are absolute, as the Pharaohs or the Caesars
could not be. They are obliged to prevent their followers
from starving to death in numbers large enough to be in-
convenient, and they are obliged to remain at the same
low level of military technique as their rivals; but once that
minimum is achieved, they can twist reality into whatever
shape they choose.
The war, therefore, if we judge it by the standards of pre-
vious wars, is merely an imposture. It is like the battles
between certain ruminant animals whose horns are set at
such an angle that they are incapable of hurting one anoth-
er. But though it is unreal it is not meaningless. It eats up
the surplus of consumable goods, and it helps to preserve
the special mental atmosphere that a hierarchical society
needs. War, it will be seen, is now a purely internal affair.
In the past, the ruling groups of all countries, although
they might recognize their common interest and therefore
limit the destructiveness of war, did fight against one an-
other, and the victor always plundered the vanquished. In
our own day they are not fighting against one another at
all. The war is waged by each ruling group against its own
subjects, and the object of the war is not to make or prevent
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conquests of territory, but to keep the structure of society
intact. The very word 'war', therefore, has become mislead-
ing. It would probably be accurate to say that by becoming
continuous war has ceased to exist. The peculiar pressure
that it exerted on human beings between the Neolithic Age
and the early twentieth century has disappeared and been
replaced by something quite different. The effect would be
much the same if the three super-states, instead of fighting
one another, should agree to live in perpetual peace, each
inviolate within its own boundaries. For in that case each
would still be a self-contained universe, freed for ever from
the sobering influence of external danger. A peace that was
truly permanent would be the same as a permanent war.
This — although the vast majority of Party members under-
stand it only in a shallower sense — is the inner meaning of
the Party slogan: WAR IS PEACE.
Winston stopped reading for a moment. Somewhere in
remote distance a rocket bomb thundered. The blissful feel-
ing of being alone with the forbidden book, in a room with
no telescreen, had not worn off. Solitude and safety were
physical sensations, mixed up somehow with the tiredness
of his body, the softness of the chair, the touch of the faint
breeze from the window that played upon his cheek. The
book fascinated him, or more exactly it reassured him. In
a sense it told him nothing that was new, but that was part
of the attraction. It said what he would have said, if it had
been possible for him to set his scattered thoughts in or-
der. It was the product of a mind similar to his own, but
enormously more powerful, more systematic, less fear-rid-
1984
den. The best books, he perceived, are those that tell you
what you know already. He had just turned back to Chapter
I when he heard Julia's footstep on the stair and started out
of his chair to meet her. She dumped her brown tool-bag on
the floor and flung herself into his arms. It was more than a
week since they had seen one another.
'I've got THE BOOK,' he said as they disentangled them-
selves.
'Oh, you've got it? Good,' she said without much interest,
and almost immediately knelt down beside the oil stove to
make the coffee.
They did not return to the subject until they had been
in bed for half an hour. The evening was just cool enough
to make it worth while to pull up the counterpane. From
below came the familiar sound of singing and the scrape
of boots on the flagstones. The brawny red-armed woman
whom Winston had seen there on his first visit was almost a
fixture in the yard. There seemed to be no hour of daylight
when she was not marching to and fro between the washtub
and the line, alternately gagging herself with clothes pegs
and breaking forth into lusty song. Julia had settled down
on her side and seemed to be already on the point of falling
asleep. He reached out for the book, which was lying on the
floor, and sat up against the bedhead.
'We must read it,' he said. 'You too. All members of the
Brotherhood have to read it. '
'You read it,' she said with her eyes shut. 'Read it aloud.
That's the best way. Then you can explain it to me as you
go-'
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The clock's hands said six, meaning eighteen. They had
three or four hours ahead of them. He propped the book
against his knees and began reading:
Chapter I Ignorance is Strength
Throughout recorded time, and probably since the end
of the Neolithic Age, there have been three kinds of people
in the world, the High, the Middle, and the Low. They have
been subdivided in many ways, they have borne count-
less different names, and their relative numbers, as well as
their attitude towards one another, have varied from age to
age: but the essential structure of society has never altered.
Even after enormous upheavals and seemingly irrevocable
changes, the same pattern has always reasserted itself, just
as a gyroscope will always return to equilibnum, however
far it is pushed one way or the other
'Julia, are you awake? ' said Winston.
'Yes, my love, I'm listening. Go on. It's marvellous. '
He continued reading:
The aims of these three groups are entirely irreconcil-
able. The aim of the High is to remain where they are. The
aim of the Middle is to change places with the High. The
aim of the Low, when they have an aim — for it is an abiding
characteristic of the Low that they are too much crushed
by drudgery to be more than intermittently conscious of
anything outside their daily lives — is to abolish all distinc-
tions and create a society in which all men shall be equal.
Thus throughout history a struggle which is the same in its
main outlines recurs over and over again. For long periods
the High seem to be securely in power, but sooner or later
1984
there always comes a moment when they lose either their
belief in themselves or their capacity to govern efficiently
or both. They are then overthrown by the Middle, who en-
list the Low on their side by pretending to them that they
are fighting for liberty and justice. As soon as they have
reached their objective, the Middle thrust the Low back
into their old position of servitude, and themselves become
the High. Presently a new Middle group splits off from one
of the other groups, or from both of them, and the struggle
begins over again. Of the three groups, only the Low are
never even temporarily successful in achieving their aims.
It would be an exaggeration to say that throughout history
there has been no progress of a material kind. Even today,
in a period of decline, the average human being is physical-
ly better off than he was a few centuries ago. But no advance
in wealth, no softening of manners, no reform or revolu-
tion has ever brought human equality a millimetre nearer.
From the point of view of the Low, no historic change has
ever meant much more than a change in the name of their
masters.
By the late nineteenth century the recurrence of this pat-
tern had become obvious to many observers. There then
rose schools of thinkers who interpreted history as a cy-
clical process and claimed to show that inequality was the
unalterable law of human life. This doctrine, of course, had
always had its adherents, but in the manner in which it was
now put forward there was a significant change. In the past
the need for a hierarchical form of society had been the doc-
trine specifically of the High. It had been preached by kings
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and aristocrats and by the priests, lawyers, and the like who
were parasitical upon them, and it had generally been soft-
ened by promises of compensation in an imaginary world
beyond the grave. The Middle, so long as it was struggling
for power, had always made use of such terms as freedom,
justice, and fraternity Now, however, the concept of hu-
man brotherhood began to be assailed by people who were
not yet in positions of command, but merely hoped to be so
before long. In the past the Middle had made revolutions
under the banner of equality, and then had established a
fresh tyranny as soon as the old one was overthrown. The
new Middle groups in effect proclaimed their tyranny be-
forehand. Socialism, a theory which appeared in the early
nineteenth century and was the last link in a chain of
thought stretching back to the slave rebellions of antiquity,
was still deeply infected by the Utopianism of past ages. But
in each variant of Socialism that appeared from about 1900
onwards the aim of establishing liberty and equality was
more and more openly abandoned. The new movements
which appeared in the middle years of the century, Ingsoc
in Oceania, Neo-Bolshevism in Eurasia, Death-Worship, as
it is commonly called, in Eastasia, had the conscious aim
of perpetuating UNfreedom and INequality These new
movements, of course, grew out of the old ones and tended
to keep their names and pay lip-service to their ideology.
But the purpose of all of them was to arrest progress and
freeze history at a chosen moment. The familiar pendulum
swing was to happen once more, and then stop. As usual,
the High were to be turned out by the Middle, who would
256 1984
then become the High; but this time, by conscious strategy,
the High would be able to maintain their position perma-
nently.
The new doctrines arose partly because of the accu-
mulation of historical knowledge, and the growth of the
historical sense, which had hardly existed before the nine-
teenth century. The cyclical movement of history was now
intelligible, or appeared to be so; and if it was intelligible,
then it was alterable. But the principal, underlying cause
was that, as early as the beginning of the twentieth century,
human equality had become technically possible. It was still
true that men were not equal in their native talents and that
functions had to be specialized in ways that favoured some
individuals against others; but there was no longer any real
need for class distinctions or for large differences of wealth.
In earlier ages, class distinctions had been not only inevi-
table but desirable. Inequality was the price of civilization.
With the development of machine production, however, the
case was altered. Even if it was still necessary for human
beings to do different kinds of work, it was no longer neces-
sary for them to live at different social or economic levels.
Therefore, from the point of view of the new groups who
were on the point of seizing power, human equality was no
longer an ideal to be striven after, but a danger to be avert-
ed. In more primitive ages, when a just and peaceful society
was in fact not possible, it had been fairly easy to believe it.
The idea of an earthly paradise in which men should live
together in a state of brotherhood, without laws and with-
out brute labour, had haunted the human imagination for
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thousands of years. And this vision had had a certain hold
even on the groups who actually profited by each histori-
cal change. The heirs of the French, English, and American
revolutions had partly believed in their own phrases about
the rights of man, freedom of speech, equality before the
law, and the like, and have even allowed their conduct to
be influenced by them to some extent. But by the fourth
decade of the twentieth century all the main currents of
political thought were authoritarian. The earthly paradise
had been discredited at exactly the moment when it became
realizable. Every new political theory, by whatever name it
called itself, led back to hierarchy and regimentation. And
in the general hardening of outlook that set in round about
1930, practices which had been long abandoned, in some
cases for hundreds of years — imprisonment without trial,
the use of war prisoners as slaves, public executions, torture
to extract confessions, the use of hostages, and the depor-
tation of whole populations— not only became common
again, but were tolerated and even defended by people who
considered themselves enlightened and progressive.
It was only after a decade of national wars, civil wars,
revolutions, and counter-revolutions in all parts of the
world that Ingsoc and its rivals emerged as fully worked-
out political theories. But they had been foreshadowed by
the various systems, generally called totalitarian, which
had appeared earlier in the century, and the main outlines
of the world which would emerge from the prevailing chaos
had long been obvious. What kind of people would control
this world had been equally obvious. The new aristocracy
258 1984
was made up for the most part of bureaucrats, scientists,
technicians, trade-union organizers, publicity experts, so-
ciologists, teachers, journalists, and professional politicians.
These people, whose origins lay in the salaried middle class
and the upper grades of the working class, had been shaped
and brought together by the barren world of monopoly in-
dustry and centralized government. As compared with
their opposite numbers in past ages, they were less avari-
cious, less tempted by luxury, hungrier for pure power, and,
above all, more conscious of what they were doing and
more intent on crushing opposition. This last difference was
cardinal. By comparison with that existing today, all the
tyrannies of the past were half-hearted and inefficient. The
ruling groups were always infected to some extent by lib-
eral ideas, and were content to leave loose ends everywhere,
to regard only the overt act and to be uninterested in what
their subjects were thinking. Even the Catholic Church of
the Middle Ages was tolerant by modern standards. Part of
the reason for this was that in the past no government had
the power to keep its citizens under constant surveillance.
The invention of print, however, made it easier to manipu-
late public opinion, and the film and the radio carried the
process further. With the development of television, and
the technical advance which made it possible to receive and
transmit simultaneously on the same instrument, private
life came to an end. Every citizen, or at least every citizen
important enough to be worth watching, could be kept for
twenty- four hours a day under the eyes of the police and in
the sound of official propaganda, with all other channels
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of communication closed. The possibility of enforcing not
only complete obedience to the will of the State, but com-
plete uniformity of opinion on all subjects, now existed for
the first time.
After the revolutionary period of the fifties and sixties,
society regrouped itself, as always, into High, Middle, and
Low. But the new High group, unlike all its forerunners, did
not act upon instinct but knew what was needed to safeguard
its position. It had long been realized that the only secure
basis for oligarchy is collectivism. Wealth and privilege are
most easily defended when they are possessed jointly. The
so-called 'abolition of private property' which took place in
the middle years of the century meant, in effect, the con-
centration of property in far fewer hands than before: but
with this difference, that the new owners were a group in-
stead of a mass of individuals. Individually, no member of
the Party owns anything, except petty personal belongings.
Collectively, the Party owns everything in Oceania, be-
cause it controls everything, and disposes of the products
as it thinks fit. In the years following the Revolution it was
able to step into this commanding position almost unop-
posed, because the whole process was represented as an act
of collectivization. It had always been assumed that if the
capitalist class were expropriated, Socialism must follow:
and unquestionably the capitalists had been expropriated.
Factories, mines, land, houses, transport — everything had
been taken away from them: and since these things were
no longer private property, it followed that they must be
public property. Ingsoc, which grew out of the earlier So-
1984
cialist movement and inherited its phraseology, has in fact
carried out the main item in the Socialist programme; with
the result, foreseen and intended beforehand, that econom-
ic inequality has been made permanent.
But the problems of perpetuating a hierarchical soci-
ety go deeper than this. There are only four ways in which
a ruling group can fall from power. Either it is conquered
from without, or it governs so inefficiently that the masses
are stirred to revolt, or it allows a strong and discontented
Middle group to come into being, or it loses its own self-
confidence and willingness to govern. These causes do not
operate singly, and as a rule all four of them are present in
some degree. A ruling class which could guard against all
of them would remain in power permanently. Ultimately
the determining factor is the mental attitude of the ruling
class itself.
After the middle of the present century, the first dan-
ger had in reality disappeared. Each of the three powers
which now divide the world is in fact unconquerable, and
could only become conquerable through slow demographic
changes which a government with wide powers can easi-
ly avert. The second danger, also, is only a theoretical one.
The masses never revolt of their own accord, and they never
revolt merely because they are oppressed. Indeed, so long
as they are not permitted to have standards of comparison,
they never even become aware that they are oppressed. The
recurrent economic crises of past times were totally un-
necessary and are not now permitted to happen, but other
and equally large dislocations can and do happen without
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having political results, because there is no way in which
discontent can become articulate. As for the problem of
over-production, which has been latent in our society since
the development of machine technique, it is solved by the
device of continuous warfare (see Chapter III), which is
also useful in keying up public morale to the necessary
pitch. From the point of view of our present rulers, there-
fore, the only genuine dangers are the splitting- off of a new
group of able, under- employed, power-hungry people, and
the growth of liberalism and scepticism in their own ranks.
The problem, that is to say, is educational. It is a problem
of continuously moulding the consciousness both of the
directing group and of the larger executive group that lies
immediately below it. The consciousness of the masses
needs only to be influenced in a negative way.
Given this background, one could infer, if one did not
know it already, the general structure of Oceanic society. At
the apex of the pyramid comes Big Brother. Big Brother is in-
fallible and all-powerful. Every success, every achievement,
every victory, every scientific discovery, all knowledge, all
wisdom, all happiness, all virtue, are held to issue directly
from his leadership and inspiration. Nobody has ever seen
Big Brother. He is a face on the hoardings, a voice on the
telescreen. We may be reasonably sure that he will never die,
and there is already considerable uncertainty as to when he
was born. Big Brother is the guise in which the Party choos-
es to exhibit itself to the world. His function is to act as a
focusing point for love, fear, and reverence, emotions which
are more easily felt towards an individual than towards an
1984
organization. Below Big Brother comes the Inner Party. Its
numbers limited to six millions, or something less than
2 per cent of the population of Oceania. Below the Inner
Party comes the Outer Party, which, if the Inner Party is de-
scribed as the brain of the State, may be justly likened to the
hands. Below that come the dumb masses whom we habitu-
ally refer to as 'the proles', numbering perhaps 85 per cent of
the population. In the terms of our earlier classification, the
proles are the Low: for the slave population of the equatori-
al lands who pass constantly from conqueror to conqueror,
are not a permanent or necessary part of the structure.
In principle, membership of these three groups is not he-
reditary. The child of Inner Party parents is in theory not
born into the Inner Party. Admission to either branch of the
Party is by examination, taken at the age of sixteen. Nor is
there any racial discrimination, or any marked domination
of one province by another. Jews, Negroes, South Ameri-
cans of pure Indian blood are to be found in the highest
ranks of the Party, and the administrators of any area are
always drawn from the inhabitants of that area. In no part
of Oceania do the inhabitants have the feeling that they are
a colonial population ruled from a distant capital. Ocea-
nia has no capital, and its titular head is a person whose
whereabouts nobody knows. Except that English is its chief
LINGUA FRANCA and Newspeak its official language, it is
not centralized in any way. Its rulers are not held together
by blood-ties but by adherence to a common doctrine. It
is true that our society is stratified, and very rigidly strat-
ified, on what at first sight appear to be hereditary lines.
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There is far less to-and-fro movement between the differ-
ent groups than happened under capitalism or even in the
pre-industrial age. Between the two branches of the Party
there is a certain amount of interchange, but only so much
as will ensure that weaklings are excluded from the Inner
Party and that ambitious members of the Outer Party are
made harmless by allowing them to rise. Proletarians, in
practice, are not allowed to graduate into the Party. The
most gifted among them, who might possibly become nu-
clei of discontent, are simply marked down by the Thought
Police and eliminated. But this state of affairs is not neces-
sarily permanent, nor is it a matter of principle. The Party
is not a class in the old sense of the word. It does not aim
at transmitting power to its own children, as such; and if
there were no other way of keeping the ablest people at the
top, it would be perfectly prepared to recruit an entire new
generation from the ranks of the proletariat. In the crucial
years, the fact that the Party was not a hereditary body did
a great deal to neutralize opposition. The older kind of So-
cialist, who had been trained to fight against something
called 'class privilege' assumed that what is not hereditary
cannot be permanent.
He did not see that the continuity
of an oligarchy need not be physical, nor did he pause to
reflect that hereditary aristocracies have always been short-
lived, whereas adoptive organizations such as the Catholic
Church have sometimes lasted for hundreds or thousands of years. The essence of oligarchical rule is not father-to-son
inheritance, but the persistence of a certain world-view and
a certain way of life, imposed by the dead upon the living. A
264 1984
ruling group is a ruling group so long as it can nominate its
successors. The Party is not concerned with perpetuating
its blood but with perpetuating itself. WHO wields power
is not important, provided that the hierarchical structure
remains always the same.
All the beliefs, habits, tastes, emotions, mental attitudes
that characterize our time are really designed to sustain the
mystique of the Party and prevent the true nature of pres-
ent-day society from being perceived. Physical rebellion, or
any preliminary move towards rebellion, is at present not
possible. From the proletarians nothing is to be feared. Left
to themselves, they will continue from generation to gener-
ation and from century to century, working, breeding, and
dying, not only without any impulse to rebel, but without
the power of grasping that the world could be other than it
is. They could only become dangerous if the advance of in-
dustrial technique made it necessary to educate them more
highly; but, since military and commercial rivalry are no
longer important, the level of popular education is actually
declining. What opinions the masses hold, or do not hold,
is looked on as a matter of indifference. They can be granted
intellectual liberty because they have no intellect. In a Party
member, on the other hand, not even the smallest deviation
of opinion on the most unimportant subject can be toler-
ated.
A Party member lives from birth to death under the eye
of the Thought Police. Even when he is alone he can never be
sure that he is alone. Wherever he may be, asleep or awake,
working or resting, in his bath or in bed, he can be inspected
FreeeBooksatPlaneteBook. com 265
without warning and without knowing that he is being in-
spected. Nothing that he does is indifferent. His friendships,
his relaxations, his behaviour towards his wife and children,
the expression of his face when he is alone, the words he
mutters in sleep, even the characteristic movements of his
body, are all jealously scrutinized. Not only any actual mis-
demeanour, but any eccentricity, however small, any change
of habits, any nervous mannerism that could possibly be
the symptom of an inner struggle, is certain to be detected.
He has no freedom of choice in any direction whatever. On
the other hand his actions are not regulated by law or by any
clearly formulated code of behaviour. In Oceania there is
no law. Thoughts and actions which, when detected, mean
certain death are not formally forbidden, and the endless
purges, arrests, tortures, imprisonments, and vaporizations
are not inflicted as punishment for crimes which have ac-
tually been committed, but are merely the wiping- out of
persons who might perhaps commit a crime at some time in
the future. A Party member is required to have not only the
right opinions, but the right instincts. Many of the beliefs
and attitudes demanded of him are never plainly stated, and
could not be stated without laying bare the contradictions
inherent in Ingsoc. If he is a person naturally orthodox (in
Newspeak a GOODTHINKER), he will in all circumstanc-
es know, without taking thought, what is the true belief or
the desirable emotion. But in any case an elaborate men-
tal training, undergone in childhood and grouping itself
round the Newspeak words CRIMESTOP, BLACKWHITE,
and DOUBLETHINK, makes him unwilling and unable to
1984
think too deeply on any subject whatever.
A Party member is expected to have no private emotions
and no respites from enthusiasm. He is supposed to live in a
continuous frenzy of hatred of foreign enemies and internal
traitors, triumph over victories, and self-abasement before
the power and wisdom of the Party. The discontents pro-
duced by his bare, unsatisfying life are deliberately turned
outwards and dissipated by such devices as the Two Minutes
Hate, and the speculations which might possibly induce a
sceptical or rebellious attitude are killed in advance by his
early acquired inner discipline. The first and simplest stage
in the discipline, which can be taught even to young chil-
dren, is called, in Newspeak, CRIMESTOP CRIMESTOP
means the faculty of stopping short, as though by instinct,
at the threshold of any dangerous thought. It includes the
power of not grasping analogies, of failing to perceive logi-
cal errors, of misunderstanding the simplest arguments if
they are inimical to Ingsoc, and of being bored or repelled
by any train of thought which is capable of leading in a
heretical direction. CRIMESTOP, in short, means protec-
tive stupidity. But stupidity is not enough. On the contrary,
orthodoxy in the full sense demands a control over one's
own mental processes as complete as that of a contortion-
ist over his body. Oceanic society rests ultimately on the
belief that Big Brother is omnipotent and that the Party is
infallible. But since in reality Big Brother is not omnipotent
and the party is not infallible, there is need for an unwea-
rying, moment-to-moment flexibility in the treatment of
facts. The keyword here is BLACKWHITE. Like so many
Free eBooks at Planet eBook. com 267
Newspeak words, this word has two mutually contradicto-
ry meanings. Applied to an opponent, it means the habit of
impudently claiming that black is white, in contradiction of
the plain facts. Applied to a Party member, it means a loyal
willingness to say that black is white when Party discipline
demands this. But it means also the ability to BELIEVE that
black is white, and more, to KNOW that black is white, and
to forget that one has ever believed the contrary. This de-
mands a continuous alteration of the past, made possible
by the system of thought which really embraces all the rest,
and which is known in Newspeak as DOUBLETHINK.
The alteration of the past is necessary for two reasons,
one of which is subsidiary and, so to speak, precaution-
ary. The subsidiary reason is that the Party member, like
the proletarian, tolerates present-day conditions partly be-
cause he has no standards of comparison. He must be cut
off from the past, just as he must be cut off from foreign
countries, because it is necessary for him to believe that
he is better off than his ancestors and that the average lev-
el of material comfort is constantly rising. But by far the
more important reason for the readjustment of the past is
the need to safeguard the infallibility of the Party. It is not
merely that speeches, statistics, and records of every kind
must be constantly brought up to date in order to show that
the predictions of the Party were in all cases right. It is also
that no change in doctrine or in political alignment can
ever be admitted. For to change one's mind, or even one's
policy, is a confession of weakness. If, for example, Eurasia
or Eastasia (whichever it may be) is the enemy today, then
1984
that country must always have been the enemy. And if the
facts say otherwise then the facts must be altered. Thus his-
tory is continuously rewritten. This day-to-day falsification
of the past, carried out by the Ministry of Truth, is as neces-
sary to the stability of the regime as the work of repression
and espionage carried out by the Ministry of Love.
The mutability of the past is the central tenet of Ingsoc.
Past events, it is argued, have no objective existence, but
survive only in written records and in human memories.
The past is whatever the records and the memories agree
upon. And since the Party is in full control of all records
and in equally full control of the minds of its members, it
follows that the past is whatever the Party chooses to make
it. It also follows that though the past is alterable, it never
has been altered in any specific instance. For when it has
been recreated in whatever shape is needed at the moment,
then this new version IS the past, and no different past can
ever have existed. This holds good even when, as often hap-
pens, the same event has to be altered out of recognition
several times in the course of a year. At all times the Party
is in possession of absolute truth, and clearly the absolute
can never have been different from what it is now. It will
be seen that the control of the past depends above all on
the training of memory. To make sure that all written re-
cords agree with the orthodoxy of the moment is merely
a mechanical act. But it is also necessary to REMEMBER
that events happened in the desired manner. And if it is
necessary to rearrange one's memories or to tamper with
written records, then it is necessary to FORGET that one
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has done so. The trick of doing this can be learned like any
other mental technique. It is learned by the majority of Par-
ty members, and certainly by all who are intelligent as well
as orthodox. In Oldspeak it is called, quite frankly, 'reality
control'. In Newspeak it is called DOUBLETHINK, though
DOUBLETHINK comprises much else as well.
DOUBLETHINK means the power of holding two
contradictory beliefs in one's mind simultaneously, and ac-
cepting both of them. The Party intellectual knows in which
direction his memories must be altered; he therefore knows
that he is playing tricks with reality; but by the exercise of
DOUBLETHINK he also satisfies himself that reality is not
violated. The process has to be conscious, or it would not
be carried out with sufficient precision, but it also has to be
unconscious, or it would bring with it a feeling of falsity and
hence of guilt. DOUBLETHINK lies at the very heart of In-
gsoc, since the essential act of the Party is to use conscious
deception while retaining the firmness of purpose that goes
with complete honesty. To tell deliberate lies while genu-
inely believing in them, to forget any fact that has become
inconvenient, and then, when it becomes necessary again,
to draw it back from oblivion for just so long as it is needed,
to deny the existence of objective reality and all the while
to take account of the reality which one denies — all this is
indispensably necessary. Even in using the word DOUBLE-
THINK it is necessary to exercise DOUBLETHINK. For
by using the word one admits that one is tampering with
reality; by a fresh act of DOUBLETHINK one erases this
knowledge; and so on indefinitely, with the lie always one
1984
leap ahead of the truth. Ultimately it is by means of DOU-
BLETHINK that the Party has been able — and may, for all
we know, continue to be able for thousands of years — to ar-
rest the course of history.
All past oligarchies have fallen from power either because
they ossified or because they grew soft. Either they became
stupid and arrogant, failed to adjust themselves to chang-
ing circumstances, and were overthrown; or they became
liberal and cowardly, made concessions when they should
have used force, and once again were overthrown. They fell,
that is to say, either through consciousness or through un-
consciousness. It is the achievement of the Party to have
produced a system of thought in which both conditions can
exist simultaneously. And upon no other intellectual basis
could the dominion of the Party be made permanent. If one
is to rule, and to continue ruling, one must be able to dis-
locate the sense of reality. For the secret of rulership is to
combine a belief in one's own infallibility with the Power to
learn from past mistakes.
It need hardly be said that the subtlest practitioners of
DOUBLETHINK are those who invented DOUBLETHINK
and know that it is a vast system of mental cheating. In
our society, those who have the best knowledge of what is
happening are also those who are furthest from seeing the
world as it is. In general, the greater the understanding, the
greater the delusion; the more intelligent, the less sane. One
clear illustration of this is the fact that war hysteria increas-
es in intensity as one rises in the social scale. Those whose
attitude towards the war is most nearly rational are the sub-
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ject peoples of the disputed territories. To these people the
war is simply a continuous calamity which sweeps to and
fro over their bodies like a tidal wave. Which side is win-
ning is a matter of complete indifference to them. They are
aware that a change of overlordship means simply that they
will be doing the same work as before for new masters who
treat them in the same manner as the old ones. The slightly
more favoured workers whom we call 'the proles' are only
intermittently conscious of the war. When it is necessary
they can be prodded into frenzies of fear and hatred, but
when left to themselves they are capable of forgetting for
long periods that the war is happening. It is in the ranks of
the Party, and above all of the Inner Party, that the true war
enthusiasm is found. World- conquest is believed in most
firmly by those who know it to be impossible. This peculiar
linking-together of opposites — knowledge with ignorance,
cynicism with fanaticism — is one of the chief distinguish-
ing marks of Oceanic society. The official ideology abounds
with contradictions even when there is no practical reason
for them. Thus, the Party rejects and vilifies every principle
for which the Socialist movement originally stood, and it
chooses to do this in the name of Socialism. It preaches a
contempt for the working class unexampled for centuries
past, and it dresses its members in a uniform which was at
one time peculiar to manual workers and was adopted for
that reason. It systematically undermines the solidarity of
the family, and it calls its leader by a name which is a direct
appeal to the sentiment of family loyalty. Even the names of
the four Ministries by which we are governed exhibit a sort
1984
of impudence in their deliberate reversal of the facts. The
Ministry of Peace concerns itself with war, the Ministry of
Truth with lies, the Ministry of Love with torture and the
Ministry of Plenty with starvation. These contradictions
are not accidental, nor do they result from ordinary hypoc-
risy; they are deliberate exercises in DOUBLETHINK. For
it is only by reconciling contradictions that power can be
retained indefinitely. In no other way could the ancient cy-
cle be broken. If human equality is to be for ever averted — if
the High, as we have called them, are to keep their places
permanently — then the prevailing mental condition must
be controlled insanity.
But there is one question which until this moment we
have almost ignored. It is; WHY should human equality be
averted? Supposing that the mechanics of the process have
been rightly described, what is the motive for this huge,
accurately planned effort to freeze history at a particular
moment of time?
Here we reach the central secret. As we have seen, the
mystique of the Party, and above all of the Inner Party, de-
pends upon DOUBLETHINK But deeper than this lies the
original motive, the never- questioned instinct that first led
to the seizure of power and brought DOUBLETHINK, the
Thought Police, continuous warfare, and all the other nec-
essary paraphernalia into existence afterwards. This motive
really consists. . .
Winston became aware of silence, as one becomes aware
of a new sound. It seemed to him that Julia had been very
still for some time past. She was lying on her side, na-
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ked from the waist upwards, with her cheek pillowed on
her hand and one dark lock tumbling across her eyes. Her
breast rose and fell slowly and regularly.
'Julia. '
No answer.
'Julia, are you awake? '
No answer. She was asleep. He shut the book, put it care-
fully on the floor, lay down, and pulled the coverlet over
both of them.
He had still, he reflected, not learned the ultimate secret.
He understood HOW; he did not understand WHY. Chap-
ter I, like Chapter III, had not actually told him anything
that he did not know, it had merely systematized the knowl-
edge that he possessed already. But after reading it he knew
better than before that he was not mad. Being in a minority,
even a minority of one, did not make you mad. There was
truth and there was untruth, and if you clung to the truth
even against the whole world, you were not mad. A yellow
beam from the sinking sun slanted in through the window
and fell across the pillow. He shut his eyes. The sun on his
face and the girl's smooth body touching his own gave him
a strong, sleepy, confident feeling. He was safe, everything
was all right. He fell asleep murmuring 'Sanity is not sta-
tistical,' with the feeling that this remark contained in it a
profound wisdom.
When he woke it was with the sensation of having slept
for a long time, but a glance at the old-fashioned clock told
him that it was only twenty-thirty He lay dozing for a while;
1984
then the usual deep-lunged singing struck up from the yard
below:
'It was only an 'opeless fancy,
It passed like an Ipril dye,
But a look an a word an the dreams they stirred
They 'ave stolen my 'eart awye! '
The driveling song seemed to have kept its popularity.
You still heard it all over the place. It had outlived the Hate
Song. Julia woke at the sound, stretched herself luxuriously,
and got out of bed.
'I'm hungry' she said. 'Let's make some more coffee.
Damn! The stove's gone out and the water's cold. ' She picked
the stove up and shook it. 'There's no oil in it. '
'We can get some from old Charrington, I expect. '
'The funny thing is I made sure it was full. I'm going to
put my clothes on,' she added. 'It seems to have got colder. '
Winston also got up and dressed himself. The indefati-
gable voice sang on:
"Ihey sye that time 'eals all things,
They sye you can always forget;
But the smiles an the tears acrorss the years
They twist my 'eart-strings yet! '
As he fastened the belt of his overalls he strolled across
to the window. The sun must have gone down behind the
houses; it was not shining into the yard any longer. The flag-
FreeeBooksatPlaneteBook. com 275
stones were wet as though they had just been washed, and
he had the feeling that the sky had been washed too, so fresh
and pale was the blue between the chimney-pots. Tireless-
ly the woman marched to and fro, corking and uncorking
herself, singing and falling silent, and pegging out more di-
apers, and more and yet more. He wondered whether she
took in washing for a living or was merely the slave of twen-
ty or thirty grandchildren. Julia had come across to his side;
together they gazed down with a sort of fascination at the
sturdy figure below. As he looked at the woman in her char-
acteristic attitude, her thick arms reaching up for the line,
her powerful mare-like buttocks protruded, it struck him
for the first time that she was beautiful. It had never before
occurred to him that the body of a woman of fifty, blown up
to monstrous dimensions by childbearing, then hardened,
roughened by work till it was coarse in the grain like an
over-ripe turnip, could be beautiful. But it was so, and after
all, he thought, why not? The solid, contourless body, like a
block of granite, and the rasping red skin, bore the same re-
lation to the body of a girl as the rose-hip to the rose. Why
should the fruit be held inferior to the flower?
'She's beautiful,' he murmured.
'She's a metre across the hips, easily' said Julia.
'That is her style of beauty' said Winston.
He held Julia's supple waist easily encircled by his arm.
From the hip to the knee her flank was against his. Out of
their bodies no child would ever come. That was the one
thing they could never do. Only by word of mouth, from
mind to mind, could they pass on the secret. The woman
276 1984
down there had no mind, she had only strong arms, a warm
heart, and a fertile belly. He wondered how many children
she had given birth to. It might easily be fifteen. She had
had her momentary flowering, a year, perhaps, of wild-rose
beauty and then she had suddenly swollen like a fertilized
fruit and grown hard and red and coarse, and then her life
had been laundering, scrubbing, darning, cooking, sweep-
ing, polishing, mending, scrubbing, laundering, first for
children, then for grandchildren, over thirty unbroken
years. At the end of it she was still singing. The mystical
reverence that he felt for her was somehow mixed up with
the aspect of the pale, cloudless sky, stretching away behind
the chimney-pots into interminable distance. It was curi-
ous to think that the sky was the same for everybody, in
Eurasia or Eastasia as well as here. And the people under
the sky were also very much the same — everywhere, all over
the world, hundreds of thousands of millions of people just
like this, people ignorant of one another's existence, held
apart by walls of hatred and lies, and yet almost exactly the
same — people who had never learned to think but who were
storing up in their hearts and bellies and muscles the power
that would one day overturn the world. If there was hope,
it lay in the proles! Without having read to the end of THE
BOOK, he knew that that must be Goldstein's final message.
The future belonged to the proles. And could he be sure that
when their time came the world they constructed would not
be just as alien to him, Winston Smith, as the world of the
Party? Yes, because at the least it would be a world of sanity.
Where there is equality there can be sanity. Sooner or later
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it would happen, strength would change into consciousness.
The proles were immortal, you could not doubt it when you
looked at that valiant figure in the yard. In the end their
awakening would come. And until that happened, though it
might be a thousand years, they would stay alive against all
the odds, like birds, passing on from body to body the vital-
ity which the Party did not share and could not kill.
'Do you remember,' he said, 'the thrush that sang to us,
that first day, at the edge of the wood? '
'He wasn't singing to us,' said Julia. 'He was singing to
please himself.
