surprised that Dictys
Cretensis
was among the ii.
William Smith - 1844 - Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities - a
Jacobs, Anth.
Pal.
inclined to attribute to him the Biol which are xiii. 15; Krause, Olymp. p. 271, Gymn. it. A gon.
mentioned among the works of the Peripateticii. p. 755. )
[P. S. )
Dicaearchus. (See Fuhr, l. c. , p. 43, &c. ) (L. S. ] DICTAEUS (Δικταίος), a surname of Zeus,
DICAEOCLES (Alkawkañs ), a writer of derived from mount Dicte in the eastern part of
Cnidos, whose essays (olatpıbal) are referred to by Crete. Zeus Dictaeus bad a temple at Prasus, on
Athenaeus. (xi. p. 508, f. )
[E. E. ] the banks of the river Pothereus. (Strab. x. p.
DICAEO'GENES(Alkaloyévms), a Grecian tragic 478. )
(L. S. ]
and dithyrambic poet, of whom nothing is known DICTE (Aíktn), a nymph from whoin mount
except a few titles of his dramas. One of these, Dicte in Crete was said to have received its name.
ihe Cypria, is supposed by some to have been not She was beloved and pursued by Minos, but she
a tragedy, but a cyclic epic poem. (Suid. s. l'. ; threw herself into the sea, where she was caught
Aristot. Poct. 16, with Ritter's note, p. 199; Fa- up and saved in the nets (ÕIKT VOV) of fishermen.
bric. Bibl. Graec. ii. p. 295. )
[P. S. ) Minos then desisted from pursuing her, and ordered
DICAEUS (Alkaios), a son of Poseidon, from the district to be called the Dictnean. (Serv. ad
whom Dicaea, a town in Thrace, is said to have de- Aen. iii. 171 ; comp. BRITOMARTIS. ) [L. S. ]
rived its name. (Steph. Byz. s. r. Aíkaia. ) [L. S. ] DICTYNNA. [BRITOMARTIS. )
DICE (AiKn), the personification of stice, was, DICTYS (Δίκτυς),
three mythical
according to Hesiod (Thcog. 901), a daughter of personages. (Ov. Miet. iii. 614, xii. 335; Apol-
Zeus and Themis, and the sister of Eunomia and lod. i. 9. 6 6. )
(L. S. ]
Eirene. She was considered as one of the Horae ; DICTYS CRETENSIS. The gramnarians
she watched the deeds of man, and approached the and other writers who belong to the decline of the
throne of Zeus with lamentations whenever a judge Roman empire, misled probably by the figments of
violated justice. (Hesiod. Op. 239, &c. ) She was the Alexandrian sophists, believed that various per-
the enemy
all falsehood, and the protectress of a sons who flourished at the time of the Trojan war,
name
## p. 1003 (#1023) ##########################################
DICTYS CRETENSIS.
DICTYS CRETENSIS. 1003
had committed to writing, in prose and verse, re- tate the ancient models, especially Sallust, and
cords of the principal events, and that Homer had occasionally not without success, although both in
derived from these sources the materials for his tone and phraseology we detect a close resemblance
poem. In this number was included Dictys of to the style of Appuleius and Aulus Gellius.
Crete, a follower of Idomeneus, and his name is In the absence of all positive evidence, a wide
attached to a narrative in Latin prose, divided in- field is thrown open for conjecture with regard to
to six books, entitled “Dictys Cretensis de Bello the real author of this work, the period at which
Trojano,” or perhaps more accurately, “ Ephemeris it was actually composed, and the circumstances
Belli Trojani,” professing to be a journal of the under which it was given to the world. Setting
leading events of the contest. To this is prefixed aside its alleged origin and discovery as quite un-
an introduction or prologue containing an account worthy of credit, many questions present them-
of the preservation and discovery of the work. selves. Have we any proof that there ever was a
We are here told that it was composed by Dictys Greek original at all? If there was a Greek com-
of Goossus at the joint request of Idomeneus and pilation on the same subject, are there sufficient
Meriones, and was inscribed in Phoenician charac- grounds for believing that what we now possess
ters on tablets of lime wood or paper made from was derived from it? Is it not more probable
the bark. The author having returned to Crete that the Latin chronicle was the archetype, or, at
in his old age, gave orders with his dying breath all events, independent, and that the introduction
that his book should be buried in the same grave and prefatory epistle were deliberate forgeries,
with himself, and accordingly the MS. was enclos devised for the purpose of attracting attention and
ed in a chest of tin, and deposited in his tomb. securing respect in days of ignorance and credu-
There it remained undisturbed for ages, when in lity? Again, if we admit that this is really a
the thirteenth year of Nero's reign, the sepulchre translation from a Greek original, at what epoch
was burst open by a terrible earthquake, the cofier and in what manner did that original first appear?
was exposed to view, and observed by some shep Is the story of the presentation to Nero a pure
herds, who, having ascertained that it did not, as fabrication : Are Septimius and Arcadius real
they had at first hoped, contain a treasure, con- personages? If they are, to what era do they
vered it to their master Eupraxis (or Eupraxides), belong? To these inquiries, which have been an-
who in his turn presented it to Rutilius Rufus, swered by different critics in most contradictory
the Roman governor of the province, by whom terms, we reply: 1. It is certain that a Greek
both Eupraxis and the casket were despatched to bistory of the Trojan war bearing the name of
the emperor. Nero, upon learning that the letters Dictys was in circulation among the Byzantines
were Phoenician, summoned to his presence men named above, by some of whom, who had 110
skilled in that language, by whom the contents knowledge of Latin, the ipsissima verba are cited.
were explained. The whole having been trans- 2. It is impossible to read the Latin Dictys with-
lated into Greek, was deposited in one of the pub-out feeling convinced that it is a translation. The
lic libraries, and Eupraxis was dismissed loaded Graecisms are numerous and palpable, so that no
with rewards.
one who examines the examples adduced by Peri-
This introduction is followed by a letter ad- zonius can entertain any doubt upon this head.
dressed by a Q. Septimius Romanus to a Q. Arca- | 3. It is a translation, fairly executed, of the narra-
dius Rufus, in which the writer, after giving the tive used by the Byzantines. This is proved by
substance of the above tale, with a few variations, its close correspondence with the fragments found
informs his friend, that the volume having fallen in Malelas and others, while the want of absolute
into his hands, he had been induced, for his own identity in particular passages is fully explained
amusement and the instruction of others, to con- by the assumption that it was not a full and literal
vert the whole, with some condensations, into the but a compressed and modified version. 4. These
Latin tongue. It is worth remarking, that the facts being established, we have no reasonable
author of the introduction supposes the original grounds for rejecting the epistle of Septimius to
MS. of Dictys to have been written in the Phoe- | Arcadius as spurious; but so common were these
nician language, while Septimius expressly asserts, names under the empire, that it is impossible to
that the characters alone were Phoenician and the fix with any degree of certainty upon the indivi-
language Greek. We may add to this account, duals indicated. Hence, while the date of the
that the writers of the Byzantine period, such as letter is placed by some as early as the middle of
Joannes Malelas, Constantinus Porphyrogenitus, the second century, Perizonius refers it to the time
Georgius Cedrenus, Constantinus Manasses, Jo- of Diocletian, while others bring it down as low as
annes and Isaacus Tzetzes, with others, quote Constantine, or even a century later. 5. Lastly,
largely from this Dictys as an author of the highest among the multitude of hypotheses proposed with
and most unquestionable authority, and he cer- reference to the origin of the work, one is so inge-
tainly was known as early as the age of Aelian. nious, that it deserves to be rescued from oblivion.
The piece itself contains a history of the Trojan It is a matter of history that Nero made his mad
war from the birth of Paris, down to the death of progress through Achaia in the thirteenth year of
Ulysses. The compiler not unfrequently differs his reign, and that Crete was actually ravaged by
widely from Homer, adding many particulars, and an earthquake at that very period. Hence Peri-
recording many events of which we find no trace zonius supposes that Eupraxis, a wily islander,
elsewhere. Most of these, although old traditions well aware of the passion displayed by the emperor
and legends are obviously mingled with fictions of for everything Greek, and more especially of his
a later date, were probably derived from the bards love for the tale of Troy, forged this production
of the epic cycle; but the whole narrative is care- under the name of his countryman, Dictys, with
fully pragmatised, that is, all miraculous events regard to whom traditions may have been current,
and supernatural agency are entirely excluded. caused it to be transcribed into Phoenician charac-
In style Septimius evidently strives hard to imi- ters, as bearing the closest resemblance to the
## p. 1004 (#1024) ##########################################
1004 DICTYS CRETENSIS.
DIDIUS.
mentator.
Cadmeion letters first emplored by the Ilellenes. I superacded hy that of Dederich, 8vo. Bonn, 1835,
and finally, a sailing himself of the happy accident which is very far superior to any other, comprising
of the carthquake, announced the discovery in a a great mass of valuable matter collected by Orelli,
manner which could scarcely fail to excite the most among which will be found collations of two very
intense curiosity. According to these views, we old and important MSS. , one belonging to St. Gall
may suppose the introduction to have been attached and the other to Berne. (In addition to the dis-
to the Gireek copy by the first editor or transcriber, sertations of Perizonius and Dederich, see Wop-
and to have been altogether independent of the kens, Adversariu Criticu in Dietyn, and the re-
Latin letter of Septimius; and tiis idea is con- marks of llildebrand in Jahn's Juhrb. für Philol.
firmed by the circumstance, that some DISS. con- xxiii. 33, p. 278, &c. )
W. R. ]
tain the introduction only, while others omit the DID, S, a Macedonian, governor of Paeonia for
introduction and insert the letter. Those who | Philip V. , was employed by Perseus to insinuate
wish to obtain full information upon the above and himself into the confidence of his younger brother,
all other topics connected with the subject, will Demetrius, for the purpose of betraying him. When
find the whole evidence stated and discussed in Demetrius, aware that he was suspected by his
the admirable dissertation of Perizonius, first father, determined to take refuge with the Ro-
printed in the edition of Smids, Amst. 1702, and mans, Didas gave information of the design to
inscried in almost all subsequent editions, and in Perseus, who used it as a handle for accusing his
the introduction of Dederich, the most recent com- brother to the king. Philip, having resolved to
put Demetrius to death, employed Didas as his
The compilations ascribed to Dictys and Dares instrument, and he removed the prince by poison
[DARES), although destitute of any intrinsic value, 2. C. 181. He is afterwards mentioned as com-
are of considerable importance in the history of manding the Paconian forces for Perseus in his
modern litenture, since they are the chief foun- war with the Romans, B. c. 171. (Liv. xl. 21—
tains from which the legends of Greece first 24, xlii. 51, 58. )
(E. E. ]
flowed into the romances of the middle ages, and DI'DIA GENS, plebeian, is not mentioned un-
then mingled with the popular tales and ballads of til the latter period of the republic, whence Cicero
England, France, and Germany. The Tale of (pro Muren. 8) calls the Didii nori homines. The
Troy, according to Dunlop, in his History of Fic-only member of it who obtained the consulship
tion, was first versified by Bernoit de Saint More, was T. Didius in B. c. 98. In the time of the re-
an Anglo-Norinan minstrel, who lived in the reign public no Didius bore a cognomen. [L. S. ]
of our second Henry, and borrowed his ground- DI'DIUS. ]. T. Dinius, probably the author
work of events from Dictys and Dares. This of the sumptuaria lex Didia, which was passed
metrical essay seems in its turn to have served as eighteen years after the lex Fannia, that is, in R. C.
a foundation for the famous chronicle of Guido 143 (Macrob. Sat. ii. 13), in which year T. Didius
dalle Colonne of Messina, a celebrated poet and seems to have been tribune of the people. The
lawyer of the 13th century, who published a ro- lex Didia differed from the Fannia in as much as
mance in Latin prose upon the siege of Troy, the former was made binding upon all Italy, where-
including also the Argonautic expedition and the as the latter had no power except in the city of
war of the Seven against Thebes. In this strange Roine. There is a coin belonging to one T. Didius,
medley, the history, mythology, and manners of which shews on the reverse two male figures, the one
the West and of the East, of the Greeks in the dressed, holding a shield in the left and a whip or
heroic age, and of the Arabian invaders of Chris- vine in the right hand. The other figure is naked,
tendom. are mingled in the most fantastic confu- but likewise armed, and under these figures we
sion. The compound was, however, well suited to
the taste of that epoch, for it was received with
unbounded enthusiasm, and speedily translated
into many European languages. From that time
forward the most illustrious houses eagerly strove
to trace their pedigree from the Trojan line, and
the monkish chroniciers began to refer the origin
of the various states whose fortunes they recorded
to the arrival of some Trojan colony.
read T. DEIDI. It is usually supposed that this
Under these circumstances, we need not feel coin refers to our T. Didius, and Pighius (Annal.
surprised that Dictys Cretensis was among the ii. p. 492) conjectures with some probability, that
earliest works which exercised the skill of the first T. Didius, some years after his tribuneship, about
typographers. That which is usually recognized about B. c. 138, was sent as praetor against the
as the editio princeps is a 4to. in Gothic characters, revolted slaves in Sicily. If this be correct, the
containing 68 leaves of 27 lines to the page, and is figures on the coin may perhaps have reference to
believed to have issued from the press of Ul. Zell it. (Morell. Thesaur. p. 151; Eckhel, Doctrin.
at Cologne, about 1470. Another very ancient Num. r. p. 201. )
edition in Roman characters, containing 58 leaves 2. T. Didius, a son of No. 1, repulsed, accord-
of 28 lines to the page, belongs to Italy, and was ing to Florus (iii. 4 ; comp. Rufus, Brev. 9, and
probably prinied at l'enice not long after the for- Ammian. Marcell. xxvii. 4, where we read M.
Of more modern impressions the best are Didius instead of T. Didius), the Scordiscans who
those of Mercerus, 12m0. , Paris, 1618, reprinted had invaded the Roman province of Macedonia,
at Amst. 12mo. 1630, containing a new recension and triumphed over them. (Cic. in Pison. 25. )
of the text from two V1SS. not before collated ; of According to the narrative of Florus, this victory
Anna Tanaq. Fabri fil. in usum Delphini, 410. , was gained soon or immediately after the defeat of
Paris, 1680; and of Lud. Smids, in 4to. and 8vo. , the consul C. Cato, in B. c. ] 14, and was followed
Amst. 1702, which held the first place until it was by the victories of M. Livius Drusus and M. Mi-
VID)
mer.
## p. 1005 (#1025) ##########################################
DIDIUS.
1005
DIDIUS.
nucius Rufus. It has, therefore, been supposed | which one of their colleagues brought against u
that at the time of Cato's defeat, B. c. 114, T. Caepio, Didius and Cotta were driven by force
Didius was practor of Illyricum, and that in this from the tribunal. (Cic. de Orat. ii. 47; comp.
capacity be repelled the Scordiscans, who, after Cotta, No. 8. )
having defeated Cato, ranged over Macedonia. 4. C. Dipil's, a legate of C. Julius Cacsar, who
But this supposition is not without its difhculties, sent him, in B. C. 46, to Spain against Cn. Pom-
for in the first place, we know of no war in lyri- peius. In the neighbourhood of Carteia he gained
eum at that time which might have required the a paval victory over Q. Atrius Varus, and in the
presence of a praetor, and in the second place, it year following he set out from Gades with a flect
would be rather strange to find that T. Didius, in pursuit of Cn. Pompeius, who had taken to
who was practor B. c. 114, did not obtain the con- flight. Pompeius was compelled to land, and
sulship till 15 years later, especially as he had Didius took or burnt his slips. Didius himself
gained a victory and a triumph in his practorship, likewise landed, and after Pumpeius had been
whereas the ordinary interval between the practor killed by Caesennius Lento, Didius was attacked
ship and consulship is only the space of two years. by the Lusitanian soldiers of Pompeius, and fell
According to Cicero (1. c. ), T. Didius triumphed under their strokes. (Dion Cass. xliii, 1-4, 31, 40;
er Maccdonia, and he had therefore had the ad. | Bell. Visp. 37, 40. )
ministration of Macedonia and not of Illyricum ; 5. Q. Didirs, was governor of Syria in B. c. 31,
moreover, Florus's account of the time of the victory a post to which he had probably been appointed
of Didius over the Scordiscans is erroneous, for we by M. Antony; but, after the battle of Actium, he
learn from the Chronicle of Eusebius (clxx. 2), that deserted Antony, and prevailed upon the Arabs to
the victory of Didius over the Scordiscans took burn the fleet which Antony bad built in the Ara-
place the year after the fifth consulship of C. bian gulf. (Dion Cass. li. 7. )
(L. S. )
Marius, that is, in B. c. 100, and consequently 14 M. DI'DIUS SA'LVIUS JULIANUS, af-
years later than the narrative of Florus would lead terwards named M. Didius COMMODUS SEVERUS
us to suppose. This also leaves us the usual in- JULIANUS, the successor of Pertinax, was the son
terval of two years between the praetorship and of Petronius Didius Severus and Clara Aemilia,
the consulship, which Didius had in B. C. 98 with the grandson or great-grandson of Salvius Julianus,
Q. Caecilius Metellus. In this year the two con- so celebrated as a jurisconsult under Hadrian.
suls carried the lex Caecilia Didia. (Schol. Bob. | Educated by Domitia Lucilla, the mother of M.
ad Cic. pro Sext. p. 310; Cic. pro Dom. 16, 20, Aurelius, by her interest he was appointed at a
pro Sert. 64, Philip, v. 3. ) Subsequently Didius very early age to the vigintivirate, the first step
obtained the proconsulship of Spain, and in B. C. towards public distinction. He then held in suc-
93 he celebrated a triumph over the Celtiberians. cession the offices of quaestor, aedile, and praetor,
(Fast. Triumph. ; Cic. pro Planc. 25. ) Respect was nominated first to the command of a legion in
ing his proconsulship of Spain, we learn from Ap- Germany, afterwards to the government of Belgica,
pian (Hisp. 99, &c. ), that he cut to pieces nearly and in recompense for his skill and gallantry in
20,000 Vaccacans, transplanted the inhabitants of repressing an insurrection among the Chauci, a
Termesus, conquered Colenda after a siege of nine tribe dwelling on the Elbe, was raised to the con-
months, and destroyed a colony of robbers by sulship. He further distinguished himself in a
enticing them into his camp and then ordering campaign against the Catti, ruled Dalmatia and
them to be cut down. (Comp. Frontin. Strat. i. 8. Lower Germany, and was placed at the head of
§ 5, ii. 10. § 1. ) According to Sallust (ap. Gell. the commissariat in Italy. About this period he
ii. 27; comp. Plut. Sertor. 3) Sertorius served in was charged with having conspired against the lifo
Spain as military tribune under Didius. Didius of Commodus, but had the good fortune to be ac
also took part in the Marsic war, which soon after quitted, and to witness the punishment of his
broke out, and he fell in a battle which was fought accuser. Bithynia was next consigned to his
in the spring of B. C. 89. (Appian, B. C. i. 40; charge; he was consul for the second time in A. D.
Vell. Pat. ii. 16; Ov. Fast. vi. 507, &c. ) Accord- 179, along with Pertinax, whom he succeeded in
ing to a passage in Plutarch (Sertor. 12), Didius the proconsulate of Africa, from whence he was
was beaten and slain, ten years later, by Sertorius recalled to Rome and chosen praefectus vigilum.
in Spain, but the reading in that passage is wrong, Upon the death of Pertinax, the Praetorian as-
and instead of Alotov, or as some read it didov, sassins publicly announced that they would bestow
we ought to read Φουφίδιον. (Ruhnken, ud i'ell. the purple on the man who would pay the highest
Pat. ii. 16. ) There is a coin figured on p. 602, b. , price. Flavius Sulpicianus, praefect of the city,
which refers to our T. Didius : the reverse shews a father-in-law of the murdered emperor, being it
portico with a double row of pillars, and bears the that moment in the camp, to which he had been
inscription T. Didi. IMP. VIL. PUB. From this despatched for the purpose of soothing the troops,
we see, that T. Didius received the title of impera- proceeded at once to make liberal proposals, when
tor in Spain (Sallust. I. c. ), and that after his re- Julianus, having been roused from a banquet by
turn to Rome he restored or embellished the his wife and daughter, arrived in all haste, and
villa publica in the Campus Martius. The obverse being unable to gain admission, stood before the
shews the head of Concordia, her name, and that gate, and with a loud voice contended for the
of P. Fouteius Capito, who struck the coin, and on prize. The bidding went on briskly for a while, the
it commemorated an act of the life of Didius, with soldiers reporting by turns to each of the two com-
whose family, as we may infer from the image of petitors, the one within the fortifications, the other
Concordia, Fonteius Capito was connected by mar- outside the rampart, the sum tendered by his
riage. _(Eckhel, Doctr. Num. v. p. 130. )
rival. At length, Sulpicianus having promised a
3.
inclined to attribute to him the Biol which are xiii. 15; Krause, Olymp. p. 271, Gymn. it. A gon.
mentioned among the works of the Peripateticii. p. 755. )
[P. S. )
Dicaearchus. (See Fuhr, l. c. , p. 43, &c. ) (L. S. ] DICTAEUS (Δικταίος), a surname of Zeus,
DICAEOCLES (Alkawkañs ), a writer of derived from mount Dicte in the eastern part of
Cnidos, whose essays (olatpıbal) are referred to by Crete. Zeus Dictaeus bad a temple at Prasus, on
Athenaeus. (xi. p. 508, f. )
[E. E. ] the banks of the river Pothereus. (Strab. x. p.
DICAEO'GENES(Alkaloyévms), a Grecian tragic 478. )
(L. S. ]
and dithyrambic poet, of whom nothing is known DICTE (Aíktn), a nymph from whoin mount
except a few titles of his dramas. One of these, Dicte in Crete was said to have received its name.
ihe Cypria, is supposed by some to have been not She was beloved and pursued by Minos, but she
a tragedy, but a cyclic epic poem. (Suid. s. l'. ; threw herself into the sea, where she was caught
Aristot. Poct. 16, with Ritter's note, p. 199; Fa- up and saved in the nets (ÕIKT VOV) of fishermen.
bric. Bibl. Graec. ii. p. 295. )
[P. S. ) Minos then desisted from pursuing her, and ordered
DICAEUS (Alkaios), a son of Poseidon, from the district to be called the Dictnean. (Serv. ad
whom Dicaea, a town in Thrace, is said to have de- Aen. iii. 171 ; comp. BRITOMARTIS. ) [L. S. ]
rived its name. (Steph. Byz. s. r. Aíkaia. ) [L. S. ] DICTYNNA. [BRITOMARTIS. )
DICE (AiKn), the personification of stice, was, DICTYS (Δίκτυς),
three mythical
according to Hesiod (Thcog. 901), a daughter of personages. (Ov. Miet. iii. 614, xii. 335; Apol-
Zeus and Themis, and the sister of Eunomia and lod. i. 9. 6 6. )
(L. S. ]
Eirene. She was considered as one of the Horae ; DICTYS CRETENSIS. The gramnarians
she watched the deeds of man, and approached the and other writers who belong to the decline of the
throne of Zeus with lamentations whenever a judge Roman empire, misled probably by the figments of
violated justice. (Hesiod. Op. 239, &c. ) She was the Alexandrian sophists, believed that various per-
the enemy
all falsehood, and the protectress of a sons who flourished at the time of the Trojan war,
name
## p. 1003 (#1023) ##########################################
DICTYS CRETENSIS.
DICTYS CRETENSIS. 1003
had committed to writing, in prose and verse, re- tate the ancient models, especially Sallust, and
cords of the principal events, and that Homer had occasionally not without success, although both in
derived from these sources the materials for his tone and phraseology we detect a close resemblance
poem. In this number was included Dictys of to the style of Appuleius and Aulus Gellius.
Crete, a follower of Idomeneus, and his name is In the absence of all positive evidence, a wide
attached to a narrative in Latin prose, divided in- field is thrown open for conjecture with regard to
to six books, entitled “Dictys Cretensis de Bello the real author of this work, the period at which
Trojano,” or perhaps more accurately, “ Ephemeris it was actually composed, and the circumstances
Belli Trojani,” professing to be a journal of the under which it was given to the world. Setting
leading events of the contest. To this is prefixed aside its alleged origin and discovery as quite un-
an introduction or prologue containing an account worthy of credit, many questions present them-
of the preservation and discovery of the work. selves. Have we any proof that there ever was a
We are here told that it was composed by Dictys Greek original at all? If there was a Greek com-
of Goossus at the joint request of Idomeneus and pilation on the same subject, are there sufficient
Meriones, and was inscribed in Phoenician charac- grounds for believing that what we now possess
ters on tablets of lime wood or paper made from was derived from it? Is it not more probable
the bark. The author having returned to Crete that the Latin chronicle was the archetype, or, at
in his old age, gave orders with his dying breath all events, independent, and that the introduction
that his book should be buried in the same grave and prefatory epistle were deliberate forgeries,
with himself, and accordingly the MS. was enclos devised for the purpose of attracting attention and
ed in a chest of tin, and deposited in his tomb. securing respect in days of ignorance and credu-
There it remained undisturbed for ages, when in lity? Again, if we admit that this is really a
the thirteenth year of Nero's reign, the sepulchre translation from a Greek original, at what epoch
was burst open by a terrible earthquake, the cofier and in what manner did that original first appear?
was exposed to view, and observed by some shep Is the story of the presentation to Nero a pure
herds, who, having ascertained that it did not, as fabrication : Are Septimius and Arcadius real
they had at first hoped, contain a treasure, con- personages? If they are, to what era do they
vered it to their master Eupraxis (or Eupraxides), belong? To these inquiries, which have been an-
who in his turn presented it to Rutilius Rufus, swered by different critics in most contradictory
the Roman governor of the province, by whom terms, we reply: 1. It is certain that a Greek
both Eupraxis and the casket were despatched to bistory of the Trojan war bearing the name of
the emperor. Nero, upon learning that the letters Dictys was in circulation among the Byzantines
were Phoenician, summoned to his presence men named above, by some of whom, who had 110
skilled in that language, by whom the contents knowledge of Latin, the ipsissima verba are cited.
were explained. The whole having been trans- 2. It is impossible to read the Latin Dictys with-
lated into Greek, was deposited in one of the pub-out feeling convinced that it is a translation. The
lic libraries, and Eupraxis was dismissed loaded Graecisms are numerous and palpable, so that no
with rewards.
one who examines the examples adduced by Peri-
This introduction is followed by a letter ad- zonius can entertain any doubt upon this head.
dressed by a Q. Septimius Romanus to a Q. Arca- | 3. It is a translation, fairly executed, of the narra-
dius Rufus, in which the writer, after giving the tive used by the Byzantines. This is proved by
substance of the above tale, with a few variations, its close correspondence with the fragments found
informs his friend, that the volume having fallen in Malelas and others, while the want of absolute
into his hands, he had been induced, for his own identity in particular passages is fully explained
amusement and the instruction of others, to con- by the assumption that it was not a full and literal
vert the whole, with some condensations, into the but a compressed and modified version. 4. These
Latin tongue. It is worth remarking, that the facts being established, we have no reasonable
author of the introduction supposes the original grounds for rejecting the epistle of Septimius to
MS. of Dictys to have been written in the Phoe- | Arcadius as spurious; but so common were these
nician language, while Septimius expressly asserts, names under the empire, that it is impossible to
that the characters alone were Phoenician and the fix with any degree of certainty upon the indivi-
language Greek. We may add to this account, duals indicated. Hence, while the date of the
that the writers of the Byzantine period, such as letter is placed by some as early as the middle of
Joannes Malelas, Constantinus Porphyrogenitus, the second century, Perizonius refers it to the time
Georgius Cedrenus, Constantinus Manasses, Jo- of Diocletian, while others bring it down as low as
annes and Isaacus Tzetzes, with others, quote Constantine, or even a century later. 5. Lastly,
largely from this Dictys as an author of the highest among the multitude of hypotheses proposed with
and most unquestionable authority, and he cer- reference to the origin of the work, one is so inge-
tainly was known as early as the age of Aelian. nious, that it deserves to be rescued from oblivion.
The piece itself contains a history of the Trojan It is a matter of history that Nero made his mad
war from the birth of Paris, down to the death of progress through Achaia in the thirteenth year of
Ulysses. The compiler not unfrequently differs his reign, and that Crete was actually ravaged by
widely from Homer, adding many particulars, and an earthquake at that very period. Hence Peri-
recording many events of which we find no trace zonius supposes that Eupraxis, a wily islander,
elsewhere. Most of these, although old traditions well aware of the passion displayed by the emperor
and legends are obviously mingled with fictions of for everything Greek, and more especially of his
a later date, were probably derived from the bards love for the tale of Troy, forged this production
of the epic cycle; but the whole narrative is care- under the name of his countryman, Dictys, with
fully pragmatised, that is, all miraculous events regard to whom traditions may have been current,
and supernatural agency are entirely excluded. caused it to be transcribed into Phoenician charac-
In style Septimius evidently strives hard to imi- ters, as bearing the closest resemblance to the
## p. 1004 (#1024) ##########################################
1004 DICTYS CRETENSIS.
DIDIUS.
mentator.
Cadmeion letters first emplored by the Ilellenes. I superacded hy that of Dederich, 8vo. Bonn, 1835,
and finally, a sailing himself of the happy accident which is very far superior to any other, comprising
of the carthquake, announced the discovery in a a great mass of valuable matter collected by Orelli,
manner which could scarcely fail to excite the most among which will be found collations of two very
intense curiosity. According to these views, we old and important MSS. , one belonging to St. Gall
may suppose the introduction to have been attached and the other to Berne. (In addition to the dis-
to the Gireek copy by the first editor or transcriber, sertations of Perizonius and Dederich, see Wop-
and to have been altogether independent of the kens, Adversariu Criticu in Dietyn, and the re-
Latin letter of Septimius; and tiis idea is con- marks of llildebrand in Jahn's Juhrb. für Philol.
firmed by the circumstance, that some DISS. con- xxiii. 33, p. 278, &c. )
W. R. ]
tain the introduction only, while others omit the DID, S, a Macedonian, governor of Paeonia for
introduction and insert the letter. Those who | Philip V. , was employed by Perseus to insinuate
wish to obtain full information upon the above and himself into the confidence of his younger brother,
all other topics connected with the subject, will Demetrius, for the purpose of betraying him. When
find the whole evidence stated and discussed in Demetrius, aware that he was suspected by his
the admirable dissertation of Perizonius, first father, determined to take refuge with the Ro-
printed in the edition of Smids, Amst. 1702, and mans, Didas gave information of the design to
inscried in almost all subsequent editions, and in Perseus, who used it as a handle for accusing his
the introduction of Dederich, the most recent com- brother to the king. Philip, having resolved to
put Demetrius to death, employed Didas as his
The compilations ascribed to Dictys and Dares instrument, and he removed the prince by poison
[DARES), although destitute of any intrinsic value, 2. C. 181. He is afterwards mentioned as com-
are of considerable importance in the history of manding the Paconian forces for Perseus in his
modern litenture, since they are the chief foun- war with the Romans, B. c. 171. (Liv. xl. 21—
tains from which the legends of Greece first 24, xlii. 51, 58. )
(E. E. ]
flowed into the romances of the middle ages, and DI'DIA GENS, plebeian, is not mentioned un-
then mingled with the popular tales and ballads of til the latter period of the republic, whence Cicero
England, France, and Germany. The Tale of (pro Muren. 8) calls the Didii nori homines. The
Troy, according to Dunlop, in his History of Fic-only member of it who obtained the consulship
tion, was first versified by Bernoit de Saint More, was T. Didius in B. c. 98. In the time of the re-
an Anglo-Norinan minstrel, who lived in the reign public no Didius bore a cognomen. [L. S. ]
of our second Henry, and borrowed his ground- DI'DIUS. ]. T. Dinius, probably the author
work of events from Dictys and Dares. This of the sumptuaria lex Didia, which was passed
metrical essay seems in its turn to have served as eighteen years after the lex Fannia, that is, in R. C.
a foundation for the famous chronicle of Guido 143 (Macrob. Sat. ii. 13), in which year T. Didius
dalle Colonne of Messina, a celebrated poet and seems to have been tribune of the people. The
lawyer of the 13th century, who published a ro- lex Didia differed from the Fannia in as much as
mance in Latin prose upon the siege of Troy, the former was made binding upon all Italy, where-
including also the Argonautic expedition and the as the latter had no power except in the city of
war of the Seven against Thebes. In this strange Roine. There is a coin belonging to one T. Didius,
medley, the history, mythology, and manners of which shews on the reverse two male figures, the one
the West and of the East, of the Greeks in the dressed, holding a shield in the left and a whip or
heroic age, and of the Arabian invaders of Chris- vine in the right hand. The other figure is naked,
tendom. are mingled in the most fantastic confu- but likewise armed, and under these figures we
sion. The compound was, however, well suited to
the taste of that epoch, for it was received with
unbounded enthusiasm, and speedily translated
into many European languages. From that time
forward the most illustrious houses eagerly strove
to trace their pedigree from the Trojan line, and
the monkish chroniciers began to refer the origin
of the various states whose fortunes they recorded
to the arrival of some Trojan colony.
read T. DEIDI. It is usually supposed that this
Under these circumstances, we need not feel coin refers to our T. Didius, and Pighius (Annal.
surprised that Dictys Cretensis was among the ii. p. 492) conjectures with some probability, that
earliest works which exercised the skill of the first T. Didius, some years after his tribuneship, about
typographers. That which is usually recognized about B. c. 138, was sent as praetor against the
as the editio princeps is a 4to. in Gothic characters, revolted slaves in Sicily. If this be correct, the
containing 68 leaves of 27 lines to the page, and is figures on the coin may perhaps have reference to
believed to have issued from the press of Ul. Zell it. (Morell. Thesaur. p. 151; Eckhel, Doctrin.
at Cologne, about 1470. Another very ancient Num. r. p. 201. )
edition in Roman characters, containing 58 leaves 2. T. Didius, a son of No. 1, repulsed, accord-
of 28 lines to the page, belongs to Italy, and was ing to Florus (iii. 4 ; comp. Rufus, Brev. 9, and
probably prinied at l'enice not long after the for- Ammian. Marcell. xxvii. 4, where we read M.
Of more modern impressions the best are Didius instead of T. Didius), the Scordiscans who
those of Mercerus, 12m0. , Paris, 1618, reprinted had invaded the Roman province of Macedonia,
at Amst. 12mo. 1630, containing a new recension and triumphed over them. (Cic. in Pison. 25. )
of the text from two V1SS. not before collated ; of According to the narrative of Florus, this victory
Anna Tanaq. Fabri fil. in usum Delphini, 410. , was gained soon or immediately after the defeat of
Paris, 1680; and of Lud. Smids, in 4to. and 8vo. , the consul C. Cato, in B. c. ] 14, and was followed
Amst. 1702, which held the first place until it was by the victories of M. Livius Drusus and M. Mi-
VID)
mer.
## p. 1005 (#1025) ##########################################
DIDIUS.
1005
DIDIUS.
nucius Rufus. It has, therefore, been supposed | which one of their colleagues brought against u
that at the time of Cato's defeat, B. c. 114, T. Caepio, Didius and Cotta were driven by force
Didius was practor of Illyricum, and that in this from the tribunal. (Cic. de Orat. ii. 47; comp.
capacity be repelled the Scordiscans, who, after Cotta, No. 8. )
having defeated Cato, ranged over Macedonia. 4. C. Dipil's, a legate of C. Julius Cacsar, who
But this supposition is not without its difhculties, sent him, in B. C. 46, to Spain against Cn. Pom-
for in the first place, we know of no war in lyri- peius. In the neighbourhood of Carteia he gained
eum at that time which might have required the a paval victory over Q. Atrius Varus, and in the
presence of a praetor, and in the second place, it year following he set out from Gades with a flect
would be rather strange to find that T. Didius, in pursuit of Cn. Pompeius, who had taken to
who was practor B. c. 114, did not obtain the con- flight. Pompeius was compelled to land, and
sulship till 15 years later, especially as he had Didius took or burnt his slips. Didius himself
gained a victory and a triumph in his practorship, likewise landed, and after Pumpeius had been
whereas the ordinary interval between the practor killed by Caesennius Lento, Didius was attacked
ship and consulship is only the space of two years. by the Lusitanian soldiers of Pompeius, and fell
According to Cicero (1. c. ), T. Didius triumphed under their strokes. (Dion Cass. xliii, 1-4, 31, 40;
er Maccdonia, and he had therefore had the ad. | Bell. Visp. 37, 40. )
ministration of Macedonia and not of Illyricum ; 5. Q. Didirs, was governor of Syria in B. c. 31,
moreover, Florus's account of the time of the victory a post to which he had probably been appointed
of Didius over the Scordiscans is erroneous, for we by M. Antony; but, after the battle of Actium, he
learn from the Chronicle of Eusebius (clxx. 2), that deserted Antony, and prevailed upon the Arabs to
the victory of Didius over the Scordiscans took burn the fleet which Antony bad built in the Ara-
place the year after the fifth consulship of C. bian gulf. (Dion Cass. li. 7. )
(L. S. )
Marius, that is, in B. c. 100, and consequently 14 M. DI'DIUS SA'LVIUS JULIANUS, af-
years later than the narrative of Florus would lead terwards named M. Didius COMMODUS SEVERUS
us to suppose. This also leaves us the usual in- JULIANUS, the successor of Pertinax, was the son
terval of two years between the praetorship and of Petronius Didius Severus and Clara Aemilia,
the consulship, which Didius had in B. C. 98 with the grandson or great-grandson of Salvius Julianus,
Q. Caecilius Metellus. In this year the two con- so celebrated as a jurisconsult under Hadrian.
suls carried the lex Caecilia Didia. (Schol. Bob. | Educated by Domitia Lucilla, the mother of M.
ad Cic. pro Sext. p. 310; Cic. pro Dom. 16, 20, Aurelius, by her interest he was appointed at a
pro Sert. 64, Philip, v. 3. ) Subsequently Didius very early age to the vigintivirate, the first step
obtained the proconsulship of Spain, and in B. C. towards public distinction. He then held in suc-
93 he celebrated a triumph over the Celtiberians. cession the offices of quaestor, aedile, and praetor,
(Fast. Triumph. ; Cic. pro Planc. 25. ) Respect was nominated first to the command of a legion in
ing his proconsulship of Spain, we learn from Ap- Germany, afterwards to the government of Belgica,
pian (Hisp. 99, &c. ), that he cut to pieces nearly and in recompense for his skill and gallantry in
20,000 Vaccacans, transplanted the inhabitants of repressing an insurrection among the Chauci, a
Termesus, conquered Colenda after a siege of nine tribe dwelling on the Elbe, was raised to the con-
months, and destroyed a colony of robbers by sulship. He further distinguished himself in a
enticing them into his camp and then ordering campaign against the Catti, ruled Dalmatia and
them to be cut down. (Comp. Frontin. Strat. i. 8. Lower Germany, and was placed at the head of
§ 5, ii. 10. § 1. ) According to Sallust (ap. Gell. the commissariat in Italy. About this period he
ii. 27; comp. Plut. Sertor. 3) Sertorius served in was charged with having conspired against the lifo
Spain as military tribune under Didius. Didius of Commodus, but had the good fortune to be ac
also took part in the Marsic war, which soon after quitted, and to witness the punishment of his
broke out, and he fell in a battle which was fought accuser. Bithynia was next consigned to his
in the spring of B. C. 89. (Appian, B. C. i. 40; charge; he was consul for the second time in A. D.
Vell. Pat. ii. 16; Ov. Fast. vi. 507, &c. ) Accord- 179, along with Pertinax, whom he succeeded in
ing to a passage in Plutarch (Sertor. 12), Didius the proconsulate of Africa, from whence he was
was beaten and slain, ten years later, by Sertorius recalled to Rome and chosen praefectus vigilum.
in Spain, but the reading in that passage is wrong, Upon the death of Pertinax, the Praetorian as-
and instead of Alotov, or as some read it didov, sassins publicly announced that they would bestow
we ought to read Φουφίδιον. (Ruhnken, ud i'ell. the purple on the man who would pay the highest
Pat. ii. 16. ) There is a coin figured on p. 602, b. , price. Flavius Sulpicianus, praefect of the city,
which refers to our T. Didius : the reverse shews a father-in-law of the murdered emperor, being it
portico with a double row of pillars, and bears the that moment in the camp, to which he had been
inscription T. Didi. IMP. VIL. PUB. From this despatched for the purpose of soothing the troops,
we see, that T. Didius received the title of impera- proceeded at once to make liberal proposals, when
tor in Spain (Sallust. I. c. ), and that after his re- Julianus, having been roused from a banquet by
turn to Rome he restored or embellished the his wife and daughter, arrived in all haste, and
villa publica in the Campus Martius. The obverse being unable to gain admission, stood before the
shews the head of Concordia, her name, and that gate, and with a loud voice contended for the
of P. Fouteius Capito, who struck the coin, and on prize. The bidding went on briskly for a while, the
it commemorated an act of the life of Didius, with soldiers reporting by turns to each of the two com-
whose family, as we may infer from the image of petitors, the one within the fortifications, the other
Concordia, Fonteius Capito was connected by mar- outside the rampart, the sum tendered by his
riage. _(Eckhel, Doctr. Num. v. p. 130. )
rival. At length, Sulpicianus having promised a
3.
