It has not been very usual to notify to foreign
courts anything concerning the internal arrange
ments of any state.
courts anything concerning the internal arrange
ments of any state.
Edmund Burke
Great divisions and vehement
passions would precede this union, both on the measure itself and on its terms; and particularly, this very question of a share in the representation for the Catholics, from whence the project of an union originated, would form a principal part in the discussion; and
in the temper in which some gentlemen seem inclined
to throw themselves, by a sort of high, indignant passion, into the scheme, those points would not be deliberated with all possible calmness.
From my best observation, I should greatly doubt,
whether, in the end, these gentlemen would obtain
their object, so as to make the exclusion of two millions of their countrymen a fundamental article in
? ? ? ? 298 LETTER TO SIR HERCULES LANGRISHE.
the union. The demand would be of a nature quite
unprecedented. You might obtain the union; and
yet a gentleman, who, under the new union establishment, would aspire to the honor of representing his
county, might possibly be as much obliged, as he
may fear to be under the old separate establishment,
to the unsupportable mortification of asking his neighbors, who have a different opinion concerning the elements in the sacrament, for their votes. I believe, nay, I am sure, that the people of Great
Britain, with or without an union, might be depended
upon, in cases of any real danger, to aid the government of Ireland, with the same cordiality as they
would support their own, against any wicked attempts to shake the security of the happy Constitution in Church and State. But before Great Britain engages in any quarrel, the cause of the dispute would
certainly be a part of her consideration. If confusions
should arise in that kingdom from too steady an attachment to a proscriptive, monopolizing system, and
from the resolution of regarding the franchise, and
in it the security of the subject, as belonging. rather
to religious opinions than to civil qualification and
civil conduct, I doubt whether you might quite certainly reckon on obtaining an aid of force from hence
for the support of that system. We might extend
your distractions to this country by taking part in
them. England will be indisposed, I suspect, to
send an army for the conquest of Ireland. What
was done in 1782 is a decisive proof of her sentiments of justice and moderation. She will not be
fond of making another American war in Ireland.
The principles of such a war would but too much
resemble the former one. The well-disposed and
? ? ? ? LETTER TO SIR HERCULES LANGRISHE. 299
the ill-disposed in England would (for different reasons perhaps) be equally averse to such an enterprise. The confiscations, the public auctions, the private grants, the plantations, the transplantations,
which formerly animated so many adventurers, even
among sober citizens, to such Irish expeditions, and
which possibly might have animated some of them to
the American, can have no existence in the case that
we suppose.
Let us form a supposition, (no foolish or ungrounded supposition,) that, in an age when men are infinitely more disposed to heat themselves with political than religious controversies, the former should entirely prevail, as we see that in some places they
have prevailed, over the latter, - and that the Catholics of Ireland, from the courtship paid them on the
one hand, and the high tone of refusal on the other,
should, in order to enter into all the rights of subjects, all become Protestant Dissenters, and, as the
others do, take all your oaths. They would all obtain their civil objects; and the change, for anything
I know to the contrary, (in the dark as I am about
the Protestant Dissenting tenets,) might be of use
to the health of their souls. But what security our
Constitution, in Church or State, could derive from
that event, I cannot possibly discern. Depend upon
it, it is as true as Nature is true, that, if you force
them out of the religion of habit, education, or opinion, it is not to yours they will ever go. Shaken in
their minds, they will go to that where the dogmas
are fewest,- where they are the most uncertain, -
where they lead them the least to a consideration
of what they have abandoned. They will go to that
uniformly democratic system to whose first move
? ? ? ? 300 LETTER TO SIR HERCULES LANGRISHE.
ments they owed their emancipation. I recommend
you seriously to turn this in your mind. Believe
that it requires your best and maturest thoughts.
Take what course you please, --union or no union;
whether the people remain Catholics or become Protestant Dissenters, sure it is that the present state of
monopoly cannot continue.
If England were animated, as I think she is not,
with her former spirit of domination, and with the
strong theological hatred which she once cherished
for that description of her fellow-Christians and fellow-subjects, I am yet convinced, that, after the fullest success in a ruinous struggle, you would be obliged to abandon that monopoly. We were obliged
to do this, even when everything promised success,
in the American business. If you should make this
experiment at last, under the pressure of any necessity, you never can do it well. But if, instead of
falling into a passion, the leading gentlemen of the
country themselves should undertake the business
cheerfully, and with hearty affection towards it,
great advantages would follow. What is forced
cannot be modified: but here you may measure
your concessions.
It is a consideration of great moment, that you
make the desired admission without altering the system of your representation in the smallest degree or
in any part. You may leave that deliberation of a
Parliamentary change or reform, if ever you should
think fit to engage ini it, uncomplicated and unembarrassed with the other question. Whereas, if they
are mixed and confounded, as some people attempt
to mix and confound them, no one can answer for the
effects on the Constitution itself.
? ? ? ? LETTER TO SIR HERCULES LANGRISHE. 301
There is another advantage in taking up this business singly and by an arrangement for the single object. It is that you may proceed by degrees. We must all obey the great law of change. It is the
most powerful law of Nature, and the means perhaps of its conservation. All we can do, and that
human wisdom can do, is to provide that the change
shall proceed by insensible degrees. This has all the
benefits which may be in change, without any of the
inconveniences of mutation. Everything is provided
for as it arrives. This mode will, on the one hand,
prevent the unfixing old interests at once: a thing
which is apt to breed a black and sullen discontent
in those who are at once dispossessed. of all their influence and consideration. This gradual course, on
the other side, will prevent men long under depression from being intoxicated with a large draught of
new power, which they always abuse with a licentious
insolence. But, wishing, as I do, the change to be
gradual and cautious, I would, in my first steps, lean
rather to the side of enlargement than restriction.
It is one excellence of our Constitution, that all
our rights of provincial election regard rather property than person. It is another, that the rights which
approach more nearly to the personal are most of
them corporate, and suppose a restrained and strict
education of seven years in some useful occupation.
In both cases the practice may have slid from the
principle. The standard of qualification in both cases
may be so low, or not so judiciously chosen, as in
some degree to frustrate the end. But all this is
for your prudence in the case before you. You
may rise a step or two the qualification of the Catholic voters. But if you were to-morrow to put the
? ? ? ? 302 LETTER TO SIR HERCULES LANGRISHE.
Catholic freeholder on the footing of the most favored forty-shilling Protestant Dissenter, you know,
that, such is the actual state of Ireland, this would
not make a sensible alteration in almost any one election in the kingdom. The effect in their favor, even defensively, would be infinitely slow. But it would
be healing; it would be satisfactory and protecting.
The stigma would be removed. By admitting settled,
permanent substance in lieu of the numbers, you
would avoid the great danger of our time, that of
setting up number against property. The numbers
ought never to be neglected, because (besides what
is due to them as men) collectively, though not individually, they have great property: they ought to have, therefore, protection; they ought to have security; they ought to have even consideration: but they ought not to predominate.
My dear Sir, I have nearly done. I meant to write
you a long letter: I have written a long dissertation.
I might have done it earlier and better. I might
have been more forcible and more clear, if I had not
been interrupted as I have been; and this obliges
me not to write to you in my own hand. Though
my hand but signs it, my heart goes with what I
have written. Since I could think at all, those have
been my thoughts. You know that thirty-two years
ago they were as fully matured in my mind as they
are now. A letter of mine to Lord Kenmare, though
not by my desire, and full of lesser mistakes, has
been printed in Dublin. It was written ten or twelve
years ago, at the time when I began the employment,
which I have not yet finished, in favor of another
distressed people, injured by those who have vanquished them, or stolen a dominion over them. It
? ? ? ? LETTER TO SIR HERCULES LANGRISHE. 303
contained my sentiments then: you will see how far
they accord with my sentiments now. Time has more
and more confirmed me in them all. The present
circumstances fix them deeper in my mind.
I voted last session, if a particular vote could be
distinguished in unanimity, for an establishment of
the Church of England conjointly with the establishment, which was made some years before by act of
Parliament, of the Roman Catholic, in the French conquered country of Canada. At the time of making
this English ecclesiastical establishment, we did not
think it necessary for its safety to destroy the former Gallican Church settlement. In our first act we
settled a government altogether monarchical, or nearly so. In that system, the Canadian Catholics were
far from being deprived of the advantages or distinctions, of any kind, which they enjoyed under their
former monarchy. It is true that some people, and
amongst them one eminent divine, predicted at that
time that by this step we should lose our dominions
in America. He foretold that the Pope would send
his indulgences hither; that the Canadians would
fall in with France, would declare independence, and
draw or force our colonies into the same design.
The independence happened according to his prediction; but in directly the reverse order. All our Elglish Protestant colonies revolted. They joined themselves to France; and it so happened that Popish Canada was the only place which preserved its fidelity, the only place in which France got no footing,
the only peopled colony which now remains to Great
Britain. Vain are all the prognostics taken from
ideas and passions, which survive the state of things
which gave rise to them. When last year we gave
? ? ? ? 304 LETTER TO SIR HERCULES LANGRISHE.
a popular representation to the same Canada by the
choice of the landholders, and an aristocratic represelltation at the choice of the crown, neither was
the choice of the crown nor the election of the landholders limited by a consideration of religion. We
had no dread for the Protestant Church which we
settled there, because we permitted the French Catholics, in the utmost latitude of the description, to be free subjects. They are good subjects, I have no
doubt; but I will not allow that any French Canadian
Catholics are better men or better citizens than the
Irish of the same communion. Passing firom the extremity of the West to the extremity almost of the East, I have been many years (now entering into
the twelfth) employed in supporting the rights, privileges, laws, and immunities of a very remote people. I have not as yet been able to finish my task. I have
struggled through much discouragement and much
opposition, much obloquy, much calumny, for a people with whom I have no tie but the common bond
of mankind. In this I have not been left alone. We
did not fly from our undertaking because the people
are Mahometans or Pagans, and that a great majority
of the Christians amongst them are Papists. Some
gentlemen in Ireland, I dare say, have good reasons
for what they may do, which do not occur to me.
I do not presume to condemn them; but, thinking
and acting as I have done towards these remote nations, I should not know how to show my face, here or in Ireland, if I should say that all the Pagans, all
the Mussulmen, and even all the Papists, (since they
must form the highest stage in the climax of evil,)
are worthy of a liberal and honorable condition, except those of one of the descriptions, which forms
? ? ? ? LETTER TO SIR HERCULES LANGRISHE. 305
the majority of the inhabitants of the country in
which you and I were born. If such are the Catholics of Ireland, ill-natured and unjust people, from
our own data, may be inclined not to think better
of the Protestants of a soil which is supposed to
infuse into its sects a kind of venom unknown in
other places.
You hated the old system as early as I did. Your
first juvenile lance was broken against that giant. I
think you were even the first who attacked the grim
phantom. You have an exceedingly good understanding, very good humor, and the best heart in the world. The dictates of that temper and that heart, as
well as the policy pointed out by that understanding,
led you to abhor the old code. You abhorred it, as I
did, for its vicious perfection. For I must do it justice: it was a complete system, full of coherence and consistency, well digested and well composed in all
its parts. It was a machine of wise and elaborate
contrivance, and as well fitted for the oppression,
impoverishment, and degradation of a people, and
the debasement, in them, of human nature itself, as
ever proceeded from the perverted ingenuity of man.
It is a thing humiliating enough, that we are doubtful of the effect of the medicines we compound, -- we are sure of our poisons. My opinion ever was, (in
which I heartily agree with those that admired the
old code,) that it was so constructed, that, if there
was once a breach in any essential part of it, the
ruin of the whole, or nearly of the whole, was, at
some time or other, a certainty. For that reason I
honor and shall forever honor and love you, and
those who first caused it to stagger, crack, and gape.
Others may finish; the beginners have the glory;
VOL. IV. 20
? ? ? ? 306 LETTER TO SIR HERCULES LANGRISHE.
and, take what part you please at this hour, (I think you will take the best,) your first services will never be forgotten by a grateful country. Adieu! Present my best regards to those I know, - and as many as I know in our country I honor. There never was so much ability, nor, I believe, virtue in it. They have
a task worthy of both. I doubt not they will perform it, for the stability of the Church and State, and for the union and the separation of the people: for the union of the honest and peaceable of all sects; for their separation from all that is ill-intentioned and seditious in any of them.
BEACONSFIELD, January 3, 1792.
? ? ? ? HINTS FOR A MEMORIAL
TO BE DELIVERED TO
MONSIEUR DE M. M.
WRITTEN IN THE EARLY PART OF 1791
? ? ? ? HINTS FOR A MEMORIAL.
I HE King, my master, from his sincere desire of
keeping up a good correspondence with his Most
Christian Majesty and the French nation, has for some
time beheld with concern the condition into which
that sovereign and nation have fallen.
Notwithstanding the reality and the warmth of
those sentiments, his Britannic Majesty has hitherto
forborne in any manner to take part in their affairs,
in hopes that the common interest of king and subjects would render all parties sensible of the necessity of settling their government and their freedom upon principles of moderation, as the only means of
securing permanence to both these blessings, as well
as internal and external tranquillity to the kingdom
of France, and to all Europe.
His Britannic Majesty finds, to his great regret,
that his hopes have not been realized. He finds that
confusions and disorders have rather increased than
diminished, and that they now threaten to proceed to
dangerous extremities.
In this situation of things, the same regard to a
neighboring sovereign living in friendship with Great
Britain, the same spirit of good-will to the kingdom
of France, the same regard to the general tranquillity, which have caused him to view with concern
the growth and continuance of the present disorders,
have induced the King of Great Britain to interpose
? ? ? ? 310 HINTS FOR A MEMORIAL.
his good offices towards a reconcilement of those unhappy differences. This his Majesty does with the most cordial regard to the good of all descriptions
concerned, and with the most perfect sincerity, wholly
removing from his royal mind all memory of every
circumstance which might impede him in the execution of a plan of benevolence which he ha-s so much at heart.
His Majesty, having always thought it his greatest
glory that he rules over a people perfectly and solidly, because soberly, rationally, and legally free, call never be supposed to proceed in offering thus his
royal mediation, but with an unaffected desire and
full resolution to consider the settlement of a free
constitution in France as the very basis of ally agreement between the sovereign and those of his subjects who are unhappily at variance with him, - to guaranty it to them, if it should be desired, in the, most solemn and authentic manner, and to do all that in
him lies to procure the like guaranty from other
powers.
His Britannic Majesty, in the same manner, assures the Most Christian King that he knows too well
and values too highly what is due to the dignity and
rights of crowned heads, and to the implied faith of
treaties which have always been made with the crown
of France, ever to listen to any proposition by which
that monarchy shall be despoiled of all its rights, so
essential for the support of the consideration of tlle
prince and the concord and welfare of the people.
If, unfortunately, a due attention should not be
paid to these his Majesty's benevolent and neighborly
offers, or if any circumstances should prevent the
Most Christian King from acceding (as his Majesty
? ? ? ? HINTS FOR A MEMORIAL. 311
has no doubt he is well disposed to do) to this healing mediation in favor of himself and all his subjects, his Majesty has commanded me to take leave of this
court, as not conceiving it to be suitable to the dignity of his crown, and to what he owes to his faithful people, any longer to keep a public minister at the
court of a sovereign who is not in possession of his
own liberty.
? ? ? ? THOUGHTS
ON
FRENCH AFFAIRS,
ETC. , ETC.
WRITTEN IN DECEMBER, 1791.
? ? ? ? THOUGHTS ON FRENCH AFFAIRS.
N all our transactions with France, ald at all periods, we have treated with that state on the footing of a monarchy. Monarchy was considered in all the external relations of that kingdom with every
power in Europe as its legal and constitutional government, and that in which alone its federal capacity
was vested.
It is not yet a year since Monsieur de MIontmorin's
Montmorin formally, and with as little respect as can be imagined to the king, and to all
crowned heads, announced a total Revolution ill that
country. He has informed the British ministry that
its frame of government is wholly altered, - that he
is one of the ministers of the new system, - and, in
effect, that the king is no longer his master, (nor
does he even call him such,) but the "first of the
ministere," in the new system.
The second notification was that of the Acceptance
of the Con
king's acceptance of the new Constitution, stitution
accompanied with fanfaronades in the modern style of the French bureaus: things which have
much more the air and character of the saucy declamations of their clubs than the tone of regular office.
It has not been very usual to notify to foreign
courts anything concerning the internal arrange
ments of any state. In the present case, the cir
? ? ? ? 316 THOUGHTS ON FRENCH AFFAIRS.
cumstance of these two notifications, with the observations with which they are attended, does not leave
it in the choice of the sovereigns of Christendom to
appear ignorant either of this French Revolution or
(what is more important) of its principles.
We know, that, very soon after this manifesto of
Monsieur de Montmorin, the king of France, in
whose name it was made, found himself obliged to
fly, with his whole family, --leaving behind him a
declaration in which he disavows and annuls that
Constitution, as having been the effect of force on
his person and usurpation on his authority. It is
equally notorious, that this unfortunate prince was,
with many circumstances of insult and outrage,
brought back prisoner by a deputation of the pretended National Assembly, and afterwards suspended by their authority from his government. Under equally notorious constraint, and under menaces of
total deposition, he has been compelled to accept
what they call a Constitution, and to agree to whatever else the usurped power which holds him in
confinement thinks proper to impose.
His next brother, who had fled with him, and his
third brother, who had fled before him, all the
princes of his blood who remained faithful to him,
and the flower of his magistracy, his clergy, and his
nobility, continue in foreign countries, protesting
against all acts done by him in his present situation, on the grounds upon which he had himself
protested against them at the time of his flight,with this addition, that they deny his very competence (as on good grounds they may) to abrogate the royalty, or the ancient constitutional orders of
the kingdom. In this protest they are joined by
? ? ? ? THOUGHTS ON FRENCH AFFAIRS. 317
three hundred of the late Assembly itself, and, in
effect, by a great part of the French nation. The
new government (so far as the people dare to disclose their sentiments) is disdained, I am persuaded,
by the greater number, -- who, as M. de La Fayette
complains, and as the truth is, have declined to take
any share in the new elections to the National Assembly, either as candidates or electors.
In this state of things, (that is, in the case of a
divided kingdom,) by the law of nations,* Great
Britain, like every other power, is free to take any
part she pleases. She may decline, with more or
less formality, according to her discretion, to acknowledge this new system; or she may recognize
it as a government de facto, setting aside all discussion of its original legality, and considering the ancient monarchy as at an end. The law of nations leaves our court open to its choice. We have no
direction but what is found in the well-understood
policy of the king and kingdom.
This declaration of a new species of government,
on new principles, (such it professes itself to be,) is
a real crisis in the politics of Europe. The conduct
which prudence ought to dictate to Great Britain
will not depend (as hitherto 6ur connection or quarrel with other states has for some time depended)
upon merely external relations, but in a great measure also upon the system which we may think it
right to adopt for the internal government of our
own country.
If it be our policy to assimilate our government to
that of France, we ought to prepare for this change
by encouraging the schemes of authority established
* See Vattel, B. II. c. 4, sect. 56, and B. III. c. 18, sect. 294.
? ? ? ? 318 THOUGHTS ON FRENCH AFFAIRS.
there. We ought to wink at the captivity and deposition of a prince with whom, if not in close alliance,
we were in friendship. We ought to fall in with the
ideas of Monsieur Montmorin's circular manifesto,
and to do business of course with the functionaries
who act under the new power by which that king to
whom his Majesty's minister has been sent to reside
has been deposed and imprisoned. On that idea we
ought also to withhold all sorts of direct or indirect
countenance from those who are treating in Germany
for the reestablishment of the French monarchy and
the ancient orders of that state. This conduct is
suitable to this policy.
The question is, whether this policy be suitable to
the interests of the crown and subjects of Great Britai:. Let us, therefore, a little consider the true nature and probable effects of the Revolution which, in such a very unusual manner, has been twice diplomatically announced to his Majesty.
Difference There have been many internal revolubetween this
Revolution tions in the government of countries, both
as to persons and forms, in which the neighboring states have had little or no concern. Whatever the government might be with respect to those persons and those forms, the stationary interests of
the nation concerned have most commonly influenced
the new governments in the same manner in which
they influenced the old; and the revolution, turning
on matter of local grievance or of local accommodation, did not extend beyond its territory.
Nature of The present Revolution in France seems
the French
Revolution. to me to be quite of another character and
description, and to bear little resemblance or analogy to any of those which have been brought about
? ? ? ? THOUGHTS ON FRENCH AFFAIRS. 319
in Europe, upon principles merely political. It is a
Revolution of doctrine and theoretic dogma. It has a
much greater resemblance to those changes which
have been made upon religious grounds, in which a
spirit of proselytism makes an essential part.
The last revolution of doctrine and theory which
has happened in Europe is the Refdrmation. It is
not for my purpose to take any notice here of the
merits of that revolution, but to state one only of its
effects.
That effect was, to introduce other interests
into all countries than those which arose from Its ef
their locality and natural circumstances. The principle of the Reformation was such as, by its essences could not be local or confined to the country in
which it had its origin. For instance, the doctrine
of " Justification by Faith or by Works," which was
the original basis of the Reformation, could not have
one of its alternatives true as to Germany and false
as to every other country. Neither are questions
of theoretic truth and falsehood governed by circumstances any more than by places. On that occasion, therefore, the spirit of proselytism expanded itself
with great elasticity upon all sides: and great divisions were everywhere the result.
These divisions, however in appearance merely
dogmatic, soon became mixed with the political;
and their effects were rendered much more intense
from this combination. Europe was for a long time
divided into two great factions, under the name of
Catholic and Protestant, which not only often alien --
ated state from state, but also divided almost every'
state within itself. The warm parties in each state
were more affectionately attached to those of their
? ? ? ? 320 THOUGHTS ON FRENCH AFFAIRS.
own doctrinal interest in some other country than
to their fellow-citizens or to their natural government, when they or either of them happened to be of a different persuasion. These factions, wherever they
prevailed, if they did not absolutely destroy, at least
weakened and distracted the locality of patriotism.
The public affections came to have other motives and
other ties.
It would be to repeat the history of the two last
centuries to exemplify the effects of this revolution.
Although the principles to which it gave rise did
not operate with a perfect regularity and constancy,
they. never wholly ceased to operate. Few wars were
made, and few treaties were entered into, in which
they did not come in for some part. They gave a
color, a character, and direction to all the politics
of Europe.
New system These principles of internal as well as
of politics. external division and coalition are but just
now extinguished. But they who will examine into the true character and genius of some late events must be satisfied that other sources of faction, combining parties among the inhabitants of different countries into one connection, are opened, and that
from these sources are likely to arise effects full as
important as those which had formerly arisen from
the jarring interests of the religious sects. The intention of the several actors in the change in France is not a matter of doubt. It is very openly professed.
In the modern world, before this time, there has
been no instance of this spirit of general political
faction, separated from religion, pervading several
countries, and forming a principle of union between
the partisans in each. But the thing is not less in
? ? ? ? THOUGHTS ON FRENCH AFFAIRS. 321
human nature. The ancient world has furnished a
strong and striking instance of such a ground for
faction, full as powerful and full as mischievous as
our spirit of religious system had ever been, exciting in all the states of Greece (Europealln and
Asiatic) the most violent animosities and the most
cruel and bloody persecutions and proscriptions.
These ancient factions in each commonwealth of
Greece connected themselves with those of the same
description in some other states; and secret cabals
and public alliances were carried on and made, not
upon a conformity of general political interests, but
for the support and aggrandizement of the two leading states which headed the aristocratic and democratic factions. For as, in later times, the king of Spain was at the head of a Catholic, and the king
of Sweden of a Protestant interest, (France, though
Catholic, acting subordinately to the latter,) in the
like manner the Lacedemonians were everywhere at
the head of the aristocratic interests, and the Athenians of the democratic. The two leading powers kept
alive a constant cabal and conspiracy in every state,
and the political dogmas concerning the constitution
of a republic were the great instruments by which
these leading states chose to aggrandize themselves.
Their choice was not unwise; because the interest
in opinions, (merely as opinions, and without any
experimental reference to their effects,) when once
they take strong hold of the mind, become the most
operative of all interests, and indeed very often supersede every other.
I might further exemplify the possibility of a political sentiment running through various states, and
combining factions in them, from the history of the
VOL. IV. 21
? ? ? ? 322 THOUGHTS ON FRENCH AFFAIRS.
Middle Ages in the Guelfs and Ghibellines. These
were political factions originally in favor of the Emperor and the Pope, with no mixture of religious dogmas: or if anything religiously doctrinal they had in them originally, it very soon disappeared; as their
first political objects disappeared also, though the
spirit remained. They became no more than names
to distinguish factions: but they were not the less
powerful in their operation, when they had no direct
point of doctrine, either religious or civil, to assert.
For a long time, however, those factions gave no
small degree of influence to the foreign chiefs in
every commonwealth in which they existed. I do
not mean to pursue further the track of these parties.
I allude to this part of history only as it furnishes an
instance of that species of faction which broke the
locality of public affections, and united descriptions
of citizens m6re with strangers than with their countrymen of different opinions.
French fun- The political dogma, which, upon the new
damental
principle. French system, is to unite the factions of
different nations, is this: " That the majority, told by
the head, of the taxable people in every country, is
the perpetual, natural, unceasing, indefeasible sovereign; that this majority is perfectly master of the
form as well as the administration of the state, and
that the magistrates, under whatever names they are
called, are only functionaries to obey the orders (general as laws or particular as decrees) which that
majority may make; that this is the only natural
government; that all others are tyranny and usurpation. "
Practical In order to reduce this dogma into pracproject. tice,. the republicans in France, and their
? ? ? ? THOUGHTS ON FRENCH AFFAIRS. 323
associates in other countries, make it always their
business, and often their public profession, to destroy
all traces of ancient establishments, and to form a
new commonwealth in each country, upon the basis
of the French Rights of Men. On the principle of
these rights, they mean to institute in every country,
and as it were the germ of the whole, parochial governments, for the purpose of what they call equal
representation. From them is to grow, by some media, a general council and representative of all the
parochial governments. In that representative is to
be vested the whole national power, -- totally abolishing hereditary name and office, levelling all conditions of men, (except where money must make a difference,) breaking all connection between territory
and dignity, and abolishing every species of nobility,
gentry, and Church establishments: all their priests
and all their magistrates being only creatures of
election and pensioners at will.
Knowing how opposite a permanent landed interest is to that scheme, they have resolved, and it is
the great drift of all their regulations, to reduce that
description of men to a mere peasantry for the sustenance of the towns, and to place the true effective
government in cities, among the tradesmen, bankers,
and voluntary clubs of bold, presuming young persons, -- advocates, attorneys, notaries, managers of
newspapers, and those cabals of literary men called
academies. Their republic is to have a first functionary, (as they call him,) under the name of King,
or not, as they think fit. This officer, when such
an officer is permitted, is, however, neither in fact
nor name to be considered as sovereign, nor the people as his subjects. The very use of these appellations is offensive to their ears.
? ? ? ? 324 THOUGHTS ON FRENCH AFFAIRS.
Partisans of This system, as it has filst been realthe French
system. ized, dogmatically as well as practically, in
France, makes France the natural head of all factions
formed on a similar principle, wherever they may prevail, as much as Athens was the head and settled ally of all democratic factions, wherever they existed.
The other system has no head.
This system has very many partisans in every
country in Europe, but particularly in England,
where they are already formed into a body, comprehending most of the Dissenters of the three leading denominations. To these are readily aggregated
all who are Dissenters in character, temper, and disposition, though not belonging to any of their congregations: that is, all the restless people who resemble them, of all ranks and all parties, - Whigs, and even Tories; the whole race of half-bred speculators; all the Atheists, Deists, and Socinians; all
those who hate the clergy and envy the nobility; a
good many among the moneyed people; the East Indians almost to a man, who cannot bear to find that
their present importance does not bear a proportion
to their wealth. These latter have united themselves
into one great, and, in my opinion, formidable club,*
which, though now quiet, may be brought into action
with considerable unanimity and force.
Formerly, few, except the ambitious great or the
desperate and indigent, were to be feared as instruments in revolutions. What has happened in France
teaches us, with many other things, that there are
more causes than have commonly been taken into
* Originally called the Bengal Club; but since opened to persons
from the other Presidencies, for the purpose of consolidating the whole
Indian interest.
? ? ? ? THOUGHTS ON FRENCH AFFAIRS. 325
our consideration, by which government may be subverted. The moneyed men, merchants, principal
tradesmen, and men of letters (hitherto generally
thought the peaceable and even timid part of society) are the chief actors in the French Revolution. But the fact is, that, as money increases and circulates, and as the circulation of news in politics
and letters becomes more and more diffused, the persons who diffuse this money and this intelligence
become more and more important. This was not
long undiscovered. Views of ambition were in
France, for the first time, presented to these classes
of men: objects in the state, in the army, in the system of civil offices of every kind. Their eyes were
dazzled with this new prospect. They were, as it
were, electrified, and made to lose the natural spirit
of their situation. A bribe, great without example
in the history of the world, was held out to them, --
the whole government of a very large kingdom.
There are several who are persuaded that Grounds of
ity supthe same thing cannot happen in England, posed for
because here (they say) the occupations of England
merchants, tradesmen, and manufacturers are not
held as degrading situations. I once thought that
the low estimation in which commerce was held in
France might be reckoned among the causes of the
late Revolution; and I am still of opinion that the
exclusive spirit of the French nobility did irritate the
wealthy of other classes. But I found long since,
that persons in trade and business were by no means
despised in France in the manner I had been taught
to believ. As to men of letters, they were Literary
interest.
so far from being despised or neglected,
that there was no country, perhaps, in the universe,
? ? ? ? 826 THOUGHTS ON FRENCH AFFAIRS.
in which they were so highly esteemed, courted, caressed, and even feared: tradesmen naturally were
not so much sought in society, (as not furnishing
so largely to the fund of conversation as they do to
the revenues of the state,) but the latter description
got forward every day. M. Bailly, who made hinmself the popular mayor on the rebellion of the Bastile, and is a principal actor in the revolt, before the change possessed a pension or office under the crown
of six hundred pound English a year, -- for that
country, no contemptible provision; and this he obtained solely as a man of letters, and on no other
Moneyed title. As to the moneyed men, whilst the
interest.
monarchly continued, there is no doubt,
that, merely as such, they did not enjoy the privileges
of nobility; but nobility was of so easy an acquisition, that it was the fault or neglect of all of that
description who did not obtain its privileges, for
their lives at least, in virtue of office. It attached
under the royal government to an' innumerable multitude of places, real and nominal, that were vendible; and such nobility were as capable of everything as their degree of influence or interest could make
them, - that is, as nobility of no considerable rank
or consequence. M. Necker, so far from being a
French gentleman, was not so much as a Frenchman
born, and yet we all know the rank in which he stood
on the day of the meeting of the States.
Mercantile As to the mere matter of estimation of
interest.
the mercantile or any other class, this is
regulated by opinion and prejudice. In England, a
security against the envy of men in these classes is
not so very complete as we may imagine. We must
not impose upon ourselves. What institutions and
? ? ? ? THOUGHTi ON FRENCH AFFAIRS. 327
manners together had done in France manners alone
do here. It is the natural operation of things, where
there exists a crown, a court, splendid orders of
knighthood, and an hereditary nobility, - where
there exists a fixed, permanent, landed gentry, continued in greatness and opulence by the law of primogeniture, and by a protection given to family settlements,- where there exists a standing army and navy,- where there exists a Church establishment,
which bestows on learning and parts an interest combined with that of religion and the state; -- in a
country where such things exist, wealth, new in its
acquisition, and precarious in its duration, call never
rank first, or even near the first: though wealth has
its natural weight further than as it is balanced and
even preponderated amongst us, as amongst other nations, by artificial institutions and opinions growing
out of them. At no period in the history of England
have so few peers been taken out of trade or from
families newly created by commerce. In no period
has so small a number of noble families entered into
the counting-house. I can call to mind but one in
all England, and'his is of near fifty years' standing.
Be that as it may, it appears plain to me, from my
best observation, that envy and ambition may, by art,
managerrelt, and disposition, be as much excited
amongst these descriptions of men in England as in
any otheri. country, and that they are just as capable
of cting a part in any great change.
What direction the French spirit of pros- Progress of
the French
elytism is likely to take, and in what order spirit. -Its
it is likely to prevail in the several parts of
Europe, it is not easy to determine. The seeds are
sown almost everywhere, chiefly by newspaper circu
? ? ? ? 328 THOUGHTS ON FRENCH AFFAIRS.
lations, infinitely more efficacious and extensive than
ever they were. And they are a more important instrument than generally is imagined. They are a
part of the reading of all; they are the whole of
the reading of the far greater number. There are
thirty of them in Paris alone. The language diffuses
them more widely than the English, -- though the
English, too, are much read. The writers of these
papers, indeed, for the greater part, are either unknown or in contempt, but they are like a battery,
in which the stroke of any one ball produces no great
effect, but the amount of continual repetition is decisive. Let us only suffer any person to tell us
his story, morning and evening, but for one twelvemonth, and he will become our master.
All those countries in which several states are
comprehended under some general geographical description, and loosely united by some federal consti tution, - countries of which the members are small,
and greatly diversified in their forms of government,
and in the titles by which they are held, -these
countries, as it might be well expected, are the principal objects of their hopes and machinations. Of these, the chief are Germany and Switzerland; after
them, Italy has its place, as in circumstances somewhat similar.
passions would precede this union, both on the measure itself and on its terms; and particularly, this very question of a share in the representation for the Catholics, from whence the project of an union originated, would form a principal part in the discussion; and
in the temper in which some gentlemen seem inclined
to throw themselves, by a sort of high, indignant passion, into the scheme, those points would not be deliberated with all possible calmness.
From my best observation, I should greatly doubt,
whether, in the end, these gentlemen would obtain
their object, so as to make the exclusion of two millions of their countrymen a fundamental article in
? ? ? ? 298 LETTER TO SIR HERCULES LANGRISHE.
the union. The demand would be of a nature quite
unprecedented. You might obtain the union; and
yet a gentleman, who, under the new union establishment, would aspire to the honor of representing his
county, might possibly be as much obliged, as he
may fear to be under the old separate establishment,
to the unsupportable mortification of asking his neighbors, who have a different opinion concerning the elements in the sacrament, for their votes. I believe, nay, I am sure, that the people of Great
Britain, with or without an union, might be depended
upon, in cases of any real danger, to aid the government of Ireland, with the same cordiality as they
would support their own, against any wicked attempts to shake the security of the happy Constitution in Church and State. But before Great Britain engages in any quarrel, the cause of the dispute would
certainly be a part of her consideration. If confusions
should arise in that kingdom from too steady an attachment to a proscriptive, monopolizing system, and
from the resolution of regarding the franchise, and
in it the security of the subject, as belonging. rather
to religious opinions than to civil qualification and
civil conduct, I doubt whether you might quite certainly reckon on obtaining an aid of force from hence
for the support of that system. We might extend
your distractions to this country by taking part in
them. England will be indisposed, I suspect, to
send an army for the conquest of Ireland. What
was done in 1782 is a decisive proof of her sentiments of justice and moderation. She will not be
fond of making another American war in Ireland.
The principles of such a war would but too much
resemble the former one. The well-disposed and
? ? ? ? LETTER TO SIR HERCULES LANGRISHE. 299
the ill-disposed in England would (for different reasons perhaps) be equally averse to such an enterprise. The confiscations, the public auctions, the private grants, the plantations, the transplantations,
which formerly animated so many adventurers, even
among sober citizens, to such Irish expeditions, and
which possibly might have animated some of them to
the American, can have no existence in the case that
we suppose.
Let us form a supposition, (no foolish or ungrounded supposition,) that, in an age when men are infinitely more disposed to heat themselves with political than religious controversies, the former should entirely prevail, as we see that in some places they
have prevailed, over the latter, - and that the Catholics of Ireland, from the courtship paid them on the
one hand, and the high tone of refusal on the other,
should, in order to enter into all the rights of subjects, all become Protestant Dissenters, and, as the
others do, take all your oaths. They would all obtain their civil objects; and the change, for anything
I know to the contrary, (in the dark as I am about
the Protestant Dissenting tenets,) might be of use
to the health of their souls. But what security our
Constitution, in Church or State, could derive from
that event, I cannot possibly discern. Depend upon
it, it is as true as Nature is true, that, if you force
them out of the religion of habit, education, or opinion, it is not to yours they will ever go. Shaken in
their minds, they will go to that where the dogmas
are fewest,- where they are the most uncertain, -
where they lead them the least to a consideration
of what they have abandoned. They will go to that
uniformly democratic system to whose first move
? ? ? ? 300 LETTER TO SIR HERCULES LANGRISHE.
ments they owed their emancipation. I recommend
you seriously to turn this in your mind. Believe
that it requires your best and maturest thoughts.
Take what course you please, --union or no union;
whether the people remain Catholics or become Protestant Dissenters, sure it is that the present state of
monopoly cannot continue.
If England were animated, as I think she is not,
with her former spirit of domination, and with the
strong theological hatred which she once cherished
for that description of her fellow-Christians and fellow-subjects, I am yet convinced, that, after the fullest success in a ruinous struggle, you would be obliged to abandon that monopoly. We were obliged
to do this, even when everything promised success,
in the American business. If you should make this
experiment at last, under the pressure of any necessity, you never can do it well. But if, instead of
falling into a passion, the leading gentlemen of the
country themselves should undertake the business
cheerfully, and with hearty affection towards it,
great advantages would follow. What is forced
cannot be modified: but here you may measure
your concessions.
It is a consideration of great moment, that you
make the desired admission without altering the system of your representation in the smallest degree or
in any part. You may leave that deliberation of a
Parliamentary change or reform, if ever you should
think fit to engage ini it, uncomplicated and unembarrassed with the other question. Whereas, if they
are mixed and confounded, as some people attempt
to mix and confound them, no one can answer for the
effects on the Constitution itself.
? ? ? ? LETTER TO SIR HERCULES LANGRISHE. 301
There is another advantage in taking up this business singly and by an arrangement for the single object. It is that you may proceed by degrees. We must all obey the great law of change. It is the
most powerful law of Nature, and the means perhaps of its conservation. All we can do, and that
human wisdom can do, is to provide that the change
shall proceed by insensible degrees. This has all the
benefits which may be in change, without any of the
inconveniences of mutation. Everything is provided
for as it arrives. This mode will, on the one hand,
prevent the unfixing old interests at once: a thing
which is apt to breed a black and sullen discontent
in those who are at once dispossessed. of all their influence and consideration. This gradual course, on
the other side, will prevent men long under depression from being intoxicated with a large draught of
new power, which they always abuse with a licentious
insolence. But, wishing, as I do, the change to be
gradual and cautious, I would, in my first steps, lean
rather to the side of enlargement than restriction.
It is one excellence of our Constitution, that all
our rights of provincial election regard rather property than person. It is another, that the rights which
approach more nearly to the personal are most of
them corporate, and suppose a restrained and strict
education of seven years in some useful occupation.
In both cases the practice may have slid from the
principle. The standard of qualification in both cases
may be so low, or not so judiciously chosen, as in
some degree to frustrate the end. But all this is
for your prudence in the case before you. You
may rise a step or two the qualification of the Catholic voters. But if you were to-morrow to put the
? ? ? ? 302 LETTER TO SIR HERCULES LANGRISHE.
Catholic freeholder on the footing of the most favored forty-shilling Protestant Dissenter, you know,
that, such is the actual state of Ireland, this would
not make a sensible alteration in almost any one election in the kingdom. The effect in their favor, even defensively, would be infinitely slow. But it would
be healing; it would be satisfactory and protecting.
The stigma would be removed. By admitting settled,
permanent substance in lieu of the numbers, you
would avoid the great danger of our time, that of
setting up number against property. The numbers
ought never to be neglected, because (besides what
is due to them as men) collectively, though not individually, they have great property: they ought to have, therefore, protection; they ought to have security; they ought to have even consideration: but they ought not to predominate.
My dear Sir, I have nearly done. I meant to write
you a long letter: I have written a long dissertation.
I might have done it earlier and better. I might
have been more forcible and more clear, if I had not
been interrupted as I have been; and this obliges
me not to write to you in my own hand. Though
my hand but signs it, my heart goes with what I
have written. Since I could think at all, those have
been my thoughts. You know that thirty-two years
ago they were as fully matured in my mind as they
are now. A letter of mine to Lord Kenmare, though
not by my desire, and full of lesser mistakes, has
been printed in Dublin. It was written ten or twelve
years ago, at the time when I began the employment,
which I have not yet finished, in favor of another
distressed people, injured by those who have vanquished them, or stolen a dominion over them. It
? ? ? ? LETTER TO SIR HERCULES LANGRISHE. 303
contained my sentiments then: you will see how far
they accord with my sentiments now. Time has more
and more confirmed me in them all. The present
circumstances fix them deeper in my mind.
I voted last session, if a particular vote could be
distinguished in unanimity, for an establishment of
the Church of England conjointly with the establishment, which was made some years before by act of
Parliament, of the Roman Catholic, in the French conquered country of Canada. At the time of making
this English ecclesiastical establishment, we did not
think it necessary for its safety to destroy the former Gallican Church settlement. In our first act we
settled a government altogether monarchical, or nearly so. In that system, the Canadian Catholics were
far from being deprived of the advantages or distinctions, of any kind, which they enjoyed under their
former monarchy. It is true that some people, and
amongst them one eminent divine, predicted at that
time that by this step we should lose our dominions
in America. He foretold that the Pope would send
his indulgences hither; that the Canadians would
fall in with France, would declare independence, and
draw or force our colonies into the same design.
The independence happened according to his prediction; but in directly the reverse order. All our Elglish Protestant colonies revolted. They joined themselves to France; and it so happened that Popish Canada was the only place which preserved its fidelity, the only place in which France got no footing,
the only peopled colony which now remains to Great
Britain. Vain are all the prognostics taken from
ideas and passions, which survive the state of things
which gave rise to them. When last year we gave
? ? ? ? 304 LETTER TO SIR HERCULES LANGRISHE.
a popular representation to the same Canada by the
choice of the landholders, and an aristocratic represelltation at the choice of the crown, neither was
the choice of the crown nor the election of the landholders limited by a consideration of religion. We
had no dread for the Protestant Church which we
settled there, because we permitted the French Catholics, in the utmost latitude of the description, to be free subjects. They are good subjects, I have no
doubt; but I will not allow that any French Canadian
Catholics are better men or better citizens than the
Irish of the same communion. Passing firom the extremity of the West to the extremity almost of the East, I have been many years (now entering into
the twelfth) employed in supporting the rights, privileges, laws, and immunities of a very remote people. I have not as yet been able to finish my task. I have
struggled through much discouragement and much
opposition, much obloquy, much calumny, for a people with whom I have no tie but the common bond
of mankind. In this I have not been left alone. We
did not fly from our undertaking because the people
are Mahometans or Pagans, and that a great majority
of the Christians amongst them are Papists. Some
gentlemen in Ireland, I dare say, have good reasons
for what they may do, which do not occur to me.
I do not presume to condemn them; but, thinking
and acting as I have done towards these remote nations, I should not know how to show my face, here or in Ireland, if I should say that all the Pagans, all
the Mussulmen, and even all the Papists, (since they
must form the highest stage in the climax of evil,)
are worthy of a liberal and honorable condition, except those of one of the descriptions, which forms
? ? ? ? LETTER TO SIR HERCULES LANGRISHE. 305
the majority of the inhabitants of the country in
which you and I were born. If such are the Catholics of Ireland, ill-natured and unjust people, from
our own data, may be inclined not to think better
of the Protestants of a soil which is supposed to
infuse into its sects a kind of venom unknown in
other places.
You hated the old system as early as I did. Your
first juvenile lance was broken against that giant. I
think you were even the first who attacked the grim
phantom. You have an exceedingly good understanding, very good humor, and the best heart in the world. The dictates of that temper and that heart, as
well as the policy pointed out by that understanding,
led you to abhor the old code. You abhorred it, as I
did, for its vicious perfection. For I must do it justice: it was a complete system, full of coherence and consistency, well digested and well composed in all
its parts. It was a machine of wise and elaborate
contrivance, and as well fitted for the oppression,
impoverishment, and degradation of a people, and
the debasement, in them, of human nature itself, as
ever proceeded from the perverted ingenuity of man.
It is a thing humiliating enough, that we are doubtful of the effect of the medicines we compound, -- we are sure of our poisons. My opinion ever was, (in
which I heartily agree with those that admired the
old code,) that it was so constructed, that, if there
was once a breach in any essential part of it, the
ruin of the whole, or nearly of the whole, was, at
some time or other, a certainty. For that reason I
honor and shall forever honor and love you, and
those who first caused it to stagger, crack, and gape.
Others may finish; the beginners have the glory;
VOL. IV. 20
? ? ? ? 306 LETTER TO SIR HERCULES LANGRISHE.
and, take what part you please at this hour, (I think you will take the best,) your first services will never be forgotten by a grateful country. Adieu! Present my best regards to those I know, - and as many as I know in our country I honor. There never was so much ability, nor, I believe, virtue in it. They have
a task worthy of both. I doubt not they will perform it, for the stability of the Church and State, and for the union and the separation of the people: for the union of the honest and peaceable of all sects; for their separation from all that is ill-intentioned and seditious in any of them.
BEACONSFIELD, January 3, 1792.
? ? ? ? HINTS FOR A MEMORIAL
TO BE DELIVERED TO
MONSIEUR DE M. M.
WRITTEN IN THE EARLY PART OF 1791
? ? ? ? HINTS FOR A MEMORIAL.
I HE King, my master, from his sincere desire of
keeping up a good correspondence with his Most
Christian Majesty and the French nation, has for some
time beheld with concern the condition into which
that sovereign and nation have fallen.
Notwithstanding the reality and the warmth of
those sentiments, his Britannic Majesty has hitherto
forborne in any manner to take part in their affairs,
in hopes that the common interest of king and subjects would render all parties sensible of the necessity of settling their government and their freedom upon principles of moderation, as the only means of
securing permanence to both these blessings, as well
as internal and external tranquillity to the kingdom
of France, and to all Europe.
His Britannic Majesty finds, to his great regret,
that his hopes have not been realized. He finds that
confusions and disorders have rather increased than
diminished, and that they now threaten to proceed to
dangerous extremities.
In this situation of things, the same regard to a
neighboring sovereign living in friendship with Great
Britain, the same spirit of good-will to the kingdom
of France, the same regard to the general tranquillity, which have caused him to view with concern
the growth and continuance of the present disorders,
have induced the King of Great Britain to interpose
? ? ? ? 310 HINTS FOR A MEMORIAL.
his good offices towards a reconcilement of those unhappy differences. This his Majesty does with the most cordial regard to the good of all descriptions
concerned, and with the most perfect sincerity, wholly
removing from his royal mind all memory of every
circumstance which might impede him in the execution of a plan of benevolence which he ha-s so much at heart.
His Majesty, having always thought it his greatest
glory that he rules over a people perfectly and solidly, because soberly, rationally, and legally free, call never be supposed to proceed in offering thus his
royal mediation, but with an unaffected desire and
full resolution to consider the settlement of a free
constitution in France as the very basis of ally agreement between the sovereign and those of his subjects who are unhappily at variance with him, - to guaranty it to them, if it should be desired, in the, most solemn and authentic manner, and to do all that in
him lies to procure the like guaranty from other
powers.
His Britannic Majesty, in the same manner, assures the Most Christian King that he knows too well
and values too highly what is due to the dignity and
rights of crowned heads, and to the implied faith of
treaties which have always been made with the crown
of France, ever to listen to any proposition by which
that monarchy shall be despoiled of all its rights, so
essential for the support of the consideration of tlle
prince and the concord and welfare of the people.
If, unfortunately, a due attention should not be
paid to these his Majesty's benevolent and neighborly
offers, or if any circumstances should prevent the
Most Christian King from acceding (as his Majesty
? ? ? ? HINTS FOR A MEMORIAL. 311
has no doubt he is well disposed to do) to this healing mediation in favor of himself and all his subjects, his Majesty has commanded me to take leave of this
court, as not conceiving it to be suitable to the dignity of his crown, and to what he owes to his faithful people, any longer to keep a public minister at the
court of a sovereign who is not in possession of his
own liberty.
? ? ? ? THOUGHTS
ON
FRENCH AFFAIRS,
ETC. , ETC.
WRITTEN IN DECEMBER, 1791.
? ? ? ? THOUGHTS ON FRENCH AFFAIRS.
N all our transactions with France, ald at all periods, we have treated with that state on the footing of a monarchy. Monarchy was considered in all the external relations of that kingdom with every
power in Europe as its legal and constitutional government, and that in which alone its federal capacity
was vested.
It is not yet a year since Monsieur de MIontmorin's
Montmorin formally, and with as little respect as can be imagined to the king, and to all
crowned heads, announced a total Revolution ill that
country. He has informed the British ministry that
its frame of government is wholly altered, - that he
is one of the ministers of the new system, - and, in
effect, that the king is no longer his master, (nor
does he even call him such,) but the "first of the
ministere," in the new system.
The second notification was that of the Acceptance
of the Con
king's acceptance of the new Constitution, stitution
accompanied with fanfaronades in the modern style of the French bureaus: things which have
much more the air and character of the saucy declamations of their clubs than the tone of regular office.
It has not been very usual to notify to foreign
courts anything concerning the internal arrange
ments of any state. In the present case, the cir
? ? ? ? 316 THOUGHTS ON FRENCH AFFAIRS.
cumstance of these two notifications, with the observations with which they are attended, does not leave
it in the choice of the sovereigns of Christendom to
appear ignorant either of this French Revolution or
(what is more important) of its principles.
We know, that, very soon after this manifesto of
Monsieur de Montmorin, the king of France, in
whose name it was made, found himself obliged to
fly, with his whole family, --leaving behind him a
declaration in which he disavows and annuls that
Constitution, as having been the effect of force on
his person and usurpation on his authority. It is
equally notorious, that this unfortunate prince was,
with many circumstances of insult and outrage,
brought back prisoner by a deputation of the pretended National Assembly, and afterwards suspended by their authority from his government. Under equally notorious constraint, and under menaces of
total deposition, he has been compelled to accept
what they call a Constitution, and to agree to whatever else the usurped power which holds him in
confinement thinks proper to impose.
His next brother, who had fled with him, and his
third brother, who had fled before him, all the
princes of his blood who remained faithful to him,
and the flower of his magistracy, his clergy, and his
nobility, continue in foreign countries, protesting
against all acts done by him in his present situation, on the grounds upon which he had himself
protested against them at the time of his flight,with this addition, that they deny his very competence (as on good grounds they may) to abrogate the royalty, or the ancient constitutional orders of
the kingdom. In this protest they are joined by
? ? ? ? THOUGHTS ON FRENCH AFFAIRS. 317
three hundred of the late Assembly itself, and, in
effect, by a great part of the French nation. The
new government (so far as the people dare to disclose their sentiments) is disdained, I am persuaded,
by the greater number, -- who, as M. de La Fayette
complains, and as the truth is, have declined to take
any share in the new elections to the National Assembly, either as candidates or electors.
In this state of things, (that is, in the case of a
divided kingdom,) by the law of nations,* Great
Britain, like every other power, is free to take any
part she pleases. She may decline, with more or
less formality, according to her discretion, to acknowledge this new system; or she may recognize
it as a government de facto, setting aside all discussion of its original legality, and considering the ancient monarchy as at an end. The law of nations leaves our court open to its choice. We have no
direction but what is found in the well-understood
policy of the king and kingdom.
This declaration of a new species of government,
on new principles, (such it professes itself to be,) is
a real crisis in the politics of Europe. The conduct
which prudence ought to dictate to Great Britain
will not depend (as hitherto 6ur connection or quarrel with other states has for some time depended)
upon merely external relations, but in a great measure also upon the system which we may think it
right to adopt for the internal government of our
own country.
If it be our policy to assimilate our government to
that of France, we ought to prepare for this change
by encouraging the schemes of authority established
* See Vattel, B. II. c. 4, sect. 56, and B. III. c. 18, sect. 294.
? ? ? ? 318 THOUGHTS ON FRENCH AFFAIRS.
there. We ought to wink at the captivity and deposition of a prince with whom, if not in close alliance,
we were in friendship. We ought to fall in with the
ideas of Monsieur Montmorin's circular manifesto,
and to do business of course with the functionaries
who act under the new power by which that king to
whom his Majesty's minister has been sent to reside
has been deposed and imprisoned. On that idea we
ought also to withhold all sorts of direct or indirect
countenance from those who are treating in Germany
for the reestablishment of the French monarchy and
the ancient orders of that state. This conduct is
suitable to this policy.
The question is, whether this policy be suitable to
the interests of the crown and subjects of Great Britai:. Let us, therefore, a little consider the true nature and probable effects of the Revolution which, in such a very unusual manner, has been twice diplomatically announced to his Majesty.
Difference There have been many internal revolubetween this
Revolution tions in the government of countries, both
as to persons and forms, in which the neighboring states have had little or no concern. Whatever the government might be with respect to those persons and those forms, the stationary interests of
the nation concerned have most commonly influenced
the new governments in the same manner in which
they influenced the old; and the revolution, turning
on matter of local grievance or of local accommodation, did not extend beyond its territory.
Nature of The present Revolution in France seems
the French
Revolution. to me to be quite of another character and
description, and to bear little resemblance or analogy to any of those which have been brought about
? ? ? ? THOUGHTS ON FRENCH AFFAIRS. 319
in Europe, upon principles merely political. It is a
Revolution of doctrine and theoretic dogma. It has a
much greater resemblance to those changes which
have been made upon religious grounds, in which a
spirit of proselytism makes an essential part.
The last revolution of doctrine and theory which
has happened in Europe is the Refdrmation. It is
not for my purpose to take any notice here of the
merits of that revolution, but to state one only of its
effects.
That effect was, to introduce other interests
into all countries than those which arose from Its ef
their locality and natural circumstances. The principle of the Reformation was such as, by its essences could not be local or confined to the country in
which it had its origin. For instance, the doctrine
of " Justification by Faith or by Works," which was
the original basis of the Reformation, could not have
one of its alternatives true as to Germany and false
as to every other country. Neither are questions
of theoretic truth and falsehood governed by circumstances any more than by places. On that occasion, therefore, the spirit of proselytism expanded itself
with great elasticity upon all sides: and great divisions were everywhere the result.
These divisions, however in appearance merely
dogmatic, soon became mixed with the political;
and their effects were rendered much more intense
from this combination. Europe was for a long time
divided into two great factions, under the name of
Catholic and Protestant, which not only often alien --
ated state from state, but also divided almost every'
state within itself. The warm parties in each state
were more affectionately attached to those of their
? ? ? ? 320 THOUGHTS ON FRENCH AFFAIRS.
own doctrinal interest in some other country than
to their fellow-citizens or to their natural government, when they or either of them happened to be of a different persuasion. These factions, wherever they
prevailed, if they did not absolutely destroy, at least
weakened and distracted the locality of patriotism.
The public affections came to have other motives and
other ties.
It would be to repeat the history of the two last
centuries to exemplify the effects of this revolution.
Although the principles to which it gave rise did
not operate with a perfect regularity and constancy,
they. never wholly ceased to operate. Few wars were
made, and few treaties were entered into, in which
they did not come in for some part. They gave a
color, a character, and direction to all the politics
of Europe.
New system These principles of internal as well as
of politics. external division and coalition are but just
now extinguished. But they who will examine into the true character and genius of some late events must be satisfied that other sources of faction, combining parties among the inhabitants of different countries into one connection, are opened, and that
from these sources are likely to arise effects full as
important as those which had formerly arisen from
the jarring interests of the religious sects. The intention of the several actors in the change in France is not a matter of doubt. It is very openly professed.
In the modern world, before this time, there has
been no instance of this spirit of general political
faction, separated from religion, pervading several
countries, and forming a principle of union between
the partisans in each. But the thing is not less in
? ? ? ? THOUGHTS ON FRENCH AFFAIRS. 321
human nature. The ancient world has furnished a
strong and striking instance of such a ground for
faction, full as powerful and full as mischievous as
our spirit of religious system had ever been, exciting in all the states of Greece (Europealln and
Asiatic) the most violent animosities and the most
cruel and bloody persecutions and proscriptions.
These ancient factions in each commonwealth of
Greece connected themselves with those of the same
description in some other states; and secret cabals
and public alliances were carried on and made, not
upon a conformity of general political interests, but
for the support and aggrandizement of the two leading states which headed the aristocratic and democratic factions. For as, in later times, the king of Spain was at the head of a Catholic, and the king
of Sweden of a Protestant interest, (France, though
Catholic, acting subordinately to the latter,) in the
like manner the Lacedemonians were everywhere at
the head of the aristocratic interests, and the Athenians of the democratic. The two leading powers kept
alive a constant cabal and conspiracy in every state,
and the political dogmas concerning the constitution
of a republic were the great instruments by which
these leading states chose to aggrandize themselves.
Their choice was not unwise; because the interest
in opinions, (merely as opinions, and without any
experimental reference to their effects,) when once
they take strong hold of the mind, become the most
operative of all interests, and indeed very often supersede every other.
I might further exemplify the possibility of a political sentiment running through various states, and
combining factions in them, from the history of the
VOL. IV. 21
? ? ? ? 322 THOUGHTS ON FRENCH AFFAIRS.
Middle Ages in the Guelfs and Ghibellines. These
were political factions originally in favor of the Emperor and the Pope, with no mixture of religious dogmas: or if anything religiously doctrinal they had in them originally, it very soon disappeared; as their
first political objects disappeared also, though the
spirit remained. They became no more than names
to distinguish factions: but they were not the less
powerful in their operation, when they had no direct
point of doctrine, either religious or civil, to assert.
For a long time, however, those factions gave no
small degree of influence to the foreign chiefs in
every commonwealth in which they existed. I do
not mean to pursue further the track of these parties.
I allude to this part of history only as it furnishes an
instance of that species of faction which broke the
locality of public affections, and united descriptions
of citizens m6re with strangers than with their countrymen of different opinions.
French fun- The political dogma, which, upon the new
damental
principle. French system, is to unite the factions of
different nations, is this: " That the majority, told by
the head, of the taxable people in every country, is
the perpetual, natural, unceasing, indefeasible sovereign; that this majority is perfectly master of the
form as well as the administration of the state, and
that the magistrates, under whatever names they are
called, are only functionaries to obey the orders (general as laws or particular as decrees) which that
majority may make; that this is the only natural
government; that all others are tyranny and usurpation. "
Practical In order to reduce this dogma into pracproject. tice,. the republicans in France, and their
? ? ? ? THOUGHTS ON FRENCH AFFAIRS. 323
associates in other countries, make it always their
business, and often their public profession, to destroy
all traces of ancient establishments, and to form a
new commonwealth in each country, upon the basis
of the French Rights of Men. On the principle of
these rights, they mean to institute in every country,
and as it were the germ of the whole, parochial governments, for the purpose of what they call equal
representation. From them is to grow, by some media, a general council and representative of all the
parochial governments. In that representative is to
be vested the whole national power, -- totally abolishing hereditary name and office, levelling all conditions of men, (except where money must make a difference,) breaking all connection between territory
and dignity, and abolishing every species of nobility,
gentry, and Church establishments: all their priests
and all their magistrates being only creatures of
election and pensioners at will.
Knowing how opposite a permanent landed interest is to that scheme, they have resolved, and it is
the great drift of all their regulations, to reduce that
description of men to a mere peasantry for the sustenance of the towns, and to place the true effective
government in cities, among the tradesmen, bankers,
and voluntary clubs of bold, presuming young persons, -- advocates, attorneys, notaries, managers of
newspapers, and those cabals of literary men called
academies. Their republic is to have a first functionary, (as they call him,) under the name of King,
or not, as they think fit. This officer, when such
an officer is permitted, is, however, neither in fact
nor name to be considered as sovereign, nor the people as his subjects. The very use of these appellations is offensive to their ears.
? ? ? ? 324 THOUGHTS ON FRENCH AFFAIRS.
Partisans of This system, as it has filst been realthe French
system. ized, dogmatically as well as practically, in
France, makes France the natural head of all factions
formed on a similar principle, wherever they may prevail, as much as Athens was the head and settled ally of all democratic factions, wherever they existed.
The other system has no head.
This system has very many partisans in every
country in Europe, but particularly in England,
where they are already formed into a body, comprehending most of the Dissenters of the three leading denominations. To these are readily aggregated
all who are Dissenters in character, temper, and disposition, though not belonging to any of their congregations: that is, all the restless people who resemble them, of all ranks and all parties, - Whigs, and even Tories; the whole race of half-bred speculators; all the Atheists, Deists, and Socinians; all
those who hate the clergy and envy the nobility; a
good many among the moneyed people; the East Indians almost to a man, who cannot bear to find that
their present importance does not bear a proportion
to their wealth. These latter have united themselves
into one great, and, in my opinion, formidable club,*
which, though now quiet, may be brought into action
with considerable unanimity and force.
Formerly, few, except the ambitious great or the
desperate and indigent, were to be feared as instruments in revolutions. What has happened in France
teaches us, with many other things, that there are
more causes than have commonly been taken into
* Originally called the Bengal Club; but since opened to persons
from the other Presidencies, for the purpose of consolidating the whole
Indian interest.
? ? ? ? THOUGHTS ON FRENCH AFFAIRS. 325
our consideration, by which government may be subverted. The moneyed men, merchants, principal
tradesmen, and men of letters (hitherto generally
thought the peaceable and even timid part of society) are the chief actors in the French Revolution. But the fact is, that, as money increases and circulates, and as the circulation of news in politics
and letters becomes more and more diffused, the persons who diffuse this money and this intelligence
become more and more important. This was not
long undiscovered. Views of ambition were in
France, for the first time, presented to these classes
of men: objects in the state, in the army, in the system of civil offices of every kind. Their eyes were
dazzled with this new prospect. They were, as it
were, electrified, and made to lose the natural spirit
of their situation. A bribe, great without example
in the history of the world, was held out to them, --
the whole government of a very large kingdom.
There are several who are persuaded that Grounds of
ity supthe same thing cannot happen in England, posed for
because here (they say) the occupations of England
merchants, tradesmen, and manufacturers are not
held as degrading situations. I once thought that
the low estimation in which commerce was held in
France might be reckoned among the causes of the
late Revolution; and I am still of opinion that the
exclusive spirit of the French nobility did irritate the
wealthy of other classes. But I found long since,
that persons in trade and business were by no means
despised in France in the manner I had been taught
to believ. As to men of letters, they were Literary
interest.
so far from being despised or neglected,
that there was no country, perhaps, in the universe,
? ? ? ? 826 THOUGHTS ON FRENCH AFFAIRS.
in which they were so highly esteemed, courted, caressed, and even feared: tradesmen naturally were
not so much sought in society, (as not furnishing
so largely to the fund of conversation as they do to
the revenues of the state,) but the latter description
got forward every day. M. Bailly, who made hinmself the popular mayor on the rebellion of the Bastile, and is a principal actor in the revolt, before the change possessed a pension or office under the crown
of six hundred pound English a year, -- for that
country, no contemptible provision; and this he obtained solely as a man of letters, and on no other
Moneyed title. As to the moneyed men, whilst the
interest.
monarchly continued, there is no doubt,
that, merely as such, they did not enjoy the privileges
of nobility; but nobility was of so easy an acquisition, that it was the fault or neglect of all of that
description who did not obtain its privileges, for
their lives at least, in virtue of office. It attached
under the royal government to an' innumerable multitude of places, real and nominal, that were vendible; and such nobility were as capable of everything as their degree of influence or interest could make
them, - that is, as nobility of no considerable rank
or consequence. M. Necker, so far from being a
French gentleman, was not so much as a Frenchman
born, and yet we all know the rank in which he stood
on the day of the meeting of the States.
Mercantile As to the mere matter of estimation of
interest.
the mercantile or any other class, this is
regulated by opinion and prejudice. In England, a
security against the envy of men in these classes is
not so very complete as we may imagine. We must
not impose upon ourselves. What institutions and
? ? ? ? THOUGHTi ON FRENCH AFFAIRS. 327
manners together had done in France manners alone
do here. It is the natural operation of things, where
there exists a crown, a court, splendid orders of
knighthood, and an hereditary nobility, - where
there exists a fixed, permanent, landed gentry, continued in greatness and opulence by the law of primogeniture, and by a protection given to family settlements,- where there exists a standing army and navy,- where there exists a Church establishment,
which bestows on learning and parts an interest combined with that of religion and the state; -- in a
country where such things exist, wealth, new in its
acquisition, and precarious in its duration, call never
rank first, or even near the first: though wealth has
its natural weight further than as it is balanced and
even preponderated amongst us, as amongst other nations, by artificial institutions and opinions growing
out of them. At no period in the history of England
have so few peers been taken out of trade or from
families newly created by commerce. In no period
has so small a number of noble families entered into
the counting-house. I can call to mind but one in
all England, and'his is of near fifty years' standing.
Be that as it may, it appears plain to me, from my
best observation, that envy and ambition may, by art,
managerrelt, and disposition, be as much excited
amongst these descriptions of men in England as in
any otheri. country, and that they are just as capable
of cting a part in any great change.
What direction the French spirit of pros- Progress of
the French
elytism is likely to take, and in what order spirit. -Its
it is likely to prevail in the several parts of
Europe, it is not easy to determine. The seeds are
sown almost everywhere, chiefly by newspaper circu
? ? ? ? 328 THOUGHTS ON FRENCH AFFAIRS.
lations, infinitely more efficacious and extensive than
ever they were. And they are a more important instrument than generally is imagined. They are a
part of the reading of all; they are the whole of
the reading of the far greater number. There are
thirty of them in Paris alone. The language diffuses
them more widely than the English, -- though the
English, too, are much read. The writers of these
papers, indeed, for the greater part, are either unknown or in contempt, but they are like a battery,
in which the stroke of any one ball produces no great
effect, but the amount of continual repetition is decisive. Let us only suffer any person to tell us
his story, morning and evening, but for one twelvemonth, and he will become our master.
All those countries in which several states are
comprehended under some general geographical description, and loosely united by some federal consti tution, - countries of which the members are small,
and greatly diversified in their forms of government,
and in the titles by which they are held, -these
countries, as it might be well expected, are the principal objects of their hopes and machinations. Of these, the chief are Germany and Switzerland; after
them, Italy has its place, as in circumstances somewhat similar.
