614, a), who did not re-
cover his power of smiling until assisted by another
oracle.
cover his power of smiling until assisted by another
oracle.
Charles - 1867 - Classical Dictionary
(Vid.
Laomedon.
) During the reign
of this last-mentioned monarch, Troy was taken by
Hercules, assisted by Tclamon, son of . -Eacus, but
was restored by the victor to Priam, the aon of its
conquered king. (Vid. Laomedon, and Priamus. )
Priam reigned here in peace and prosperity for many
years, having a number of adjacent tribes under his
sway, until his son Paris, attracted to Laconia by the
fame of Helen's beauty, abused the hospitality of Men-
elaiis by carrying off his queen in his absence. All
the chiefs of Greece, thereupon combined their forces,
under the command of Agamemnon, to avenge this
? ? outrage, sailed with a great armament to Troy, and,
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? TROJA.
TROJA.
Such is the narrative of the Trojan war as it appeared
in the Iliad of Homer, in the Little Iliad, and in the
Dtstruetion of Troy, by the bard Arctinus. It was
a subject, however, of all others open to variation and
addition, as may be seen, in particular, from the . Fund
of Virgil, and also in the other form of the story, which
made . -? neas and Antenor to have betrayed Troy to
the Greeks. (Keightley't Mythology, p. 485, >eqq. )
3. How far the story of the Trojan War is credible.
The poems of Homer have made the story of the
Trojan war familiar to most readers long before they
are tempted to inquire into its historical basis. It is,
consequently, difficult to enter upon the present inqui-
ry without some prepossessions unfavourable to an
impartial judgment. Here, however, we must not be
deterred from stating our view of the subject, by the
certainty that it will appear to some paradoxical, while
others will think that it savours of excessive credulity.
The reality of the siege of Troy has sometimes been
questioned, we conceive, without sufficient ground,
and against some strong evidence. According to the
rules of sound criticism, very cogent arguments ought
to be required to induce us to reject as a mere fiction
a tradition so ancient, so universally received, so defi-
nite, and so interwoven with the whole mass of the na-
tional recollections as that of the Trojan war. Even
if unfounded, it must still have had some adequate oc-
casion and motive; and it is difficult to imagine what
this could have been, unless it arose out of the Greek
colonies in Asia; and in this case, its universal recep-
tion in Greece itself is not easily explained. The
leaders of the earliest among these colonies, which
were planted in the neighbourhood of Troy, claimed
Agamemnon as their ancestor; but if this had sug-
gested the story of his victories in Asia, their scene
would probably have been fi. xcd in the very region oc-
cupied by his descendants, not in an adjacent land
On the other hand, the course taken by this first (. ^. o-
lian) migration falls in naturally with a previous tradi-
tion of a conquest achieved by Greeks in this part of
Asia. We therefore conceive it necessary to admit the
reality of the Trojan war as a general fact, but beyond
this wo scarcely venture to proceed a single step. Its
cause and its issue, the manner in which it was con-
ducted, and the parties engaged in it, are all involved
in an obscurity which we cannot pretend to penetrate.
We find it impossible to adopt the poetical story of
Helen, partly on account of its inherent improbability,
? in<l partly because we arc convinced that Helen is
% merely mythological person. (Vid. Helena. ) The
common account of the origin of the war has indeed
been defended, on the ground that it is perfectly con-
sistent with the manners of the age; just as if a pop-
ular tale, whether true or false, could be at variance
with them. The feature in the narrative which ap-
pears in the highest degree improbable, setting the
character of the persons out of the question, is the in-
tercourse implied in it between Troy and Sparta. As
to the heroine, it would be sufficient to raise a strong
suspicion of her fabulous nature to observe that she is
classed by Herodotus with lo, and Europa, and Me-
dea, all of them persons who, on distinct grounds,
must clearly be referred to ihe domain of mythology.
This suspicion is confirmed by all the particulars of her
legend; by her birth; by her relation to the Divine
Twins, whose worship seems to have been one of the
most ancient forms of religion in Peloponnesus, and
? ? especially in Laconia; and by the divine honours paid
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? TROJA.
THOJA.
tionof the Greek forces in the Iliad,than on the other
parts of the poem which have a more poetical aspect,
especially as it appears to be a compilation adapted to
a liter state of things. That the numbers of the ar-
mament are, as Thucydidcs observed, exaggerated by
the poet, rn>>y easily be believed; and perhaps we may
very well dispense with the historian's supposition,
that a detachment was employed in the cultivation of
the Thracian Chersonese. "My father," says the
son of Hercules, in the Iliad, "came hither with no
more than six ships and a few men: yet he laid Ilium
waste, and made her streets desolate. " A surprising
contrast, indeed, to the efforts and success of Aga-
memnon, who, with his 1200 ships and 100,000 men,
headed by the flower of the Grecian chivalry, lay ten
years before the town, often ready to abandon the en-
terprise in despair, and who, at last, was indebted foi
victory to an unexpected favourable turn of affairs.
It has been conjectured, that, after the first calamity,
the city was more strongly fortified, and rose rapidly
in power during the reign of Priam; but this suppo-
sition can hardly reconcile the imagination to the
transition from the six ships of Hercules to the vast
host of Agamemnon. On the other hand, there is no
difficulty in believing that, whatever may have been
the motives of the expedition, the spirit of adventure
may have drawn warriors together from most parts of
Greece, among whom the southern and northern Achse-
ans, under Pelopid and . lOacid princes, took the lead,
and that it may thus have deserved the character,
which is uniformly ascribed to it, of a national enter-
prise. The presence of several distinguished chiefs,
each attended by a small band, would be sufficient
both to explain the celebrity of the achievement and
to account for the event. If it were not trespassing
too far on tha domain of poetry, one might imagine
that the plan of the Greets was the same which we
find frequently adopted in later times, by invaders
whose force was comparatively weak: that they for-
tified themselves in a post, from which they continued
'o annoy and distress the enemy till stratagem or
treachery gave them possession of the town. --Though
(here can be no doubt that the expedition accom-
plished its immediate object, it seems to be also clear
Aat a Trojan state survived for a time the fall of Hi-
mi; for an historian of gieat antiquity on this subject,
both from his age and his country, Xanthus the Lydi-
in, related that such a state was finally destroyed by
the invasion of the Phrygians, a Thracian tribe, which
:rossed over from Europe to Asia after the Trojan
? var. (Strab. , 572, 680. ) And this is indirectly con-
Srmed by the testimony of Homer, who introduces
Neptune predicting that the posterity of -"Eneas should
>ong continue to reign over the Trojans after the race
>>f Priam should be extinct. To the conquerors the
war is represented as no less disastrous in its remote
tonsequences than it was glorious in its immediate
issue. The returns of the heroes formed a distinct
circle of epic poetry, of which the Odyssey included
only a snu'll part, and they were generally full of tragi-
cal adventures. This calamitous result of a success-
ful enterprise seems to have been an essential feature
in the legend of Troy; for Hercules also, on his re-
turn, was persecuted by the wrath of Juno, and driven
out of his course by a furious tempest. If, as manv
traces indicate, the legend of Troy grew up and spread
among the Asiatic Greeks, when newly settled in the
? ? land where their forefathers, the heroes of a belter
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? TROJA.
TROJA.
w. p 273. ) The next great feature to bi
in the Homeric chorography is the poet's account of
(he rivers which flowed in the vicinity of Troy, and
discharged their waters into the Hellespont. These
are the Xanthus or Scamander, and the Simois,
*hose junction is especially alluded to. (//. , 9,774. )
And again (6. 2), where it is said that the conflict be-
tween the Greeks and Trojans took place in the plain
between the two rivers. One of the first questions,
then, to Ins considered, in reconciling the topography
of anciont Troy with the existing state of the country,
is this: Are there two streams answering to Homer's
description, which unite in a plain at a short distance
from the sea, and fall into it between the Khcelean
and Sigean promontories 1 To this question it cer-
tainly appears, from recent observations, that we must
reply in the negative. There arc two streams which
water the plain, supposed to be that of Troy, but they
do not meet, except in some marshes formed princi-
pally by the Matdere, the larger of the two, which
seems to have no exit into the Hellespont, while the
? mailer river partly flows into these stagnant pools,
and partly into the sea near the Sigean cape. (Choi-
*>! '! Gouffier. ) It appears, however, from Strabo, or,
rather, from Demetrius, whom he quotes, that when he
wrote the junction did take place; for he says, "The
Scamander and Simo'is advance, the one towards
Sigeum, the other towards Rhoateum, and, after uniting
their streams a little above New Ilium, fall into the
sea near Sigeum, where they form what is called the
Stomalimne" (597. --Compare 695). Pliny, also, when
he speaks . of the. Palaiscamander, evidently leads to
the notion that the channel of that river had under-
gone a material alteration (5, 32). The observations
of travellers afford likewise evidences of great changes
having taken place in regard to the course of these
streams; and it is said that the ancient common chan-
nel in yet to be traced, under the name of Mcndcrc,
aear the point of Kum-Kale. The ancients them-
selves were aware of considerable alteration having
taken place along the whole line of coast; for His-
tiaea of Alexandrca Troas, a lady who had written
much on the Iliad, affirmed that the whole distance be-
tween New Ilium and the sea, which Slrabo estimates
it twelve stadia, had been formed by alluvial deposite
(598); and recent researches prove that their distance
is now nearly double. (Leakc's Asia Minor, p. 295 )
The great question, however, after all, respecting the
two rivers alluded to, and on which the whole inquiry
may bo said to turn, is. Which is the Scamander. and
which the Simois of Homer '. If we refer for the so-
lution of this question to Demetrius of Scepsis, who,
from his knowledge of the Trojan district, appears to
have been best qualified to decide upon it, we shall
Snd that he looked upon the river now called Mendere
as corresponding with the Scamander of Homer, a
supposition which certainly derives support from the
similarity of names; while he considered the Simois
to be the stream now called Giumbrek-sou, which
unites with the Mcndcrc near the site of Palco Aklshi,
supposed to represent the Pagus Ilicnsium, and which
Demetrius himself identified with ancient Troy. But
it has been rightly observed by those modern writers
who have bestowed their attention on the subject, that
the similarity of names is not a convincing reason in
itself, since they have often been known to vary; and
that, after all, we must refer to the original account,
? ? where we find the characteristics of the two rivers de-
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? TROJA.
tfae character of tr. e Meniere, which takes iis rise in a
deep cave below the highest summit of Mount Ida,
and, after a tortuous course, between steep and craggy
banks, of nearly thirty miles, in a rugged bed, which
is nearly dry in summer, finds its way into the plain
of Bounarbachi. It is true, that when Demetrius of
Scepsis wrote, which is some years after the defeat of
Anliochus by the Romans {Strab. , p. 593), the Men-
dere certainly bore the nainr. of Scamander, for he de-
scribes the source of that river in Mount Ida very ac-
carately {up. Slrabo, p. 602). I should admit, also,
that the Scamander, which, according to Herodotus,
was drained by the army of Xerxes (42), is the Men-
dere: Hellanicus likewise was of this opinion lap.
Schol. II. , 21, 242); but this objection may be fairly
disposed of by supposing that the name of Scamander,
which is certainly much oftencr mentioned in Homer,
had, in process of time, been transferred to the river
whose course was longer, and body of water more con-
luierable; whereas it is impossible, I conceive, to get
over the difficulty presented by Homer's description of
the double sources of the Scamander. The question
may be fairly summed up in this way: either we must
allow that Homer drew his local descriptions from real
scenes, or that he only applied historical names to fan-
ciful and ideal localities; in the latter case, all our in-
terest in the comparative topography of Troy ceases,
and it is a fruitless task to look for an application of
the imagery traced by the poet to the actual face of
things. But if a striking resemblance does present it-
self, we are bound, in justice to the poet, to take our
stand on that ground, and, without regarding any hy-
pothesis or system which may have been advanced
or framed in ancient times, to seek for an application
}f the remaining local features traced in the Iliad in
the immediate vicinity of the sources of Bounarbachi.
Here, then, travellers have observed, a little above
these springs and the village of the same name, a hill
riiing from the plain, generally well calculated for the
(Ho of a large town, and, in particular, satisfying many
of the local requisites which the Homeric Troy must
have possessed; such as a sufficient distance from the
sea, and an elevated and commanding situation. This
is evident from the epithets r'/vepoeooa, aiireivrj, and
bjpvoecoa, which are so constantly applied to it. If
we, besides, have a rock behind the town answering
the purpose of such a citadel as tho Pergainus of Troy
is described to have been, " Yi. ipyap. oc dupy," rising
precipitously above the city, and presenting a situation
of great strength, we shall have all that the nature of
the poem, even in its historical character, ought to lead
us to expect. (Compare Voy Pitt. , 2, 238, and the
plan there given. ) With respect to minor objects al-
luded to by Homer in the course of his poem, such as
the tombs or mounds of litis, . Esyetcs, and Myrina,
the Scopie and Erincus, or grove of wild fig-trees, it
is, perhaps, too much to seek to identify, as the French
topographers have somewhst fancifully done, with pres-
ent appearances. It is certain that such indications
cannot be relied upon, since the inhabitants of New
Ilium, who also pretended that their town stood on the
site of ancient Troy, boasted that they could show,
close to their walls, these dubious vestiges of antiqui-
ty. {Slrabo, 599. ) With respect to the objection
which may bo brought against the situation here as-
signed to ancient Troy, . that it would not have been
possible for the flight of Hector to have taken place
round the walls, as the poet has represented it, since
? ? the heights of Bounarbachi are skirted to the northeast
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? TROPHOMUS
TJJ B
rowed up b) the earth. (Pausan. , 1. c. ) According , Orcham, p. 198, 150, scgq. , 242. -- Strata, 421. -
lo Pindar, when they had finished the temple of Del- ! Liv. , 45, 27. )--The same trick related above in the
phi, they asked a reward of the god. He promised to case of I Km us, is said to have been played off or
give it on the seventh day, desiring them, meanwhile, Augeas, king of Elis, by Trophoniu>, the ttepiun o
to live cheerful and happy. On the seventh day they ; Agamedes, the Arcadian architect. (Charax, ap
died in their sleep. (Pmd. , ap. Plut. , de Cons. --Op. , . Schol. ad Arittoph. , tfub. , 509. ) It also formed as
vol. 7, p. 335, nl. HuHcii. ) There was a celebrated episode in the Telegonia; and there is likewise a very
oracle of Trophonius at Lebadea in Bo3otia. During | strong similarity between it and the legend related by
a great drought, the Boeotians were, it is said, directed Herodotus of the Egyptian king Rhampsinilus (2,121).
the god at Delphi lo seek aid of Trophonius in Leb-
adea. They came thither, but could find no oracle;
one of them, however, happening lo see a awarm of
bees, they foiU>>>ed them to a chasm in the earth, which
proved to be the place sought. (Pausan. , 9, 40. )
The writer just quoted gives a detailed account of the
mode of consulting this oracle, from his own personal
observation (9, 39). After going through certain cere-
monies, the individual who sought to inquire into fu-
turity was conducted to a chasm in the earth resem-
bling an oven, and a ladder was furnished him by which
to descend. After reaching the bottom of the chasm,
he lay down on the ground in a certain posture, and
was immediately drawn within a cavern, as if hurried
away by the vortex of a most rapid river. Then he ob-
tained the knowledge of which he was in quest. In
some cases this was given to the applicants through
the medium of the sight; at others through the hear-
ing; but all returned through the same opening, and
walked backward as they returned. It is a common
notion, which we meet with in many modern works,
that a visiter to the cave of Trophonius never smiled
after his return. The language of Pausanias, however,
expressly disproves this; for he observes that after-
ward the person recovers the use of his reason, and
laughs just the same as before (fiarepov pivroi ru re
iXAo ovdcv n fpovrjaei fielov rj irpiirtpov, KO. I ycfajf
hdvtioiv HI). It is probable that the gloom, the mo
phitic vapours, and perhaps some violence from the
priests, which the applicant encountered in his descent,
might seriously affect his constitution, and render
. him melancholy; and thus Aristophanes strongly ex-
presses terror by an observation in the Clouds (v. 507),
which became proverbial, cic iidoiit' tyu 'Eiaa KO. T-
afiaivuv uairep ? f TpoQuvtov. One man, indeed, is
noticed by Athenians (14, p.
614, a), who did not re-
cover his power of smiling until assisted by another
oracle. Parmeniscus of Metapontum, finding himself
thus wofully dispirited, went to Delphi for a remedy,
and Apollo answered that he would find a cure if he
resorted to his (Apollo's) mother. The hypochondriac
interpreted this response as relating to his own native
country; but, on being disappointed in his hope there,
he sought relief in travelling. Touching by accident at
Delos, he entered a temple of Latona; and, unexpected-
ly casting his eyes upon a statue of that goddess
(Apollo's mother) most grotesquely sculptured, he burst
into an involuntary fit of laughter. ---Of other recorded
descents into the cave of Trophonius, that ofTimar-
chus, described by Plutarch (De Socralis Gcnio. --
Op. , vol. 8, p. 332, cd. Reiske), is dismissed by the
writer himself as a mere fable (A jtiv Ti/uipxov fiiBof
oirof). That of Apollonius of Tyana (Phtloitrat. ,
Vit. Apollon. , 4, 8) was an irruption, not a legitimate
visit. The impostor appears to have bullied the priests,
and to have done exactly according to his pleasure both
above and below ground. (Encycl. lUctropol. , pt. 35,
p. 664. )--Trophonius was named Zeus-Trophonius,
? ? that is, the Nourishing or Sustaining Zeus or Jupiter
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? TIL
TUL
Iocca, Plautius, a friend of Horace and Virgil.
He and Variua were ordered by Augustus to revise
? he . lEncid after Virgil's death. (Vid. Virgilius. )
Tuder, a town of Umbria, northwest of Spoletium,
and near the Tiber. It was originally one of the most
important cities of Umbria, and famous for its worship
of Mars. Its situation on a lofty hill rendered it a
place of great strength. It is now Todi. (Sil. Ital. ,
4, 232. --Id. , 464. -- Cramer's Anc. Italy, vol. 1, p.
273. )
TtiLiNGt, a people of Gaul, reckoned among the
Helvetii by some, but more correctly their neigh-
bours, and of Germanic origin. (Cits. , B. G. , 1,5. )
Tho modern Stuhlingen is thought to preserve traces
of their name. (Oberlin. ad Cas. , I. c. )
Tui. ua, I. a daughter of Servius Tullius, king of
Rome. She married Tarquin the Proud after she had
made away with her first husband, Aruns Tarquinius.
(Vid. Servius Tullius. )--II. A daughter of Cicero by
Terentia. She was three times married. Her first
husband, Caius Piso, died a short time before Cicero's
return from exile. At the end of about a year, she
was married to a second husband, Furius Crassipes,
who appears to have been a patrician of rank and dig-
nity. She was afterward divorced from this second
husband, and united to P. Cornelius Dolabella. The
life and character, however, of this last-mentioned in-
dividual proved so contrary to the manners and tem-
per both of Cicero and his daughter, that a divorce
ensued in this case also. Cicero entertained the deep-
est affection for this his favourite child, and her death,
at the age of 32, proved to him a source of the bitter-
est sorrow. (Vid. remarks under the article Cicero,
page 345, column 2. )--Cnslius Khodiginus tells us,
that in the time of Sixtus IV. there was found near
Rome, on the Appian Way, over against the tomb of
Cicero, the body of a woman whose hair was dressed
up in network of gold, and which, from the inscrip-
tion, was thought to be the body of Tullia. It was
quite entire, and so well preserved by spices as to
have suffered no injury from time ; yet, when it was
removed into the city, it mouldered away in three days.
But this was only the hasty conjecture of some learn-
ed men of the time, which, for want of authority to
support it, soon vanished of itself; for no inscription
was ever produced to confirm it, nor has it been men-
tioned by any other author that there was any sepul-
chre of Cicero on the Appian Way. (Col. Rhod. ,
Led. Antiq. , 3, 24. --Middlcton's Life of Cicero, vol.
>>, p. 149, in not. )
Tuliia Lex, I. de Senatu, by M. Tullius Cicero,
A. U. C. 690, enacted that those who had a libera le-
gation granted them by the senate should hold it no
more than one year. Such senators as had a libera
legatio travelled through the provinces without any
expense, as if they were employed in the affairs of
the state. --II. Another, de Ambitu, by the same, the
same year. It forbade any person, two years before
he canvassed for an office, to exhibit a show of gladi-
ators, unless that task had devolved upon him by will.
Senators guilty of the crime of Ambitus were punished
with the aqua et ignis interdictio tor ten years, and
the penalty inflicted on the commons was more severe
than that of the Calpurnian law. (Dio Cass. , 37, 29.
--Cic. , pro Mur. , 32, seqq. )
Tuluanom, a name given to part of the public
prison at Rome. The prison was originally built by
? ? Ancus Marcius, and was afterward enlarged by Servius
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? TUR
alliance WM formed between the Romans and the Lat-
ins. Tullus had now leisure to direct his attention to
the artsuof peace, in which, however, he did not equal-
ly excTM. The only public works ascribed to him
were the enclosing of a space for the Comitia, or as-
sembly of the people, and the building of a Curia, or
? enate house. Towards the end of his reign his mind
was disturbed by prodigies, indicating the wrath of
the gods for religion neglected and temples left des-
>ku'. A shower of stones fell from heaven on the
Alban Mount, and the awful accents of a supernatu-
ral voice were heard to issue from the consecrated
summit of the hill. A plague swept away numbers
~}i the Koinan people. The king himself sickened;
and, from having been neglectful of religion, became
the slave of superstitious terrors. In vain did he sup-
plicate the gods. He had disregarded them in the
days of his prosperity, and in his adversity no deity
regarded his prayers or sent relief. In his despair he
presumed to use the divinations of Nmna, by the rites
of Jupiter Elicius (vid. Elicius); but the only answer
returned was the lightning of the offended gods, by
which Tullus himself and his whole household were
smitten and consumed. Another account, however,
ascribed his death to an act of treachery and assassi-
nation on the part of Ancus Marcius, who could not
brook that he, a descendant of Numa, should be kept
from the throne by a man of private origin. Such is
the legend of Tullus Hostilius. This monarch is said
to have reigned two-and-thirty years. (Lie. , 1, 22,
xfi/y. --Dion. Hal. , 3, 1, scqq. --Hctheringtori's His-
tory of Rome, p. 13, scqq. )--As the reigns of Romu-
lus and Numa represent the establishment of two of
the tribes or constituent elements of the Roman peo-
ple, so the reign of Tullus Hostilius seems to compre-
hend the development of the third tribe, or Luceres.
To him, as to Romulus and Numa, is ascribed a di-
vision of lands, by which portions were assigned to
the needy citizens, who, as yet, possessed no property
in the soil. It has been conjectured that the Luceres
bad hitherto held their lands, not in absolute property,
and not as common proprietors of the public domain,
but as vassals or tenants of the state, which would
bo represented in the person of the king. That the
distribution of Tullus Hostilius effected the third tribe
is rendered probable by its being connected with the
assignment of ground for building on the Cn? lian
Mount, and the enclosure of that part of the city with-
in one line of fortification with the older town, if
there is any weight in the arguments that are adduced
to show that the town on the Caelian was the settle-
ment of the Luceres. From the circumstance that
Hostilius himself dwelt there, and that he derived his
origin from the Latin town Medullia (. Dion. Hal. , 3,
I), it may be conjectured that he himself was consid-
ered to belong to the Luceres, as Romulus to the
Kamnes, and Numa to the Titienses. (Maiden's
History of Rome, p. 137, seq. )
TUNBS (Twi/f, ijroc), a city of Africa, southwest of
and near to Carthage, being, according to Polybius
(1% HI), only 120 stadia from the latter place. The
Peutinger table, however, gives the distance more
correctly at ten miles. It first rose into consequence
after the fall of Carthage. It is now Tunis. Diodo-
rus Siculus calls it " White Tunis," perhaps from the
;halky cliffs that lie around it when viewed from the
sea. (Manncrt, Geogr. , vol. 10, pt. 2, p. 262. )
TUNOBI, a German tribe, probably the same with
? ? . he Aduatici of Caesar, and the first that crossed lie
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? T VN
?
>yna, and at the foot of Mount Taurus. Slrabo says
it was built an what was called the causeway of Semir-
ings. (Strabo, 537. ) Cellariua is of opinion that
the town called Dana by Xenophon, in the Anabasis
(1, 2, 20), should be identified with Tyana (Geogr.
Aniiq. , vol. 2, p. 291), and this supposition has great
probability to recommend it. --The Greeks, always led
by a similarity of name to connect the origin of cities
? vith their fables, pretended that it owed its foundation
to Thoas, the king of the Tauric Chersonese, in Ins
pursuit thither of Pylades and Orestes. (Arrian,
Peripl. Evx. , p. 6. ) From him it was called Thoana,
and afterward Tuana. (Steph. Byz. , s. u. Tvava. )
Tyana was the native city of the impostor Apollonius.
At a later period it became the see of a Christian
bishop, and the metropolis of Cappadocia Secunda.
(Grtf- Naz. , Epist. , 33. --Id. , Oral. , 20, p. 355. )
This took place in the reign of Valens. Its capture
by the Saracens is recorded by Cedrcnus (p. 477).
The modern Kctch-histar, near the foot of the central
chain of Taurus and the Cilician Pass, is thought to
correspond to the ancient city. Captain Kinneir, in
one of his journeys, found considerable ruins here.
(Cramer's Asia Minor, vol. 2, p. 128, seqq.
of this last-mentioned monarch, Troy was taken by
Hercules, assisted by Tclamon, son of . -Eacus, but
was restored by the victor to Priam, the aon of its
conquered king. (Vid. Laomedon, and Priamus. )
Priam reigned here in peace and prosperity for many
years, having a number of adjacent tribes under his
sway, until his son Paris, attracted to Laconia by the
fame of Helen's beauty, abused the hospitality of Men-
elaiis by carrying off his queen in his absence. All
the chiefs of Greece, thereupon combined their forces,
under the command of Agamemnon, to avenge this
? ? outrage, sailed with a great armament to Troy, and,
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? TROJA.
TROJA.
Such is the narrative of the Trojan war as it appeared
in the Iliad of Homer, in the Little Iliad, and in the
Dtstruetion of Troy, by the bard Arctinus. It was
a subject, however, of all others open to variation and
addition, as may be seen, in particular, from the . Fund
of Virgil, and also in the other form of the story, which
made . -? neas and Antenor to have betrayed Troy to
the Greeks. (Keightley't Mythology, p. 485, >eqq. )
3. How far the story of the Trojan War is credible.
The poems of Homer have made the story of the
Trojan war familiar to most readers long before they
are tempted to inquire into its historical basis. It is,
consequently, difficult to enter upon the present inqui-
ry without some prepossessions unfavourable to an
impartial judgment. Here, however, we must not be
deterred from stating our view of the subject, by the
certainty that it will appear to some paradoxical, while
others will think that it savours of excessive credulity.
The reality of the siege of Troy has sometimes been
questioned, we conceive, without sufficient ground,
and against some strong evidence. According to the
rules of sound criticism, very cogent arguments ought
to be required to induce us to reject as a mere fiction
a tradition so ancient, so universally received, so defi-
nite, and so interwoven with the whole mass of the na-
tional recollections as that of the Trojan war. Even
if unfounded, it must still have had some adequate oc-
casion and motive; and it is difficult to imagine what
this could have been, unless it arose out of the Greek
colonies in Asia; and in this case, its universal recep-
tion in Greece itself is not easily explained. The
leaders of the earliest among these colonies, which
were planted in the neighbourhood of Troy, claimed
Agamemnon as their ancestor; but if this had sug-
gested the story of his victories in Asia, their scene
would probably have been fi. xcd in the very region oc-
cupied by his descendants, not in an adjacent land
On the other hand, the course taken by this first (. ^. o-
lian) migration falls in naturally with a previous tradi-
tion of a conquest achieved by Greeks in this part of
Asia. We therefore conceive it necessary to admit the
reality of the Trojan war as a general fact, but beyond
this wo scarcely venture to proceed a single step. Its
cause and its issue, the manner in which it was con-
ducted, and the parties engaged in it, are all involved
in an obscurity which we cannot pretend to penetrate.
We find it impossible to adopt the poetical story of
Helen, partly on account of its inherent improbability,
? in<l partly because we arc convinced that Helen is
% merely mythological person. (Vid. Helena. ) The
common account of the origin of the war has indeed
been defended, on the ground that it is perfectly con-
sistent with the manners of the age; just as if a pop-
ular tale, whether true or false, could be at variance
with them. The feature in the narrative which ap-
pears in the highest degree improbable, setting the
character of the persons out of the question, is the in-
tercourse implied in it between Troy and Sparta. As
to the heroine, it would be sufficient to raise a strong
suspicion of her fabulous nature to observe that she is
classed by Herodotus with lo, and Europa, and Me-
dea, all of them persons who, on distinct grounds,
must clearly be referred to ihe domain of mythology.
This suspicion is confirmed by all the particulars of her
legend; by her birth; by her relation to the Divine
Twins, whose worship seems to have been one of the
most ancient forms of religion in Peloponnesus, and
? ? especially in Laconia; and by the divine honours paid
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? TROJA.
THOJA.
tionof the Greek forces in the Iliad,than on the other
parts of the poem which have a more poetical aspect,
especially as it appears to be a compilation adapted to
a liter state of things. That the numbers of the ar-
mament are, as Thucydidcs observed, exaggerated by
the poet, rn>>y easily be believed; and perhaps we may
very well dispense with the historian's supposition,
that a detachment was employed in the cultivation of
the Thracian Chersonese. "My father," says the
son of Hercules, in the Iliad, "came hither with no
more than six ships and a few men: yet he laid Ilium
waste, and made her streets desolate. " A surprising
contrast, indeed, to the efforts and success of Aga-
memnon, who, with his 1200 ships and 100,000 men,
headed by the flower of the Grecian chivalry, lay ten
years before the town, often ready to abandon the en-
terprise in despair, and who, at last, was indebted foi
victory to an unexpected favourable turn of affairs.
It has been conjectured, that, after the first calamity,
the city was more strongly fortified, and rose rapidly
in power during the reign of Priam; but this suppo-
sition can hardly reconcile the imagination to the
transition from the six ships of Hercules to the vast
host of Agamemnon. On the other hand, there is no
difficulty in believing that, whatever may have been
the motives of the expedition, the spirit of adventure
may have drawn warriors together from most parts of
Greece, among whom the southern and northern Achse-
ans, under Pelopid and . lOacid princes, took the lead,
and that it may thus have deserved the character,
which is uniformly ascribed to it, of a national enter-
prise. The presence of several distinguished chiefs,
each attended by a small band, would be sufficient
both to explain the celebrity of the achievement and
to account for the event. If it were not trespassing
too far on tha domain of poetry, one might imagine
that the plan of the Greets was the same which we
find frequently adopted in later times, by invaders
whose force was comparatively weak: that they for-
tified themselves in a post, from which they continued
'o annoy and distress the enemy till stratagem or
treachery gave them possession of the town. --Though
(here can be no doubt that the expedition accom-
plished its immediate object, it seems to be also clear
Aat a Trojan state survived for a time the fall of Hi-
mi; for an historian of gieat antiquity on this subject,
both from his age and his country, Xanthus the Lydi-
in, related that such a state was finally destroyed by
the invasion of the Phrygians, a Thracian tribe, which
:rossed over from Europe to Asia after the Trojan
? var. (Strab. , 572, 680. ) And this is indirectly con-
Srmed by the testimony of Homer, who introduces
Neptune predicting that the posterity of -"Eneas should
>ong continue to reign over the Trojans after the race
>>f Priam should be extinct. To the conquerors the
war is represented as no less disastrous in its remote
tonsequences than it was glorious in its immediate
issue. The returns of the heroes formed a distinct
circle of epic poetry, of which the Odyssey included
only a snu'll part, and they were generally full of tragi-
cal adventures. This calamitous result of a success-
ful enterprise seems to have been an essential feature
in the legend of Troy; for Hercules also, on his re-
turn, was persecuted by the wrath of Juno, and driven
out of his course by a furious tempest. If, as manv
traces indicate, the legend of Troy grew up and spread
among the Asiatic Greeks, when newly settled in the
? ? land where their forefathers, the heroes of a belter
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? TROJA.
TROJA.
w. p 273. ) The next great feature to bi
in the Homeric chorography is the poet's account of
(he rivers which flowed in the vicinity of Troy, and
discharged their waters into the Hellespont. These
are the Xanthus or Scamander, and the Simois,
*hose junction is especially alluded to. (//. , 9,774. )
And again (6. 2), where it is said that the conflict be-
tween the Greeks and Trojans took place in the plain
between the two rivers. One of the first questions,
then, to Ins considered, in reconciling the topography
of anciont Troy with the existing state of the country,
is this: Are there two streams answering to Homer's
description, which unite in a plain at a short distance
from the sea, and fall into it between the Khcelean
and Sigean promontories 1 To this question it cer-
tainly appears, from recent observations, that we must
reply in the negative. There arc two streams which
water the plain, supposed to be that of Troy, but they
do not meet, except in some marshes formed princi-
pally by the Matdere, the larger of the two, which
seems to have no exit into the Hellespont, while the
? mailer river partly flows into these stagnant pools,
and partly into the sea near the Sigean cape. (Choi-
*>! '! Gouffier. ) It appears, however, from Strabo, or,
rather, from Demetrius, whom he quotes, that when he
wrote the junction did take place; for he says, "The
Scamander and Simo'is advance, the one towards
Sigeum, the other towards Rhoateum, and, after uniting
their streams a little above New Ilium, fall into the
sea near Sigeum, where they form what is called the
Stomalimne" (597. --Compare 695). Pliny, also, when
he speaks . of the. Palaiscamander, evidently leads to
the notion that the channel of that river had under-
gone a material alteration (5, 32). The observations
of travellers afford likewise evidences of great changes
having taken place in regard to the course of these
streams; and it is said that the ancient common chan-
nel in yet to be traced, under the name of Mcndcrc,
aear the point of Kum-Kale. The ancients them-
selves were aware of considerable alteration having
taken place along the whole line of coast; for His-
tiaea of Alexandrca Troas, a lady who had written
much on the Iliad, affirmed that the whole distance be-
tween New Ilium and the sea, which Slrabo estimates
it twelve stadia, had been formed by alluvial deposite
(598); and recent researches prove that their distance
is now nearly double. (Leakc's Asia Minor, p. 295 )
The great question, however, after all, respecting the
two rivers alluded to, and on which the whole inquiry
may bo said to turn, is. Which is the Scamander. and
which the Simois of Homer '. If we refer for the so-
lution of this question to Demetrius of Scepsis, who,
from his knowledge of the Trojan district, appears to
have been best qualified to decide upon it, we shall
Snd that he looked upon the river now called Mendere
as corresponding with the Scamander of Homer, a
supposition which certainly derives support from the
similarity of names; while he considered the Simois
to be the stream now called Giumbrek-sou, which
unites with the Mcndcrc near the site of Palco Aklshi,
supposed to represent the Pagus Ilicnsium, and which
Demetrius himself identified with ancient Troy. But
it has been rightly observed by those modern writers
who have bestowed their attention on the subject, that
the similarity of names is not a convincing reason in
itself, since they have often been known to vary; and
that, after all, we must refer to the original account,
? ? where we find the characteristics of the two rivers de-
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? TROJA.
tfae character of tr. e Meniere, which takes iis rise in a
deep cave below the highest summit of Mount Ida,
and, after a tortuous course, between steep and craggy
banks, of nearly thirty miles, in a rugged bed, which
is nearly dry in summer, finds its way into the plain
of Bounarbachi. It is true, that when Demetrius of
Scepsis wrote, which is some years after the defeat of
Anliochus by the Romans {Strab. , p. 593), the Men-
dere certainly bore the nainr. of Scamander, for he de-
scribes the source of that river in Mount Ida very ac-
carately {up. Slrabo, p. 602). I should admit, also,
that the Scamander, which, according to Herodotus,
was drained by the army of Xerxes (42), is the Men-
dere: Hellanicus likewise was of this opinion lap.
Schol. II. , 21, 242); but this objection may be fairly
disposed of by supposing that the name of Scamander,
which is certainly much oftencr mentioned in Homer,
had, in process of time, been transferred to the river
whose course was longer, and body of water more con-
luierable; whereas it is impossible, I conceive, to get
over the difficulty presented by Homer's description of
the double sources of the Scamander. The question
may be fairly summed up in this way: either we must
allow that Homer drew his local descriptions from real
scenes, or that he only applied historical names to fan-
ciful and ideal localities; in the latter case, all our in-
terest in the comparative topography of Troy ceases,
and it is a fruitless task to look for an application of
the imagery traced by the poet to the actual face of
things. But if a striking resemblance does present it-
self, we are bound, in justice to the poet, to take our
stand on that ground, and, without regarding any hy-
pothesis or system which may have been advanced
or framed in ancient times, to seek for an application
}f the remaining local features traced in the Iliad in
the immediate vicinity of the sources of Bounarbachi.
Here, then, travellers have observed, a little above
these springs and the village of the same name, a hill
riiing from the plain, generally well calculated for the
(Ho of a large town, and, in particular, satisfying many
of the local requisites which the Homeric Troy must
have possessed; such as a sufficient distance from the
sea, and an elevated and commanding situation. This
is evident from the epithets r'/vepoeooa, aiireivrj, and
bjpvoecoa, which are so constantly applied to it. If
we, besides, have a rock behind the town answering
the purpose of such a citadel as tho Pergainus of Troy
is described to have been, " Yi. ipyap. oc dupy," rising
precipitously above the city, and presenting a situation
of great strength, we shall have all that the nature of
the poem, even in its historical character, ought to lead
us to expect. (Compare Voy Pitt. , 2, 238, and the
plan there given. ) With respect to minor objects al-
luded to by Homer in the course of his poem, such as
the tombs or mounds of litis, . Esyetcs, and Myrina,
the Scopie and Erincus, or grove of wild fig-trees, it
is, perhaps, too much to seek to identify, as the French
topographers have somewhst fancifully done, with pres-
ent appearances. It is certain that such indications
cannot be relied upon, since the inhabitants of New
Ilium, who also pretended that their town stood on the
site of ancient Troy, boasted that they could show,
close to their walls, these dubious vestiges of antiqui-
ty. {Slrabo, 599. ) With respect to the objection
which may bo brought against the situation here as-
signed to ancient Troy, . that it would not have been
possible for the flight of Hector to have taken place
round the walls, as the poet has represented it, since
? ? the heights of Bounarbachi are skirted to the northeast
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? TROPHOMUS
TJJ B
rowed up b) the earth. (Pausan. , 1. c. ) According , Orcham, p. 198, 150, scgq. , 242. -- Strata, 421. -
lo Pindar, when they had finished the temple of Del- ! Liv. , 45, 27. )--The same trick related above in the
phi, they asked a reward of the god. He promised to case of I Km us, is said to have been played off or
give it on the seventh day, desiring them, meanwhile, Augeas, king of Elis, by Trophoniu>, the ttepiun o
to live cheerful and happy. On the seventh day they ; Agamedes, the Arcadian architect. (Charax, ap
died in their sleep. (Pmd. , ap. Plut. , de Cons. --Op. , . Schol. ad Arittoph. , tfub. , 509. ) It also formed as
vol. 7, p. 335, nl. HuHcii. ) There was a celebrated episode in the Telegonia; and there is likewise a very
oracle of Trophonius at Lebadea in Bo3otia. During | strong similarity between it and the legend related by
a great drought, the Boeotians were, it is said, directed Herodotus of the Egyptian king Rhampsinilus (2,121).
the god at Delphi lo seek aid of Trophonius in Leb-
adea. They came thither, but could find no oracle;
one of them, however, happening lo see a awarm of
bees, they foiU>>>ed them to a chasm in the earth, which
proved to be the place sought. (Pausan. , 9, 40. )
The writer just quoted gives a detailed account of the
mode of consulting this oracle, from his own personal
observation (9, 39). After going through certain cere-
monies, the individual who sought to inquire into fu-
turity was conducted to a chasm in the earth resem-
bling an oven, and a ladder was furnished him by which
to descend. After reaching the bottom of the chasm,
he lay down on the ground in a certain posture, and
was immediately drawn within a cavern, as if hurried
away by the vortex of a most rapid river. Then he ob-
tained the knowledge of which he was in quest. In
some cases this was given to the applicants through
the medium of the sight; at others through the hear-
ing; but all returned through the same opening, and
walked backward as they returned. It is a common
notion, which we meet with in many modern works,
that a visiter to the cave of Trophonius never smiled
after his return. The language of Pausanias, however,
expressly disproves this; for he observes that after-
ward the person recovers the use of his reason, and
laughs just the same as before (fiarepov pivroi ru re
iXAo ovdcv n fpovrjaei fielov rj irpiirtpov, KO. I ycfajf
hdvtioiv HI). It is probable that the gloom, the mo
phitic vapours, and perhaps some violence from the
priests, which the applicant encountered in his descent,
might seriously affect his constitution, and render
. him melancholy; and thus Aristophanes strongly ex-
presses terror by an observation in the Clouds (v. 507),
which became proverbial, cic iidoiit' tyu 'Eiaa KO. T-
afiaivuv uairep ? f TpoQuvtov. One man, indeed, is
noticed by Athenians (14, p.
614, a), who did not re-
cover his power of smiling until assisted by another
oracle. Parmeniscus of Metapontum, finding himself
thus wofully dispirited, went to Delphi for a remedy,
and Apollo answered that he would find a cure if he
resorted to his (Apollo's) mother. The hypochondriac
interpreted this response as relating to his own native
country; but, on being disappointed in his hope there,
he sought relief in travelling. Touching by accident at
Delos, he entered a temple of Latona; and, unexpected-
ly casting his eyes upon a statue of that goddess
(Apollo's mother) most grotesquely sculptured, he burst
into an involuntary fit of laughter. ---Of other recorded
descents into the cave of Trophonius, that ofTimar-
chus, described by Plutarch (De Socralis Gcnio. --
Op. , vol. 8, p. 332, cd. Reiske), is dismissed by the
writer himself as a mere fable (A jtiv Ti/uipxov fiiBof
oirof). That of Apollonius of Tyana (Phtloitrat. ,
Vit. Apollon. , 4, 8) was an irruption, not a legitimate
visit. The impostor appears to have bullied the priests,
and to have done exactly according to his pleasure both
above and below ground. (Encycl. lUctropol. , pt. 35,
p. 664. )--Trophonius was named Zeus-Trophonius,
? ? that is, the Nourishing or Sustaining Zeus or Jupiter
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? TIL
TUL
Iocca, Plautius, a friend of Horace and Virgil.
He and Variua were ordered by Augustus to revise
? he . lEncid after Virgil's death. (Vid. Virgilius. )
Tuder, a town of Umbria, northwest of Spoletium,
and near the Tiber. It was originally one of the most
important cities of Umbria, and famous for its worship
of Mars. Its situation on a lofty hill rendered it a
place of great strength. It is now Todi. (Sil. Ital. ,
4, 232. --Id. , 464. -- Cramer's Anc. Italy, vol. 1, p.
273. )
TtiLiNGt, a people of Gaul, reckoned among the
Helvetii by some, but more correctly their neigh-
bours, and of Germanic origin. (Cits. , B. G. , 1,5. )
Tho modern Stuhlingen is thought to preserve traces
of their name. (Oberlin. ad Cas. , I. c. )
Tui. ua, I. a daughter of Servius Tullius, king of
Rome. She married Tarquin the Proud after she had
made away with her first husband, Aruns Tarquinius.
(Vid. Servius Tullius. )--II. A daughter of Cicero by
Terentia. She was three times married. Her first
husband, Caius Piso, died a short time before Cicero's
return from exile. At the end of about a year, she
was married to a second husband, Furius Crassipes,
who appears to have been a patrician of rank and dig-
nity. She was afterward divorced from this second
husband, and united to P. Cornelius Dolabella. The
life and character, however, of this last-mentioned in-
dividual proved so contrary to the manners and tem-
per both of Cicero and his daughter, that a divorce
ensued in this case also. Cicero entertained the deep-
est affection for this his favourite child, and her death,
at the age of 32, proved to him a source of the bitter-
est sorrow. (Vid. remarks under the article Cicero,
page 345, column 2. )--Cnslius Khodiginus tells us,
that in the time of Sixtus IV. there was found near
Rome, on the Appian Way, over against the tomb of
Cicero, the body of a woman whose hair was dressed
up in network of gold, and which, from the inscrip-
tion, was thought to be the body of Tullia. It was
quite entire, and so well preserved by spices as to
have suffered no injury from time ; yet, when it was
removed into the city, it mouldered away in three days.
But this was only the hasty conjecture of some learn-
ed men of the time, which, for want of authority to
support it, soon vanished of itself; for no inscription
was ever produced to confirm it, nor has it been men-
tioned by any other author that there was any sepul-
chre of Cicero on the Appian Way. (Col. Rhod. ,
Led. Antiq. , 3, 24. --Middlcton's Life of Cicero, vol.
>>, p. 149, in not. )
Tuliia Lex, I. de Senatu, by M. Tullius Cicero,
A. U. C. 690, enacted that those who had a libera le-
gation granted them by the senate should hold it no
more than one year. Such senators as had a libera
legatio travelled through the provinces without any
expense, as if they were employed in the affairs of
the state. --II. Another, de Ambitu, by the same, the
same year. It forbade any person, two years before
he canvassed for an office, to exhibit a show of gladi-
ators, unless that task had devolved upon him by will.
Senators guilty of the crime of Ambitus were punished
with the aqua et ignis interdictio tor ten years, and
the penalty inflicted on the commons was more severe
than that of the Calpurnian law. (Dio Cass. , 37, 29.
--Cic. , pro Mur. , 32, seqq. )
Tuluanom, a name given to part of the public
prison at Rome. The prison was originally built by
? ? Ancus Marcius, and was afterward enlarged by Servius
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? TUR
alliance WM formed between the Romans and the Lat-
ins. Tullus had now leisure to direct his attention to
the artsuof peace, in which, however, he did not equal-
ly excTM. The only public works ascribed to him
were the enclosing of a space for the Comitia, or as-
sembly of the people, and the building of a Curia, or
? enate house. Towards the end of his reign his mind
was disturbed by prodigies, indicating the wrath of
the gods for religion neglected and temples left des-
>ku'. A shower of stones fell from heaven on the
Alban Mount, and the awful accents of a supernatu-
ral voice were heard to issue from the consecrated
summit of the hill. A plague swept away numbers
~}i the Koinan people. The king himself sickened;
and, from having been neglectful of religion, became
the slave of superstitious terrors. In vain did he sup-
plicate the gods. He had disregarded them in the
days of his prosperity, and in his adversity no deity
regarded his prayers or sent relief. In his despair he
presumed to use the divinations of Nmna, by the rites
of Jupiter Elicius (vid. Elicius); but the only answer
returned was the lightning of the offended gods, by
which Tullus himself and his whole household were
smitten and consumed. Another account, however,
ascribed his death to an act of treachery and assassi-
nation on the part of Ancus Marcius, who could not
brook that he, a descendant of Numa, should be kept
from the throne by a man of private origin. Such is
the legend of Tullus Hostilius. This monarch is said
to have reigned two-and-thirty years. (Lie. , 1, 22,
xfi/y. --Dion. Hal. , 3, 1, scqq. --Hctheringtori's His-
tory of Rome, p. 13, scqq. )--As the reigns of Romu-
lus and Numa represent the establishment of two of
the tribes or constituent elements of the Roman peo-
ple, so the reign of Tullus Hostilius seems to compre-
hend the development of the third tribe, or Luceres.
To him, as to Romulus and Numa, is ascribed a di-
vision of lands, by which portions were assigned to
the needy citizens, who, as yet, possessed no property
in the soil. It has been conjectured that the Luceres
bad hitherto held their lands, not in absolute property,
and not as common proprietors of the public domain,
but as vassals or tenants of the state, which would
bo represented in the person of the king. That the
distribution of Tullus Hostilius effected the third tribe
is rendered probable by its being connected with the
assignment of ground for building on the Cn? lian
Mount, and the enclosure of that part of the city with-
in one line of fortification with the older town, if
there is any weight in the arguments that are adduced
to show that the town on the Caelian was the settle-
ment of the Luceres. From the circumstance that
Hostilius himself dwelt there, and that he derived his
origin from the Latin town Medullia (. Dion. Hal. , 3,
I), it may be conjectured that he himself was consid-
ered to belong to the Luceres, as Romulus to the
Kamnes, and Numa to the Titienses. (Maiden's
History of Rome, p. 137, seq. )
TUNBS (Twi/f, ijroc), a city of Africa, southwest of
and near to Carthage, being, according to Polybius
(1% HI), only 120 stadia from the latter place. The
Peutinger table, however, gives the distance more
correctly at ten miles. It first rose into consequence
after the fall of Carthage. It is now Tunis. Diodo-
rus Siculus calls it " White Tunis," perhaps from the
;halky cliffs that lie around it when viewed from the
sea. (Manncrt, Geogr. , vol. 10, pt. 2, p. 262. )
TUNOBI, a German tribe, probably the same with
? ? . he Aduatici of Caesar, and the first that crossed lie
Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-26 09:19 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x001045523 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? T VN
?
>yna, and at the foot of Mount Taurus. Slrabo says
it was built an what was called the causeway of Semir-
ings. (Strabo, 537. ) Cellariua is of opinion that
the town called Dana by Xenophon, in the Anabasis
(1, 2, 20), should be identified with Tyana (Geogr.
Aniiq. , vol. 2, p. 291), and this supposition has great
probability to recommend it. --The Greeks, always led
by a similarity of name to connect the origin of cities
? vith their fables, pretended that it owed its foundation
to Thoas, the king of the Tauric Chersonese, in Ins
pursuit thither of Pylades and Orestes. (Arrian,
Peripl. Evx. , p. 6. ) From him it was called Thoana,
and afterward Tuana. (Steph. Byz. , s. u. Tvava. )
Tyana was the native city of the impostor Apollonius.
At a later period it became the see of a Christian
bishop, and the metropolis of Cappadocia Secunda.
(Grtf- Naz. , Epist. , 33. --Id. , Oral. , 20, p. 355. )
This took place in the reign of Valens. Its capture
by the Saracens is recorded by Cedrcnus (p. 477).
The modern Kctch-histar, near the foot of the central
chain of Taurus and the Cilician Pass, is thought to
correspond to the ancient city. Captain Kinneir, in
one of his journeys, found considerable ruins here.
(Cramer's Asia Minor, vol. 2, p. 128, seqq.
