His wife followed him
on horseback, in a rich dress, and was attended by a
select party of cavalry.
on horseback, in a rich dress, and was attended by a
select party of cavalry.
Plutarch - Lives - v7
At the same time he presented his throat,
and said, ' Strike, if it be for the good of Rome. ' He
received many strokes on his arms and legs, for he
had a coat of mail on his body. According to most
accounts, it was Camurius, a soldier of the fifteenth
legion, that despatched him; though some say it was
Terentius, some Arcadius, and others Fabius Fabulus.
They add, that when Fabius had cut off his head, he
wrapped it up in the skirt of his garment, because it
was so bald that he could take no hold of it. His asso-
ciates, however, would not suffer him to conceal it, but
insisted that he should let the world see what an ex-
ploit he had performed; he therefore fixed it on the
point of his spear, and swinging about the head of a
venerable old man, and a mild prince, who was both
pontifex maximus and consul, he ran on, (like the
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? GALBA.
317
Bacchanals with the head of Pentheus,) brandishing
his spear, that was dyed with the blood that trickled
from it.
When the head was presented to Otho, he cried out,
'This is nothing, my fellow-soldiers; show me the
head of Piso. ' It was brought not long after; for that
young prince being wounded, and pursued by one
Murcus, was killed by him at the gates of the temple
of Vesta. Vinius also was put to the sword, though he
declared himself an accomplice in the conspiracy, and
protested that it was against Otho's orders that he suf-
fered. However, they cut off his head, and that of
Laco, and carrying them to Otho, demanded their re-
ward: for, as Archilochus says,
We bring seven warriors only to your tent,
Yet thousands of us kill'd them.
So in this case many who had no share in the action
bathed their hands and swords in the blood, and show-
ing them to Otho, petitioned for their reward. It ap-
peared afterwards from the petitions given in, that the
number of them was a hundred and twenty; and
Vitellius having searched them out, put them all to
death. Marius Celsus also coming to the camp, many
accused him of having exhorted the soldiers to stand
by Galba, and the bulk of the army insisted that he
should suffer. But Otho being desirous to save him,
and yet afraid of contradicting them, told them, 'he
did not choose to have him executed so soon, because
he had several important questions to put to him. '
He ordered him therefore to be kept in chains, and
delivered him to persons in whom he could best con-
fide.
The senate was immediately assembled; and as if
they were become different men, or had other gods to
swear by, they took the oath to Otho, which he had
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? PLUTARCH.
before taken to Galba, but had not kept; and they
gave him the titles of Caesar and Augustus, while the
bodies of those that had been beheaded lay in their
consular robes in the forum. As for the heads, the
soldiers, after they had no farther use for them, sold
that of Vinius to his daughter for two thousand five
hundred drachmas. Piso's was given to his wife Ve-
rania, at her request; and Galba's to the servants of
Patrobius and Vitellius, who, after they had treated it
with the utmost insolence and outrage, threw it into a
place called Sestertium, where the bodies of those are
cast that are put to death by the emperors. Galba's
corpse was carried away by Helvidius Priscus, with
Otho's permission, and buried in the night by his freed-
man Argius.
Such is the history of Galba; a man who, in the
points of family and fortune distinctly considered, was
exceeded by few of the Romans, and who, in the union
of both, was superior to all. He had lived, too, in great
honor, and with the best reputation, under five empe-
rors; and it was rather by his character than by force
of arms that he deposed Nero. As to the rest who
conspired against the tyrant, some of them were thought
unworthy of the imperial diadem by the people, and
others thought themselves unworthy. But Galba was
invited to accept it, and only followed the sense of
those who called him to that high dignity. Nay, when
he gave the sanction of his name to Vindex, that which
before was called rebellion, was considered only as a
civil war, because a man of princely talents was then
at the head of it. So that he did not so much want
the empire, as the empire wanted him: and with these
principles he attempted to govern a people corrupted
by Tigellinus and Nymphidius, as Scipio, Fabricius,
and Camillus, governed the Romans of their times.
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? OALBA.
319
Notwithstanding his great age, he showed himself a
chief worthy of ancient Rome through all the military
department. But, in the civil administration, he de-
livered himself up to Vinius, to Laco, and to his en-
franchised slaves, who sold every thing, in the same
manner as Nero had left all to his insatiable vermin.
The consequence of this was, that no man regretted
him as an emperor, though almost all were moved with
pity at his miserable fate.
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? OTHO.
The new emperor went early in the morning to the
capitol, and sacrificed; after which he ordered Marius
Celsus to be brought before him. He received that
officer with great marks of his regard, and desired him
rather to forget the cause of his confinement, than to
remember his release. Celsus neither showed any
meanness in his acknowlegements, nor any want of
gratitude. He said, ' The very charge brought against
him bore witness to his character; since he was ac-
cused only of having been faithful to Galba, from
whom he had never received any personal obligations. '
All who were present at the audience admired both the
emperor and Celsus, and the soldiers in particular tes-
tified their approbation.
Otho made a mild and gracious speech to the senate.
The remaining time of his consulship he divided with
Virginius Rufus, and he left those who had been ap-
pointed to that dignity by Nero and Galba to enjoy it
in their course. Such as were respectable for their
age and character he promoted to the priesthood; and
to those senators who had been banished by Nero, and
recalled by Galba, he restored all their goods and
estates that he found unsold. So that the first and best
of the citizens, who had before not considered him as
a man, but dreaded him as a fury or destroying demon,
that had suddenly seized the seat of government, now
entertained more pleasing hopes from so promising a
beginning.
But nothing gave the people in general so high a
pleasure, or contributed so much to gain him their af-
fections, as his punishing Tigelliuus. It is true he had
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? oTHo.
long suffered under the fear of punishment, which the
Romans demanded as a public debt, and under a com-
plication of incurable distempers. These, together with
his infamous connexions with the worst of women, into
which his passions drew him, though almost in the
arms of death, were considered by the thinking part of
mankind as the greatest of punishments, and worse
than many deaths. Yet it was a pain to the common
people, that he should see the light of the sun, after
so many excellent men had been deprived of it through
his means. He was then at his, country-house near
Sinuessa, and had vessels at anchor, ready to carry
him on occasion to some distant country. Otho sent
to him there; and he first attempted to bribe the mes-
senger with large sums to suffer him to escape. When
he found that did not take effect, he gave him the mo-
ney notwithstanding; and desiring only to be indulged
a few moments till he had shaved himself, he took the
razor and cut his own throat.
Besides this just satisfaction that Otho gave the peo-
ple, it was a most agreeable circumstance that he re-
membered none of his private quarrels. To gratify the
populace, he suffered them also at first to give him in
the theatres the name of Nero, and he made no oppo-
sition to those who erected publicly the statues of that
emperor. Nay, Claudius Rufus tells us, that in the
letters with which the couriers were sent to Spain, he
joined the name of Nero to that of Otho. But per-
ceiving that the nobility were offended, he made use of
it no more.
After his government was thus established, the pre-
torian cohorts gave him no small trouble, by exhorting
him to beware of many persons of rank, and to forbid
them the court; whether it was that their affection
made them really apprehensive for him, or whether it
PLUT. VoL. VII. X
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? PLUTARCH.
was only a color for raising commotions and wars.
One day the emperor himself had sent Crispinus orders
to bring the seventeenth cohort from Ostia; and in
order to do it without interruption, that officer began
to prepare for it as soon as it grew dark, and to pack
up the arms in waggons. On which some of the most
turbulent cried out, that Crispinus 'was come with no
good intention ; that the senate had some design against
the government; and that the arms he was going to
carry were to be made use of against Caesar, not for
him. This notion soon spread, and exasperated num-
bers; some laid hold on the waggons, while others
killed two centurions who endeavored to quell the
mutiny, and Crispinus himself. Then the whole party
armed, and exhorting each other to go to the emperor's
assistance, they marched straight to Rome. Being in-
formed there that eighty senators supped with him that
evening, they hastened to the palace, saying,' Then was
the time to crush all Caesar's enemies at once. ' The
city was greatly alarmed, expecting to be plundered
immediately. The palace, too, was in the utmost con-
fusion, and Otho himself in unspeakable distress: for
he was under fear and concern for the senators, while
they were afraid of him; and he saw they kept their
eyes fixed on him in silence and extreme consternation;
some having even brought their wives with them to
supper. He therefore ordered the principal officers of
the guards to go and speak to the soldiers, and endeavor
to appease them, and at the same time sent out his
guests at another door. They had scarce made their
escape when the soldiers rushed into the room, and
asked what was become of the enemies of Caesar. The
emperor then rising from his couch, used many argu-
ments to satisfy them, and by intreaties and tears at
last prevailed on them with much difficulty to desist.
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? oTHo.
323
Next day, having presented the soldiers with twelve
hundred and fifty drachmas a man, he entered the
camp. On this occasion he commended the troops as
in general well-affected to his government; but at the
same time he told them there were some designing men
amongst them, who by their cabals brought his mode-
ration and their fidelity both into question: these, he
said, deserved their resentment, and he hoped they
would assist him in punishing them. They applauded
his speech, and desired him to chastise whatever per-
sons he thought proper; but he pitched on two only
for capital punishment, whom no man could possibly
regret, and then returned to his palace.
Those who had conceived an affection for Otho and
placed a confidence in him, admired this change in his
conduct. But others thought it was no more than a
piece of policy which the times necessarily required,
and that he assumed a popular behavior on account of
the impending war; for now he had undoubted intelli-
gence that Vitellius had taken the title of emperor and
all the ensigns of supreme power, and couriers daily
arrived with news of continual additions to his party.
Other messengers also arrived with accounts that the
forces in Pannonia, Dalmatia, and Mysia, with their
generals, had declared for Otho. And a few days
after, he received obliging letters from Mucianus and
Vespasian, who both commanded numerous armies, the
one in Syria, and the other in Judea.
Elated with its intelligence, he wrote to Vitellius,
advising him not to aspire to things above his rank,
and promised, in case he desisted, to supply him libe-
rally with money, and gave him a city in which he
might spend his days in pleasure and repose. Vitel-
lius at first gave him an answer, in which ridicule was
tempered with civility; but afterwards, being both
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? 324 PLUTARCH.
thoroughly exasperated, they wrote to each other in a
style of the hitterest invective; not that their mutual
reproaches were groundless, but it was absurd for the
one to insult the other with what might with equal
justice be objected to both: for their charges consisted
of prodigality, effeminacy, incapacity for war, their
former poverty and immense debts; such articles, that
it is hard to say which of them had the advantage.
As to the stories of prodigies and apparitions at that
time, many of them were founded on vague reports
that could not be traced to their author: but in the
capitol there was a Victory mounted on a chariot, and
numbers of people saw her let the reins fall out of her
hands, as if she had lost the power to hold them: and
in the island of the Tiber, the statue of Julius Caesar
turned from west to east, without either earthquake or
whirlwind to move it; a circumstance which is said
likewise to have happened when Vespasian openly
took on him the direction of affairs. The inundation
of the Tiber, too, was considered by the populace as a
bad omen. It was at a time, indeed, when rivers usu-
ally overflow their banks; but the flood never rose so
high before, nor was so ruinous in its effects; for now
it laid great part of the city under water, particularly
the corn-market, and caused a famine which continued
for some days.
About this time news was brought that Cecina and
Valens, who acted for Vitellins, had seized the passes
of the Alps. And in Rome, Dolabella, who was of an
illustrious family, was suspected by the guards of some
disloyal design. Otho, either fearing him, or some
other whom he could influence, sent him to Aquinum,
with assurances of friendly treatment. When the em-
peror came to select the officers that were to attend
him on his march, he appointed Lucius, the brother of
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? oTHo.
Vitellius, to be of the number, without either pro-
moting or lowering him in point of rank. He took
also particular care of the mother and wife of Vitel-
lius, and endeavored to put them in a situation where
they had nothing to fear. The government of Rome
he gave to Flavius Sabinus, the brother of Vespasian;
either with an intention to do honor to Nero, (for he
had formerly given him that appointment, and Galba
had deprived him of it,) or else to show his affection to
Vespasian by promoting his brother.
Otho himself stopped at Brixellum, a town in Italy,
near the Po, and ordered the army to march on under
the conduct of his lieutenants, Marius Celsus, Sueto-
nius Paulinus, Gallus and Spurina, officers of great
reputation. But they could not pursue the plan of
operations they had formed, by reason of the obstinacy
and disorderly behavior of the soldiers, who declared
that they had made the emperor, and they would be
commanded by him only. . The enemy's troops were
not under much better discipline: they, too, were re-
fractory and disobedient to their officers, and on the
same account. Yet they had seen service, and were
accustomed to fatigue: whereas Otho's men had been
used to idleness, and their manner of living was quite
different from that in the field. Indeed they had spent
most of their time at public spectacles and the enter-
tainments of the theatre, and were come to that degree
of insolence, that they did not pretend to be unable to
perform the services they were ordered on, but affected
to be above them. Spurina, who attempted to use com-
pulsion, was in danger of being killed by them. They
spared no manner of abuse, calling him traitor, and
telling him that it was he who ruined the affairs of
Caesar, and purposely missed the fairest opportunities.
Some of them came in the night intoxicated with liquor
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? PLUTARCH.
to his tent, and demanded their discharge; 'for they
had to go,' they said, 'to Caesar, to accuse him/
The cause, however, and Spurina with it, received
some benefit from the insult which these troops met
with at Placentia. Those of Vitellius came Up to the
walls, and ridiculed Otho's men, who were appointed
to defend them; calling them players and dancers, fit
only to attend the Pythian and Olympic games; fel-
lows who knew nothing of war, who had not even
made one campaign, who were swoln up with pride
merely because they had cut off the head of a poor un-
armed old man (meaning Galba); wretches that durst
not look men in the face, or stand any thing like a fair
and open battle. They were so cut with these re-
proaches, and so desirous of revenge, that they threw
themselves at Spurina's feet, and begged of him to
command and employ them on whatever service he
thought proper, assuring him that there was neither
danger nor labor which they would decline. After
this the enemy made a vigorous attack on the town,
and plied their battering-engines with all their force j
but Spurina's men repulsed them with great slaughter,
and by that means kept possession of one of the most
respectable and most florishing towns in Italy.
It must be observed of Otho's officers in genera],
that they were more obliging in their behavior both to
cities and private persons than those of Vitellius. Ce-
cilia, one of the latter, had nothing popular either in
his address or his figure. He was of a gigantic size,
and most uncouth appearance; for he wore breeches
and long sleeves in the manner of the Gauls, even
while his standard was Roman, and whilst he gave his
instructions to Roman officers.
His wife followed him
on horseback, in a rich dress, and was attended by a
select party of cavalry. Fabius Yalens, the other ge.
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? OTHO.
neral, had a passion for money, which was not to he
satisfied by any plunder from the enemy, or exactions
and contributions from the allies. Insomuch, that he
was believed to proceed more slowly for the sake of
collecting gold as he went, and therefore was not up at
the first action. Some indeed accuse Cecina of has-
tening to give battle before the arrival of Valens, in
order that the victory might be all his own; and, be-
sides other less faults, they charged him not only with
attacking at an unseasonable time, bnt with not main-
taining the combat so gallantly as he ought to have
done; all which errors nearly ruined the affairs of his
party.
Cecina, after his repulse at Placentia, marched
against Cremona, another rich and great city. In the
mean time Annius Gallus, who was going to join Spu-
rina at Placentia, had intelligence by the way that he
was victorious, and that the siege was raised. But
being informed at the same time that Cremona was in
danger, he led his forces thither, and encamped very
near the enemy. Afterwards other officers brought in
reinforcements. Caecina posted a strong body of in-
fantry under cover of some trees and thickets; after
which he ordered his cavalry to advance, and if the
enemy attacked them, to give way by degrees, and re-
tire, till they had drawn them into the ambuscade.
But Celsus, being informed of his intention by some
deserters, advanced with his best cavalry against Cae-
cina's troops; and, on their retreating, he pursued
with so much caution, that he surrounded the corps
that lay in ambush. Having thus put them in confu-
sion, he called the legions from the camp; and it ap-
pears that, if they had come up in time to support the
horse, Csecina's whole army would have been cut in
pieces. But, as Paulinus advanced very slowly, he
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? PLUTARCH.
was censured for having used more precaution than
became a general of his character. Nay, the soldiers
accused him of treachery, and endeavored to incense
Otho against him; insisting that the victory was in
their hands, and that if it was not complete, it was
owing intirely to the mismanagement of their generals.
Otho did not so much believe these representations as
he was willing to appear not to disbelieve them. He
therefore sent his brother Titianus to the army, with
Proculus, the captain of his guard; Titianus had the
command in appearance, and Proculus in reality. Cel-
sus and Paulinus had the title of friends and coun-
sellors, but not the least authority in the direction of
affairs.
The enemy, too, were not without their dissatisfac-
tions and disorder, particularly amongst the forces of
Valens: for when they were informed of what hap-
pened at the ambuscade, they expressed their indigna-
tion that their general did not put it in their power to
be there, that they might have used their endeavors to
save so many brave men who perished in that action.
They were even inclined to despatch him; but having
pacified them with much difficulty, he decamped, and
joined Caecina.
In the mean time Otho came to the camp at Bedri-
acum, a small town near Cremona, and there held a
council of war. Proculus and Titianus were of opi-
nion, ' That he ought to give battle, while the army re-
tained those high spirits with which the late victory
had inspired them, and not suffer that ardor to cool,
nor wait till Vitellius came in person from Gaul. ' But
Paulinus was against it. 'The enemy,' said he, ' have
received all their troops, and have no farther prepara-
tions to make for the combat; whereas Otho will have
from Mysia and Pannonia forces as numerous as those
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? OTHo.
329
he has already, if he will wait his own opportunity, in-
stead of giving one to the enemy. And certainly the
army he now has, if with their small numbers they
have so much ardor, will not fight with less, but greater
spirit when they see their numbers so much increased.
Besides, the gaining of time makes for us, because we
have every thing in abundance; but delays must greatly
distress Cecina and his colleague for necessaries, be-
cause they lie in an enemy's country. '
Marius Celsus supported the opinion of Paulinus.
Annius Gallus could not attend, because he had re-
ceived some hurt by a fall from his horse, and was
under cure. Otho therefore wrote to him, and Gallus
advised him not to precipitate matters, but to wait for
the army from Mysia, which was already on the way.
Otho however would not be guided by these counsels,
and the opinion of those prevailed who were for ha-
zarding a battle immediately. Different reasons are,
indeed, alleged for this resolution. The most probable
is, that the pretorian cohorts, which composed the em-
peror's guards, now coming to taste what real war was,
longed to be once more at a distance from it, to return
to the ease, the company, and public diversions of
Rome; and therefore they could not be restrained in
their eagerness for a battle, for they imagined that
they could overpower the enemy at the first charge.
Besides, Otho seems to have been no longer able to
support himself in a state of suspense; such an aver-
sion to the thoughts of danger had his dissipation and
effeminacy given him! Overburdened then by his
cares, he hastened to free himself from their weight:
he covered his eyes, and leaped down the precipice:
he committed all at once to fortune. Such is the ac-
count given of the matter by the orator Secundus, who
was Otho's secretary.
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? PLUTARCH.
Others say that the two parties were much inclined
to lay down their arms, and unite in choosing an em-
peror out of the best generals they had; or, if they
could not agree on it, to leave the election to the se-
nate. Nor is it improbable, as the two who were
called emperors were neither of them men of reputa-
tion, that the experienced and prudent part of the sol-
diers should form such a design: for they could not
but reflect how unhappy and dreadful a thing it would
be to plunge themselves into the same calamities,
which the Romans could not bring on each other with-
out aching hearts, in the quarrels of Sylla and Man us,
of Caeear and Pompey; and for what? but to provide
an empire to minister to the insatiable appetite and
the drunkenness of Vitellius, or to the luxury and de-
baucheries of Otho. These considerations are sup-
posed to have induced Celsus to endeavor to gain time,
in hopes that matters might be compromised without
the sword; while Otho, out of fear of such an agree-
ment, hastened the battle.
In the mean time he returned to Brixellum, which
certainly was an additional error: for by that step he
deprived the combatants of the reverence and emula-
tion which his presence might have inspired, and took
a considerable limb from the body of the army ; I mean,
some of the best and most active men, both horse and
foot, for his body-guard. There happened about that
time a rencounter on the Po, while Cecilia's troops en-
deavored to lay a bridge over that river, and Otho's to
prevent it. The latter finding their other efforts inef-
fectual, put a quantity of torches well covered with
brimstone and pitch into some boats, which were car-
ried by the wind and current on the enemy's work.
First smoke, and afterwards a bright flame arose; on
which Cecina's men were so terrified, that they leaped
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? oTHO.
331
into the river, overset their boats, and were intirely
exposed to their enemies, who laughed at their awk-
ward distress.
The German troops, however, beat Otho's gladiators
in a little island of the Po, and killed a considerable
number of them. Otho's army that was in Bedriacum,
resenting this affront, insisted on being led out to battle.
Accordingly Proculus marched, and pitched his camp
at the distance of fifty furlongs from Bedriacum. But
he chose his ground in a very unskilful manner; for,
though it was in the spring season, and the country
afforded many springs and rivulets, his army was dis-
tressed for water. Next day Proculus was for march-
ing against the enemy, who lay not less than a hundred
furlongs off: but Paulinus would not agree to it. He
said, 'They ought to keep the post they had taken,
rather than fatigue themselves first, and then imme-
diately engage an enemy, who could arm and put them-
selves in order of battle at their leisure, while they
were making such a march with all the incumbrance of
baggage and servants. The generals disputed the point,
till a Nuiaidian horseman came with letters from Otho,
ordering them to make no longer delay, but proceed
to the attack without losing a moment's time. They
then decamped of course, and went to seek the enemy.
The news of their approach threw Cecina into great
confusion; and immediately quitting bis works and
post on the river, he repaired to the camp, where he
found most of the soldiers armed, and the word already
given by Valens.
During the time that the infantry were forming the
best of the cavalry were directed to skirmish. At that
moment a report was spread, from what cause we can-
not tell, amongst Otho's van, that Vitellius' officers
were coming over to their party. As soon, therefore,
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? PLUTARCH.
as they approached, they saluted them in a friendly
manner, calling them fellow-soldiers: but instead of
receiving the appellation, they answered with a furious
and hostile shout. The consequence was, that the
persons who made the compliment were dispirited,
and the rest suspected them of treason. This was the
first thing that disconcerted Otho's troops, for by this
time the enemy had charged. Besides, they could
preserve no order, the intermixture of the baggage,
and the nature of the ground, preventing any regular
movement: for the ground was so full of ditches and
other inequalities, that they were forced to break their
ranks and wheel about to avoid them, and could only
fight in small parties. There were but two legions,
one of Vitellius' called the Devourer, and one of Otho's
called the Succorer, which could disentangle them-
selves from the defiles and gain the open plain. These
engaged in a regular battle, and fought a long time.
Otho's men were vigorous and brave; but they had
not seen so much as one action before this; on the
other hand, those of Vitellius had much experience
in the field; but they were old, and their strength de-
caying.
Otho's legion coming on with great fury, mowed
down the first ranks, and took the eagle. The enemy,
filled with shame and resentment, advanced to chastise
them, slewOrphidius, who commanded the legion, and
took several standards. Against the gladiators, who
had the reputation of being brave fellows, and ex-
cellent at close fighting, Alphenus Varus brought up
the Batavians, who come from an island formed by the
Rhine, and are the best cavalry in Germany. A few
of the gladiators made head against them; but the
greatest part fled to the river, and falling in with some
of the enemy's infantry that was posted there, were all
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? oTHo.
cut in pieces. But none behaved so ill that day as the
pretorian bands. They did not even wait to receive
the enemy's charge, and in their flight they broke
through the troops that as yet stood their ground, and
put them in disorder. Nevertheless, many of Otho's
men were irresistible in the quarter where they fought,
and opened a way through the victorious enemy to
their camp. But Proculus and Paulinus took another
way; for they dreaded the soldiers, who already
blamed their generals for the loss of the day.
Annius Gallus received into the city all the scattered
parties, and endeavored to encourage them by assur-
ances that the advantage on the whole was equal, and
that their troops had the superiority in many parts of
the field. But Marius Celsus assembled the principal
officers, and desired them to consider of measures that
might save their country. 'After such an expense of
Roman blood,' said he, ' Otho himself, if he has a pa-
triotic principle, would not tempt Fortune any more;
since Cato and Scipio, in refusing to submit to Caesar
after the battle of Pharsalia, are accused of having un-
necessarily sacrificed the lives of so many brave men
in Africa, notwithstanding that they fought for the
liberties of their country. Fortune indeed is capri-
cious, and all men are liable to suffer by her incon-
stancy: yet good men have one advantage which she
cannot deprive them of, and that is, to avail themselves
of their reason in whatever may befall them. ' These
arguments prevailed with the officers, and on sounding
the private men, they found them desirous of peace.
Titianus himself was of opinion that they ought to send
ambassadors to treat for a coalition. In pursuance of
which, Celsus and Gallus were charged with a commis-
sion to Cecina and Valens. As they were on the road,
they met some centurions, who informed them that Vi--
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? PLUTARCH.
Cellini' army was advancing to Bedriacum, and that they
were sent before by their generals with proposals for
an accommodation. Celsus and Gallus commended
their design, and desired them to go back with them to
meet Cecina.
When they approached that general's army, Celsus
was in great danger; for the cavalry that were beaten
in the affair of the ambuscade happened to be in the
van; and they no sooner saw Celsus than they ad-
vanced with loud shouts against him. The centurions
however put themselves before him, and the other offi-
cers called out to them to do him no violence. Cecina
himself, when he was informed of the tumult, rode up
and quelled it, and after he had made his compliments
to Celsus in a very obliging manner, accompanied him
to Bedriacum.
In the mean time, Titianus repenting that he had sent
the ambassadors, placed the most resolute of the sol-
diers again on the walls, and exhorted the rest to
assist. But when Cecina rode up and offered his
hand, not a man of them could resist him. Some sa-
luted his men from the walls, and others opened the
gates; after which they went out and mixed with the
troops that were coming up. Instead of acts of hos-
tility, there was nothing but mutual caresses and other
demonstrations of friendship; in consequence of which,
they all took the oath to Vitellius, and ranged them-
selves under his banner.
This is the account which most of those that were in
the battle give of it; but at the same time they confess
that they did not know all the particulars, because of
the confused manner in which they fought and the in-
equality of the ground. Long after, when I was pass-
ing over the field of battle, Mestrius Florus, a person
of consular dignity, showed me an old man, who in his
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? oTHo.
youth had served under Otho with others of the same
age with himself, not from inclination, but by con-
straint. He told me also, that on visiting the field after
the battle, he saw a large pile of dead bodies as high as
the head of a man; and on inquiring into the reason,
he could neither discover it himself, nor get any infor-
mation about it. It was no wonder that there was a
great carnage in case of a general rout, because in a
civil war they make no prisoners; for such captives
would be of no advantage to the conquerors; but it is
difficult to assign a reason why the carcasses should be
piled up in that manner.
An uncertain rumor (as it commonly happens) was
first brought to Otho, and afterwards some of the
wounded came and assured him that the battle was lost.
On this occasion, it was nothing extraordinary that his
friends strove to encourage him and keep him from
desponding; but the attachment of the soldiers to him
exceeds all belief. None of them left him, or went
over to the enemy, or consulted his own safety, even
when their chief despaired of his. On the contrary,
they crowded his gates; they called him emperor;
they left no form of application untried; they kissed
his hands; they fell at his feet, and with groans and
tears intreated him not to forsake them, nor give them
up to their enemies, but to employ their hearts and
hands to the last moment of their lives. They all
joined in this request: and one of the private men
drawing his sword, thus addressed himself to Otho,
'Know, Caesar, what your soldiers are ready to do
for you,' and immediately plunged the steel into his
heart.
Otho was not moved at this affecting scene, but with
a cheerful and steady countenance looking round on
the company, he spoke as follows: 'This day, my fel-
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? 336
PLUTARCH.
low-soldiers, I consider as a more happy one, than
that on which you made me emperor, when I see you
thus disposed, and am so great in your opinion. But
deprive me not of a still greater happiness, that of lay-
ing down my life with honor for so many generous Ro-
mans. If I am worthy of the Roman empire, I ought
to shed my blood for my country. I know the victory
my adversaries has gained is by no means decisive. I
have intelligence that my army from Mysia is at the
distance of but a few days' march; Asia, Syria, and
Egypt, are pouring their legions on the Adriatic; the
forces in Judea declare for us; the senate is with us;
and the very wives and children of our enemies are so
many pledges in our hands. But we are not fighting
for Italy with Hannibal or Pyrrhus, or the Cimbrians;
our dispute is with the Romans; and whatever party
prevails, whether we conquer or are conquered, our
country must suffer. Under the victor's joy she bleeds.
Believe, then, my friends, that I can die with greater
glory than reign: for I know no benefit that Rome can
reap from my victory, equal to what I shall confer on
her by sacrificing myself for peace and unanimity,
and to prevent Italy from beholding such another day
as this! '
After he had made this speech, and showed himself
immovable to those who attempted to alter his resolu-
tion, he desired his friends, and such senators as were
present, to leave him, and provide for their own safety.
To those that were absent he sent the same commands,
and signified his pleasure to the cities by letters, that
they should receive them honorably, and supply them
with good convoys.
He then called his nephew Cocceius, who was yet
very young, and bade him compose himself, and not
fear Vitellius. 'I have taken the same care,' said he,
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and said, ' Strike, if it be for the good of Rome. ' He
received many strokes on his arms and legs, for he
had a coat of mail on his body. According to most
accounts, it was Camurius, a soldier of the fifteenth
legion, that despatched him; though some say it was
Terentius, some Arcadius, and others Fabius Fabulus.
They add, that when Fabius had cut off his head, he
wrapped it up in the skirt of his garment, because it
was so bald that he could take no hold of it. His asso-
ciates, however, would not suffer him to conceal it, but
insisted that he should let the world see what an ex-
ploit he had performed; he therefore fixed it on the
point of his spear, and swinging about the head of a
venerable old man, and a mild prince, who was both
pontifex maximus and consul, he ran on, (like the
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? GALBA.
317
Bacchanals with the head of Pentheus,) brandishing
his spear, that was dyed with the blood that trickled
from it.
When the head was presented to Otho, he cried out,
'This is nothing, my fellow-soldiers; show me the
head of Piso. ' It was brought not long after; for that
young prince being wounded, and pursued by one
Murcus, was killed by him at the gates of the temple
of Vesta. Vinius also was put to the sword, though he
declared himself an accomplice in the conspiracy, and
protested that it was against Otho's orders that he suf-
fered. However, they cut off his head, and that of
Laco, and carrying them to Otho, demanded their re-
ward: for, as Archilochus says,
We bring seven warriors only to your tent,
Yet thousands of us kill'd them.
So in this case many who had no share in the action
bathed their hands and swords in the blood, and show-
ing them to Otho, petitioned for their reward. It ap-
peared afterwards from the petitions given in, that the
number of them was a hundred and twenty; and
Vitellius having searched them out, put them all to
death. Marius Celsus also coming to the camp, many
accused him of having exhorted the soldiers to stand
by Galba, and the bulk of the army insisted that he
should suffer. But Otho being desirous to save him,
and yet afraid of contradicting them, told them, 'he
did not choose to have him executed so soon, because
he had several important questions to put to him. '
He ordered him therefore to be kept in chains, and
delivered him to persons in whom he could best con-
fide.
The senate was immediately assembled; and as if
they were become different men, or had other gods to
swear by, they took the oath to Otho, which he had
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? PLUTARCH.
before taken to Galba, but had not kept; and they
gave him the titles of Caesar and Augustus, while the
bodies of those that had been beheaded lay in their
consular robes in the forum. As for the heads, the
soldiers, after they had no farther use for them, sold
that of Vinius to his daughter for two thousand five
hundred drachmas. Piso's was given to his wife Ve-
rania, at her request; and Galba's to the servants of
Patrobius and Vitellius, who, after they had treated it
with the utmost insolence and outrage, threw it into a
place called Sestertium, where the bodies of those are
cast that are put to death by the emperors. Galba's
corpse was carried away by Helvidius Priscus, with
Otho's permission, and buried in the night by his freed-
man Argius.
Such is the history of Galba; a man who, in the
points of family and fortune distinctly considered, was
exceeded by few of the Romans, and who, in the union
of both, was superior to all. He had lived, too, in great
honor, and with the best reputation, under five empe-
rors; and it was rather by his character than by force
of arms that he deposed Nero. As to the rest who
conspired against the tyrant, some of them were thought
unworthy of the imperial diadem by the people, and
others thought themselves unworthy. But Galba was
invited to accept it, and only followed the sense of
those who called him to that high dignity. Nay, when
he gave the sanction of his name to Vindex, that which
before was called rebellion, was considered only as a
civil war, because a man of princely talents was then
at the head of it. So that he did not so much want
the empire, as the empire wanted him: and with these
principles he attempted to govern a people corrupted
by Tigellinus and Nymphidius, as Scipio, Fabricius,
and Camillus, governed the Romans of their times.
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? OALBA.
319
Notwithstanding his great age, he showed himself a
chief worthy of ancient Rome through all the military
department. But, in the civil administration, he de-
livered himself up to Vinius, to Laco, and to his en-
franchised slaves, who sold every thing, in the same
manner as Nero had left all to his insatiable vermin.
The consequence of this was, that no man regretted
him as an emperor, though almost all were moved with
pity at his miserable fate.
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? OTHO.
The new emperor went early in the morning to the
capitol, and sacrificed; after which he ordered Marius
Celsus to be brought before him. He received that
officer with great marks of his regard, and desired him
rather to forget the cause of his confinement, than to
remember his release. Celsus neither showed any
meanness in his acknowlegements, nor any want of
gratitude. He said, ' The very charge brought against
him bore witness to his character; since he was ac-
cused only of having been faithful to Galba, from
whom he had never received any personal obligations. '
All who were present at the audience admired both the
emperor and Celsus, and the soldiers in particular tes-
tified their approbation.
Otho made a mild and gracious speech to the senate.
The remaining time of his consulship he divided with
Virginius Rufus, and he left those who had been ap-
pointed to that dignity by Nero and Galba to enjoy it
in their course. Such as were respectable for their
age and character he promoted to the priesthood; and
to those senators who had been banished by Nero, and
recalled by Galba, he restored all their goods and
estates that he found unsold. So that the first and best
of the citizens, who had before not considered him as
a man, but dreaded him as a fury or destroying demon,
that had suddenly seized the seat of government, now
entertained more pleasing hopes from so promising a
beginning.
But nothing gave the people in general so high a
pleasure, or contributed so much to gain him their af-
fections, as his punishing Tigelliuus. It is true he had
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? oTHo.
long suffered under the fear of punishment, which the
Romans demanded as a public debt, and under a com-
plication of incurable distempers. These, together with
his infamous connexions with the worst of women, into
which his passions drew him, though almost in the
arms of death, were considered by the thinking part of
mankind as the greatest of punishments, and worse
than many deaths. Yet it was a pain to the common
people, that he should see the light of the sun, after
so many excellent men had been deprived of it through
his means. He was then at his, country-house near
Sinuessa, and had vessels at anchor, ready to carry
him on occasion to some distant country. Otho sent
to him there; and he first attempted to bribe the mes-
senger with large sums to suffer him to escape. When
he found that did not take effect, he gave him the mo-
ney notwithstanding; and desiring only to be indulged
a few moments till he had shaved himself, he took the
razor and cut his own throat.
Besides this just satisfaction that Otho gave the peo-
ple, it was a most agreeable circumstance that he re-
membered none of his private quarrels. To gratify the
populace, he suffered them also at first to give him in
the theatres the name of Nero, and he made no oppo-
sition to those who erected publicly the statues of that
emperor. Nay, Claudius Rufus tells us, that in the
letters with which the couriers were sent to Spain, he
joined the name of Nero to that of Otho. But per-
ceiving that the nobility were offended, he made use of
it no more.
After his government was thus established, the pre-
torian cohorts gave him no small trouble, by exhorting
him to beware of many persons of rank, and to forbid
them the court; whether it was that their affection
made them really apprehensive for him, or whether it
PLUT. VoL. VII. X
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? PLUTARCH.
was only a color for raising commotions and wars.
One day the emperor himself had sent Crispinus orders
to bring the seventeenth cohort from Ostia; and in
order to do it without interruption, that officer began
to prepare for it as soon as it grew dark, and to pack
up the arms in waggons. On which some of the most
turbulent cried out, that Crispinus 'was come with no
good intention ; that the senate had some design against
the government; and that the arms he was going to
carry were to be made use of against Caesar, not for
him. This notion soon spread, and exasperated num-
bers; some laid hold on the waggons, while others
killed two centurions who endeavored to quell the
mutiny, and Crispinus himself. Then the whole party
armed, and exhorting each other to go to the emperor's
assistance, they marched straight to Rome. Being in-
formed there that eighty senators supped with him that
evening, they hastened to the palace, saying,' Then was
the time to crush all Caesar's enemies at once. ' The
city was greatly alarmed, expecting to be plundered
immediately. The palace, too, was in the utmost con-
fusion, and Otho himself in unspeakable distress: for
he was under fear and concern for the senators, while
they were afraid of him; and he saw they kept their
eyes fixed on him in silence and extreme consternation;
some having even brought their wives with them to
supper. He therefore ordered the principal officers of
the guards to go and speak to the soldiers, and endeavor
to appease them, and at the same time sent out his
guests at another door. They had scarce made their
escape when the soldiers rushed into the room, and
asked what was become of the enemies of Caesar. The
emperor then rising from his couch, used many argu-
ments to satisfy them, and by intreaties and tears at
last prevailed on them with much difficulty to desist.
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? oTHo.
323
Next day, having presented the soldiers with twelve
hundred and fifty drachmas a man, he entered the
camp. On this occasion he commended the troops as
in general well-affected to his government; but at the
same time he told them there were some designing men
amongst them, who by their cabals brought his mode-
ration and their fidelity both into question: these, he
said, deserved their resentment, and he hoped they
would assist him in punishing them. They applauded
his speech, and desired him to chastise whatever per-
sons he thought proper; but he pitched on two only
for capital punishment, whom no man could possibly
regret, and then returned to his palace.
Those who had conceived an affection for Otho and
placed a confidence in him, admired this change in his
conduct. But others thought it was no more than a
piece of policy which the times necessarily required,
and that he assumed a popular behavior on account of
the impending war; for now he had undoubted intelli-
gence that Vitellius had taken the title of emperor and
all the ensigns of supreme power, and couriers daily
arrived with news of continual additions to his party.
Other messengers also arrived with accounts that the
forces in Pannonia, Dalmatia, and Mysia, with their
generals, had declared for Otho. And a few days
after, he received obliging letters from Mucianus and
Vespasian, who both commanded numerous armies, the
one in Syria, and the other in Judea.
Elated with its intelligence, he wrote to Vitellius,
advising him not to aspire to things above his rank,
and promised, in case he desisted, to supply him libe-
rally with money, and gave him a city in which he
might spend his days in pleasure and repose. Vitel-
lius at first gave him an answer, in which ridicule was
tempered with civility; but afterwards, being both
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? 324 PLUTARCH.
thoroughly exasperated, they wrote to each other in a
style of the hitterest invective; not that their mutual
reproaches were groundless, but it was absurd for the
one to insult the other with what might with equal
justice be objected to both: for their charges consisted
of prodigality, effeminacy, incapacity for war, their
former poverty and immense debts; such articles, that
it is hard to say which of them had the advantage.
As to the stories of prodigies and apparitions at that
time, many of them were founded on vague reports
that could not be traced to their author: but in the
capitol there was a Victory mounted on a chariot, and
numbers of people saw her let the reins fall out of her
hands, as if she had lost the power to hold them: and
in the island of the Tiber, the statue of Julius Caesar
turned from west to east, without either earthquake or
whirlwind to move it; a circumstance which is said
likewise to have happened when Vespasian openly
took on him the direction of affairs. The inundation
of the Tiber, too, was considered by the populace as a
bad omen. It was at a time, indeed, when rivers usu-
ally overflow their banks; but the flood never rose so
high before, nor was so ruinous in its effects; for now
it laid great part of the city under water, particularly
the corn-market, and caused a famine which continued
for some days.
About this time news was brought that Cecina and
Valens, who acted for Vitellins, had seized the passes
of the Alps. And in Rome, Dolabella, who was of an
illustrious family, was suspected by the guards of some
disloyal design. Otho, either fearing him, or some
other whom he could influence, sent him to Aquinum,
with assurances of friendly treatment. When the em-
peror came to select the officers that were to attend
him on his march, he appointed Lucius, the brother of
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? oTHo.
Vitellius, to be of the number, without either pro-
moting or lowering him in point of rank. He took
also particular care of the mother and wife of Vitel-
lius, and endeavored to put them in a situation where
they had nothing to fear. The government of Rome
he gave to Flavius Sabinus, the brother of Vespasian;
either with an intention to do honor to Nero, (for he
had formerly given him that appointment, and Galba
had deprived him of it,) or else to show his affection to
Vespasian by promoting his brother.
Otho himself stopped at Brixellum, a town in Italy,
near the Po, and ordered the army to march on under
the conduct of his lieutenants, Marius Celsus, Sueto-
nius Paulinus, Gallus and Spurina, officers of great
reputation. But they could not pursue the plan of
operations they had formed, by reason of the obstinacy
and disorderly behavior of the soldiers, who declared
that they had made the emperor, and they would be
commanded by him only. . The enemy's troops were
not under much better discipline: they, too, were re-
fractory and disobedient to their officers, and on the
same account. Yet they had seen service, and were
accustomed to fatigue: whereas Otho's men had been
used to idleness, and their manner of living was quite
different from that in the field. Indeed they had spent
most of their time at public spectacles and the enter-
tainments of the theatre, and were come to that degree
of insolence, that they did not pretend to be unable to
perform the services they were ordered on, but affected
to be above them. Spurina, who attempted to use com-
pulsion, was in danger of being killed by them. They
spared no manner of abuse, calling him traitor, and
telling him that it was he who ruined the affairs of
Caesar, and purposely missed the fairest opportunities.
Some of them came in the night intoxicated with liquor
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? PLUTARCH.
to his tent, and demanded their discharge; 'for they
had to go,' they said, 'to Caesar, to accuse him/
The cause, however, and Spurina with it, received
some benefit from the insult which these troops met
with at Placentia. Those of Vitellius came Up to the
walls, and ridiculed Otho's men, who were appointed
to defend them; calling them players and dancers, fit
only to attend the Pythian and Olympic games; fel-
lows who knew nothing of war, who had not even
made one campaign, who were swoln up with pride
merely because they had cut off the head of a poor un-
armed old man (meaning Galba); wretches that durst
not look men in the face, or stand any thing like a fair
and open battle. They were so cut with these re-
proaches, and so desirous of revenge, that they threw
themselves at Spurina's feet, and begged of him to
command and employ them on whatever service he
thought proper, assuring him that there was neither
danger nor labor which they would decline. After
this the enemy made a vigorous attack on the town,
and plied their battering-engines with all their force j
but Spurina's men repulsed them with great slaughter,
and by that means kept possession of one of the most
respectable and most florishing towns in Italy.
It must be observed of Otho's officers in genera],
that they were more obliging in their behavior both to
cities and private persons than those of Vitellius. Ce-
cilia, one of the latter, had nothing popular either in
his address or his figure. He was of a gigantic size,
and most uncouth appearance; for he wore breeches
and long sleeves in the manner of the Gauls, even
while his standard was Roman, and whilst he gave his
instructions to Roman officers.
His wife followed him
on horseback, in a rich dress, and was attended by a
select party of cavalry. Fabius Yalens, the other ge.
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? OTHO.
neral, had a passion for money, which was not to he
satisfied by any plunder from the enemy, or exactions
and contributions from the allies. Insomuch, that he
was believed to proceed more slowly for the sake of
collecting gold as he went, and therefore was not up at
the first action. Some indeed accuse Cecina of has-
tening to give battle before the arrival of Valens, in
order that the victory might be all his own; and, be-
sides other less faults, they charged him not only with
attacking at an unseasonable time, bnt with not main-
taining the combat so gallantly as he ought to have
done; all which errors nearly ruined the affairs of his
party.
Cecina, after his repulse at Placentia, marched
against Cremona, another rich and great city. In the
mean time Annius Gallus, who was going to join Spu-
rina at Placentia, had intelligence by the way that he
was victorious, and that the siege was raised. But
being informed at the same time that Cremona was in
danger, he led his forces thither, and encamped very
near the enemy. Afterwards other officers brought in
reinforcements. Caecina posted a strong body of in-
fantry under cover of some trees and thickets; after
which he ordered his cavalry to advance, and if the
enemy attacked them, to give way by degrees, and re-
tire, till they had drawn them into the ambuscade.
But Celsus, being informed of his intention by some
deserters, advanced with his best cavalry against Cae-
cina's troops; and, on their retreating, he pursued
with so much caution, that he surrounded the corps
that lay in ambush. Having thus put them in confu-
sion, he called the legions from the camp; and it ap-
pears that, if they had come up in time to support the
horse, Csecina's whole army would have been cut in
pieces. But, as Paulinus advanced very slowly, he
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? PLUTARCH.
was censured for having used more precaution than
became a general of his character. Nay, the soldiers
accused him of treachery, and endeavored to incense
Otho against him; insisting that the victory was in
their hands, and that if it was not complete, it was
owing intirely to the mismanagement of their generals.
Otho did not so much believe these representations as
he was willing to appear not to disbelieve them. He
therefore sent his brother Titianus to the army, with
Proculus, the captain of his guard; Titianus had the
command in appearance, and Proculus in reality. Cel-
sus and Paulinus had the title of friends and coun-
sellors, but not the least authority in the direction of
affairs.
The enemy, too, were not without their dissatisfac-
tions and disorder, particularly amongst the forces of
Valens: for when they were informed of what hap-
pened at the ambuscade, they expressed their indigna-
tion that their general did not put it in their power to
be there, that they might have used their endeavors to
save so many brave men who perished in that action.
They were even inclined to despatch him; but having
pacified them with much difficulty, he decamped, and
joined Caecina.
In the mean time Otho came to the camp at Bedri-
acum, a small town near Cremona, and there held a
council of war. Proculus and Titianus were of opi-
nion, ' That he ought to give battle, while the army re-
tained those high spirits with which the late victory
had inspired them, and not suffer that ardor to cool,
nor wait till Vitellius came in person from Gaul. ' But
Paulinus was against it. 'The enemy,' said he, ' have
received all their troops, and have no farther prepara-
tions to make for the combat; whereas Otho will have
from Mysia and Pannonia forces as numerous as those
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? OTHo.
329
he has already, if he will wait his own opportunity, in-
stead of giving one to the enemy. And certainly the
army he now has, if with their small numbers they
have so much ardor, will not fight with less, but greater
spirit when they see their numbers so much increased.
Besides, the gaining of time makes for us, because we
have every thing in abundance; but delays must greatly
distress Cecina and his colleague for necessaries, be-
cause they lie in an enemy's country. '
Marius Celsus supported the opinion of Paulinus.
Annius Gallus could not attend, because he had re-
ceived some hurt by a fall from his horse, and was
under cure. Otho therefore wrote to him, and Gallus
advised him not to precipitate matters, but to wait for
the army from Mysia, which was already on the way.
Otho however would not be guided by these counsels,
and the opinion of those prevailed who were for ha-
zarding a battle immediately. Different reasons are,
indeed, alleged for this resolution. The most probable
is, that the pretorian cohorts, which composed the em-
peror's guards, now coming to taste what real war was,
longed to be once more at a distance from it, to return
to the ease, the company, and public diversions of
Rome; and therefore they could not be restrained in
their eagerness for a battle, for they imagined that
they could overpower the enemy at the first charge.
Besides, Otho seems to have been no longer able to
support himself in a state of suspense; such an aver-
sion to the thoughts of danger had his dissipation and
effeminacy given him! Overburdened then by his
cares, he hastened to free himself from their weight:
he covered his eyes, and leaped down the precipice:
he committed all at once to fortune. Such is the ac-
count given of the matter by the orator Secundus, who
was Otho's secretary.
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? PLUTARCH.
Others say that the two parties were much inclined
to lay down their arms, and unite in choosing an em-
peror out of the best generals they had; or, if they
could not agree on it, to leave the election to the se-
nate. Nor is it improbable, as the two who were
called emperors were neither of them men of reputa-
tion, that the experienced and prudent part of the sol-
diers should form such a design: for they could not
but reflect how unhappy and dreadful a thing it would
be to plunge themselves into the same calamities,
which the Romans could not bring on each other with-
out aching hearts, in the quarrels of Sylla and Man us,
of Caeear and Pompey; and for what? but to provide
an empire to minister to the insatiable appetite and
the drunkenness of Vitellius, or to the luxury and de-
baucheries of Otho. These considerations are sup-
posed to have induced Celsus to endeavor to gain time,
in hopes that matters might be compromised without
the sword; while Otho, out of fear of such an agree-
ment, hastened the battle.
In the mean time he returned to Brixellum, which
certainly was an additional error: for by that step he
deprived the combatants of the reverence and emula-
tion which his presence might have inspired, and took
a considerable limb from the body of the army ; I mean,
some of the best and most active men, both horse and
foot, for his body-guard. There happened about that
time a rencounter on the Po, while Cecilia's troops en-
deavored to lay a bridge over that river, and Otho's to
prevent it. The latter finding their other efforts inef-
fectual, put a quantity of torches well covered with
brimstone and pitch into some boats, which were car-
ried by the wind and current on the enemy's work.
First smoke, and afterwards a bright flame arose; on
which Cecina's men were so terrified, that they leaped
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? oTHO.
331
into the river, overset their boats, and were intirely
exposed to their enemies, who laughed at their awk-
ward distress.
The German troops, however, beat Otho's gladiators
in a little island of the Po, and killed a considerable
number of them. Otho's army that was in Bedriacum,
resenting this affront, insisted on being led out to battle.
Accordingly Proculus marched, and pitched his camp
at the distance of fifty furlongs from Bedriacum. But
he chose his ground in a very unskilful manner; for,
though it was in the spring season, and the country
afforded many springs and rivulets, his army was dis-
tressed for water. Next day Proculus was for march-
ing against the enemy, who lay not less than a hundred
furlongs off: but Paulinus would not agree to it. He
said, 'They ought to keep the post they had taken,
rather than fatigue themselves first, and then imme-
diately engage an enemy, who could arm and put them-
selves in order of battle at their leisure, while they
were making such a march with all the incumbrance of
baggage and servants. The generals disputed the point,
till a Nuiaidian horseman came with letters from Otho,
ordering them to make no longer delay, but proceed
to the attack without losing a moment's time. They
then decamped of course, and went to seek the enemy.
The news of their approach threw Cecina into great
confusion; and immediately quitting bis works and
post on the river, he repaired to the camp, where he
found most of the soldiers armed, and the word already
given by Valens.
During the time that the infantry were forming the
best of the cavalry were directed to skirmish. At that
moment a report was spread, from what cause we can-
not tell, amongst Otho's van, that Vitellius' officers
were coming over to their party. As soon, therefore,
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? PLUTARCH.
as they approached, they saluted them in a friendly
manner, calling them fellow-soldiers: but instead of
receiving the appellation, they answered with a furious
and hostile shout. The consequence was, that the
persons who made the compliment were dispirited,
and the rest suspected them of treason. This was the
first thing that disconcerted Otho's troops, for by this
time the enemy had charged. Besides, they could
preserve no order, the intermixture of the baggage,
and the nature of the ground, preventing any regular
movement: for the ground was so full of ditches and
other inequalities, that they were forced to break their
ranks and wheel about to avoid them, and could only
fight in small parties. There were but two legions,
one of Vitellius' called the Devourer, and one of Otho's
called the Succorer, which could disentangle them-
selves from the defiles and gain the open plain. These
engaged in a regular battle, and fought a long time.
Otho's men were vigorous and brave; but they had
not seen so much as one action before this; on the
other hand, those of Vitellius had much experience
in the field; but they were old, and their strength de-
caying.
Otho's legion coming on with great fury, mowed
down the first ranks, and took the eagle. The enemy,
filled with shame and resentment, advanced to chastise
them, slewOrphidius, who commanded the legion, and
took several standards. Against the gladiators, who
had the reputation of being brave fellows, and ex-
cellent at close fighting, Alphenus Varus brought up
the Batavians, who come from an island formed by the
Rhine, and are the best cavalry in Germany. A few
of the gladiators made head against them; but the
greatest part fled to the river, and falling in with some
of the enemy's infantry that was posted there, were all
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? oTHo.
cut in pieces. But none behaved so ill that day as the
pretorian bands. They did not even wait to receive
the enemy's charge, and in their flight they broke
through the troops that as yet stood their ground, and
put them in disorder. Nevertheless, many of Otho's
men were irresistible in the quarter where they fought,
and opened a way through the victorious enemy to
their camp. But Proculus and Paulinus took another
way; for they dreaded the soldiers, who already
blamed their generals for the loss of the day.
Annius Gallus received into the city all the scattered
parties, and endeavored to encourage them by assur-
ances that the advantage on the whole was equal, and
that their troops had the superiority in many parts of
the field. But Marius Celsus assembled the principal
officers, and desired them to consider of measures that
might save their country. 'After such an expense of
Roman blood,' said he, ' Otho himself, if he has a pa-
triotic principle, would not tempt Fortune any more;
since Cato and Scipio, in refusing to submit to Caesar
after the battle of Pharsalia, are accused of having un-
necessarily sacrificed the lives of so many brave men
in Africa, notwithstanding that they fought for the
liberties of their country. Fortune indeed is capri-
cious, and all men are liable to suffer by her incon-
stancy: yet good men have one advantage which she
cannot deprive them of, and that is, to avail themselves
of their reason in whatever may befall them. ' These
arguments prevailed with the officers, and on sounding
the private men, they found them desirous of peace.
Titianus himself was of opinion that they ought to send
ambassadors to treat for a coalition. In pursuance of
which, Celsus and Gallus were charged with a commis-
sion to Cecina and Valens. As they were on the road,
they met some centurions, who informed them that Vi--
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? PLUTARCH.
Cellini' army was advancing to Bedriacum, and that they
were sent before by their generals with proposals for
an accommodation. Celsus and Gallus commended
their design, and desired them to go back with them to
meet Cecina.
When they approached that general's army, Celsus
was in great danger; for the cavalry that were beaten
in the affair of the ambuscade happened to be in the
van; and they no sooner saw Celsus than they ad-
vanced with loud shouts against him. The centurions
however put themselves before him, and the other offi-
cers called out to them to do him no violence. Cecina
himself, when he was informed of the tumult, rode up
and quelled it, and after he had made his compliments
to Celsus in a very obliging manner, accompanied him
to Bedriacum.
In the mean time, Titianus repenting that he had sent
the ambassadors, placed the most resolute of the sol-
diers again on the walls, and exhorted the rest to
assist. But when Cecina rode up and offered his
hand, not a man of them could resist him. Some sa-
luted his men from the walls, and others opened the
gates; after which they went out and mixed with the
troops that were coming up. Instead of acts of hos-
tility, there was nothing but mutual caresses and other
demonstrations of friendship; in consequence of which,
they all took the oath to Vitellius, and ranged them-
selves under his banner.
This is the account which most of those that were in
the battle give of it; but at the same time they confess
that they did not know all the particulars, because of
the confused manner in which they fought and the in-
equality of the ground. Long after, when I was pass-
ing over the field of battle, Mestrius Florus, a person
of consular dignity, showed me an old man, who in his
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? oTHo.
youth had served under Otho with others of the same
age with himself, not from inclination, but by con-
straint. He told me also, that on visiting the field after
the battle, he saw a large pile of dead bodies as high as
the head of a man; and on inquiring into the reason,
he could neither discover it himself, nor get any infor-
mation about it. It was no wonder that there was a
great carnage in case of a general rout, because in a
civil war they make no prisoners; for such captives
would be of no advantage to the conquerors; but it is
difficult to assign a reason why the carcasses should be
piled up in that manner.
An uncertain rumor (as it commonly happens) was
first brought to Otho, and afterwards some of the
wounded came and assured him that the battle was lost.
On this occasion, it was nothing extraordinary that his
friends strove to encourage him and keep him from
desponding; but the attachment of the soldiers to him
exceeds all belief. None of them left him, or went
over to the enemy, or consulted his own safety, even
when their chief despaired of his. On the contrary,
they crowded his gates; they called him emperor;
they left no form of application untried; they kissed
his hands; they fell at his feet, and with groans and
tears intreated him not to forsake them, nor give them
up to their enemies, but to employ their hearts and
hands to the last moment of their lives. They all
joined in this request: and one of the private men
drawing his sword, thus addressed himself to Otho,
'Know, Caesar, what your soldiers are ready to do
for you,' and immediately plunged the steel into his
heart.
Otho was not moved at this affecting scene, but with
a cheerful and steady countenance looking round on
the company, he spoke as follows: 'This day, my fel-
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? 336
PLUTARCH.
low-soldiers, I consider as a more happy one, than
that on which you made me emperor, when I see you
thus disposed, and am so great in your opinion. But
deprive me not of a still greater happiness, that of lay-
ing down my life with honor for so many generous Ro-
mans. If I am worthy of the Roman empire, I ought
to shed my blood for my country. I know the victory
my adversaries has gained is by no means decisive. I
have intelligence that my army from Mysia is at the
distance of but a few days' march; Asia, Syria, and
Egypt, are pouring their legions on the Adriatic; the
forces in Judea declare for us; the senate is with us;
and the very wives and children of our enemies are so
many pledges in our hands. But we are not fighting
for Italy with Hannibal or Pyrrhus, or the Cimbrians;
our dispute is with the Romans; and whatever party
prevails, whether we conquer or are conquered, our
country must suffer. Under the victor's joy she bleeds.
Believe, then, my friends, that I can die with greater
glory than reign: for I know no benefit that Rome can
reap from my victory, equal to what I shall confer on
her by sacrificing myself for peace and unanimity,
and to prevent Italy from beholding such another day
as this! '
After he had made this speech, and showed himself
immovable to those who attempted to alter his resolu-
tion, he desired his friends, and such senators as were
present, to leave him, and provide for their own safety.
To those that were absent he sent the same commands,
and signified his pleasure to the cities by letters, that
they should receive them honorably, and supply them
with good convoys.
He then called his nephew Cocceius, who was yet
very young, and bade him compose himself, and not
fear Vitellius. 'I have taken the same care,' said he,
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