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? THE LIFE OF TREITSCHKE 79
than they had. To him more than to any other speaker
the words of Cato senior applied: "Keep firmly in mind
the subject and the words will follow. "
In a further speech on the law on July 9th, 1871, he
woefully surrendered his ideal to see Alsace Lothing
a province of Germany, but all the more energetically he
opposed the desire of a party, supported by Roggenbach,
to form Alsace into a State. If it was not to become part
of the Prussian State it should, at least, be a province of
the German Empire, reigned over by the Emperor, and
not become a new Small State. The Alsatian public
servants should frequently be transferred, even to
Schwelm, and to Stalluponen, so that they should get to
know Germany. Neither was he in favour of having a
Lord Lieutenant appointed. "Such a prince makes the
worst public servant, because he is obliged to act as if his
house were a Court. The elements of Society which
could be attracted by these countless gewgaws are such
that I, at any rate, would with pleasure dispense with
their support. " Neither in Strasburg nor in Heidelberg
or Berlin did this particular speech meet with great
approbation, but who will assert to-day that he was
wrong? All the more approved was his speech of
November 2nd, 1871, in which he demanded the inter-
vention of the Empire to procure for Mechlenburg the
privileges of the estates of the Realm. A great impression
was produced when he pointed out that, of half a
million inhabitants, no less than 60,000 people had
emigrated within the last fifteen years from this little
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? 80 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
country richly blessed by nature. In his indignation he
ever adopted a tone which, hitherto, one was only wont
to hear at democratic meetings. He pointed out that
conditions in Mecklenburg had become the butt of
humour. "It is dangerous when the patient German
people begin to sneer. That scornful laughter over the old
German Diet and the King of the Guelfs carried on for
many years has led to very serious consequences; it has
brought about the well-known end of all things. The star
of unity is in the ascendant. Woe betide the State which
wilfully secludes itself from this mighty and irresistible
impulse; sooner or later the catastrophe will overtake
it. " In the same way as these threatening words had
created a great impression in Parliament, so they found an
enthusiastic echo in our circle; and equally great was his
success when he supported the supplementing of the
Penal Code by the so-called Pulpit Paragraph, by which
he again told the bitter truth to the Ultramontanes. For
the last time before prorogation of Parliament he spoke
on November 29th, 1871, when the progressive party
renewed the old controversy on parliamentary co-operation
regarding Army Estimates. Treitschke was strongly in
favour of the War Minister's views; he availed himself,
however, of this occasion to attack strongly von
Miihler, the Minister of Public Instruction, and when
called to order by the Conservatives he replied: "See
that a capable man is appointed at the head of the
Ministry of Public Instruction who bestows only the
tenth part of that energy which the Minister for War is in
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? THE LIFE OF TREITSCHKE 81
the habit of bestowing upon his department; you will
then have practical experience that one thing can be done,
and that another cannot be left undone. " On the whole,
the Baden Deputies returned from Berlin in a very dejected
mood. Of Bluntschli, the Berlin newspapers had written
that his delivery gave the impression he was dictating
his speeches. He had remained obscure--that he knew;
but consoled himself with the thought that it took time
to find the tone for such a big assembly. Of Roggenbach,
who, with all his brilliant conversational gifts, completely
lacked oratorical powers, a gay Palatine country judge,
who was also a member of the Reichstag, said : "If this
is your most brilliant statesman I should like to come
across your most stupid one. " In the same way the others
returned like a beaten army, for not the remotest compari-
son existed between the part played by them in Berlin
and the one played by them in Karlsruhe at the Municipal
Hall. Only one appeared with laurels, and this one was
Treitschke, who had saved our reputation. He was also
welcomed home as heartily as possible; although Baum-
garten said at the time, in a morose tone, that Treitschke
never considered a law proposal favourably unless he had
delivered a speech on it. The Ultramontanes, however,
considered the game unevenly matched. While he
overwhelmed them with the strongest expressions, they
could not hit back because he did not hear them. In an
identical fashion the second session, 1873-1874, passed,
which Treitschke still attended from Heidelberg, and
the "round table" applauded his brilliant passages of
F
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? 82 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
arms. Many of his winged words have survived to the
present day, as, for instance, his explanation of the request
of German issuing banks for paper (money) " based on a
deeply founded desire in human nature"; or "making
debts without getting interest on them "; or his sneering
remarks about the predilection of South Germans for
Bavarian military helmets and dirty florin notes. His
patriotism again rose to its full height when discussions
on the septennate took placet when the same party,
whose chaplains in the Black Forest had falsely told the
constituents that "septennate" meant serving for seven
successive years, complained in Parliament that they
were called the enemies of the Empire, he referred to
their behaviour, and for simplicity's sake began with the
Pope.
"Who was it who expressed the devout Christian wish
that a little stone might fall from heaven to shatter the
feet of the German Colossus? Those who consider the
author of this ingenious pronouncement infallible would
only have confessed publicly to this wish after Germany
had lost a battle, and which God forbid. Meanwhile,
Prussia was the little stone which had opened the doors
of the Eternal City to united and free Italy, and at the
same time had annihilated the most sinful Small State
of that part of the globe. In similar strain he spoke on
December 17th, 1874, to Deputy Winterer, who demanded
the abolition of the School Law granted the preceding year
to Alsace Lothing. In opposition to Winterer's hymns
on the achievements of the school brethren he read
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? THE LIFE OF TREITSCHKE 83
extracts from their rules which prescribed in which case
the brother has to rise before the superior, in which case
to kneel down, and in which case he only had to kiss the
floor. "Gentlemen," he asked the Ultramontanes,
"I am indeed curious to know whether there is anything
worse than the naked floor the devout school brother is
to kiss. " When the gentlemen of the clerical party
expressed the wish to save the ecclesiastical and French
spirit of their public schools he replied in unmistakable
fashion: "We have the intention to Germanise this
newly acquired German province; we have the intention
and will carry it out. " Strong applause, and hissing
in the centre, was the usual result of his speeches during
this session. The return took place under conditions
similar to those of last year, only the depression at the
modest part played by the Baden Deputies in their
Reichstag was still greater, and Jolly, at any rate, did not
refrain from remarking that the quarrelsome disposition
of the Liberal leaders, which immediately made itself felt
at the opening debate of the Baden Chamber in November,
1873, arose from the desire of the gentlemen to gain in
the Karlsruhe Rondel Hall the laurels which had been
denied to them in the Reichstag. But Treitschke's
appreciation of the Reichstag likewise waned from session
to session. Already, in 1879, he wrote the following words
in the Reichstag album: "Let us not be deceived,
gentlemen, the pleasure our population experienced by
participating in parliamentary life has considerably
decreased in comparison with the days when the mere
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? 84 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
existence of Parliament was held to be the beginning of
the era of liberty. But how should it be otherwise?
I believe we are blessed with 4,000 deputies in the German
Empire. It would be against the nature of things if
such an excessive number did not, in the end, become
boring and tedious to the population. " When his
calculation was contested, he wrote a few years later:
'' Quousque tandem is on everybody's lips when in good
Society mention is made of those parliamentary speech
floods which now, for months past, have rushed forth
again in Berlin, Munich, and Karlsruhe, as if from wide
opened sluices; 3,000 Members of Parliament, that is
to say, one representative of the people for every 3,000
citizens. Too much of a good thing even for German
patience. More and more frequently the question is
raised whether by such sinful waste of money and time
anything else can be effected beyond a noise as useless as
the clattering of a wheel whose axle is broken. "
On July nth, 1879, he announced his retirement
from the National Liberal faction on the rejection of the
well-known Frankenstein Clause, which allotted part of
the custom receipts to the Small States. One would
have supposed that he, a staunch Unitarian, would be
antagonistic to this proposal, and in his innermost heart
he really was; but, owing to Bismarck's declaration that
finance reform was urgent, and that the consent of the
centre was unobtainable by any other means, he voted
for the Government. The consequences apprehended
by him, as the result of the attitude of his friends, fully
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? THE LIFE OF TREITSCHKE 85
materialised. They consisted in Bismarck's rupture
with the National Liberals, the resignation of ministers--
Hobrecht, Falck, and Friedenthal--the reconciliation of
Bismarck with the Roman Curia, and the passage of the
customs reform with a Conservative clerical majority,
which to the present day prevails in the Reichstag. All
this Bismarck sacrificed for the benefit of a highly con-
testable finance reform. Treitschke attributed the re-
sponsibility for it to the Reichstag, and in 1883 he wrote:
"Of all the institutions of our young Empire, none has
stood the test as badly as the Reichstag. " He was sick
of Parliament, and characterised the headache and feeling
of tiredness with which he usually returned from sittings
as "parliamentary seediness. " His participation in
debates slackened, and after 1888 he refrained from
seeking re-election, an additional reason being the lines
taken by Government, and legislation which he could
not follow without coming too much into conflict with
his old ideas.
Neither did he harmonize with public opinion in regard
to external politics. He had no faith in the durability
of the French Republic, but believed in the return of
Bonapartism. At the death of Napoleon III, on January
9th, 1873, consequent upon an operation for stone, he
remarked: "Right to the last this man has remained
unaesthetic. " I thought the game between Chambord
and the Orleans would now be continued, but he pooh-
poohed the idea, and adhered to his belief that the Bona-
partists alone are the people destined to reign over that
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? 86 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
nation. With feelings of bitterness he watched the
great number of Germans who, in spite of experiences in
the past, returned to France to again take up positions,
and even obtain their naturalisation. He considered
this a lack of sense of honour which he could not under-
stand. The Pole who on all battle-fields fought against
Russia was to his mind more respectable, in spite of his
vodka smell.
VI.
From 1871 to 1874 the Reichstag was by no means the
only arena in which the warrior, prepared at all times,
practised his strength, and his academic opponents
occasionally reproached him with dragging the bad tone
of the Reichstag into the University debates. As a
matter of fact, in those days there was little difference,
thanks to the urbanity of Richter and Liebnecht.
Peculiarly enough, the chief interest of Academicians
since March, 1871--during the time, therefore, when the
most important questions agitated the German Father-
land--hinged upon a quarrel which must be styled
almost childish. Knies and Schenkel were at daggers
drawn, because the former, as Pro-Rector, occupied
the chair in the Economic Commission conducted by
Schenkel. The University statutes clearly conceded this
right to the Pro-Rector, but Schenkel declared that
Knies, in that case, might also undertake the agenda of
the Commission. The reason for Treitschke's passionate
participation in this question was partly aversion for
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? THE LIFE OF TREITSCHKE 87
Schenkel, and partly gratitude for Knies, who, in Frei-
burg, as well as in Heidelberg, had urged his appointment.
Besides, he highly appreciated Knies as a scientist, and
managed to intersperse his Reichstag speeches with
exhaustive extracts from Knies' latest book, "Money. "
In the terms of the statute Knies was absolutely in his
right. When the quarrel came to no end, Jolly sus-
pended the Commission and entrusted the Senate with
its duties, but the Senate protested. As negotiations
assumed a very unparliamentary character, the philologist
Kochly declared it beneath his dignity to participate
further in the meetings. A motion was now brought
in compelling every " Ordinarius" to take part in the
meetings, and in this way the stupid discussion con-
tinued. The principal seat of terror was the Philosophic
Faculty, and by his drastic speeches Treitschke more
than once drove the Dean to despair. "He is a fire-
brand," said Ribbeck. "I am always trembling when
he asks to speak. " It was, of course, picturesque when
the tall, handsome man with thundering voice shouted
at the tiny, bespectacled gentlemen in the Senate,
"Whoever is of a different opinion will have me to deal
with. " But as he had no conception as to how loudly
he spoke, even when intending to whisper a confidential
information into his neighbour's ear, he often placed his
friends in a most awkward position. One of his con-
fidential cannon-shots particularly caused lasting damage.
When the natural history scientists, on a certain occasion,
interfered, he shouted to his neighbour, meaning of
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? 88 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
course to whisper, "What has this to do with these
chemists and dung-drivers ? "--and the fat was naturally
in the fire. Nobody was more annoyed at these sallies
than his own party, and, after a similar occurrence,
Knies, taking advantage of his deafness, called after
him, "Good-night, old baby! " He, however, gaily
departed, totally unaware of the feelings which he had
aroused even amongst his friends. It was impossible
to exercise a restraining influence over him. With his
temperament, he could not understand why he should
say something different from what he thought. A friend
who, in his opinion, although right, was unjustly ill-
treated and ill-used, would be helped out by him, what-
ever the cost.
When, however, in an article in the Prussian Annuals,
he declared that Court Theatres and University Senates
would remain for ever the classic field for jealous intrigues
and childish quarrels, the contest reverberated in the
Chambers and the Press. The so-called majority broke
off all relations with him, and, in consequence, we became
more intimate than ever. "The outlaws" was the
name he preferably applied to us, and the round table
at Konig's Winebeer, in Leipzig, was christened by him
as " The Conspirators. " In reply to my remark that we
cared by no means to be considered outlaws, he said:
"I have my students. " Anyhow, the close relations
thus established among a number of influential col-
leagues was also a gain. We met every evening, one
hour after his lectures, at the Museum, where we drank
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? THE LIFE OF TREITSCHKE 89
cheap beer. "It merely costs a little effort," he said.
The circle consisted of historian Weber, the three
theologians, Gass, Holtzmann, and myself; further, the
botanist, Hofmeister, with whom Treitschke was on
friendly terms while in Leipzig; Herrmann, the teacher
of Canon Law, where Treitschke was received when still
a student in Gottingen, and who, for his benefit, had
learned the deaf and dumb language; and Knies, who,
after occupying the position of Director of the High
School Board and University Inspector, was degraded
to that of Professor at Heidelberg, so that Hitzig greeted
him with the following toast: "Behold Adam, who
now has become one of us! " The spokesmen were
Knies and Bluntschli, who both defended their one
political point of view, Treitschke keeping as much as
possible apart from the latter. His opinion of Bluntschli,
as now confirmed in print through his letters to
Freytag, was unjust. Bluntschli's intentions were for
the common weal, but in his opinion it could best be
done through him. The Otez vous que je mif mette (real
Swiss-German) applied to him in his Faculty as well as
in the Chamber. In vain I tried to prove to Treitschke
that Bluntschli's propensity to mediation proposals, and
his desire to vote always with the majority, was
founded on his peaceable disposition and his benevolent
concern for the public good. When, however, on a
certain occasion, prior to leaving for Edingen by rail, I
spoke to him in this strain, he raved to such an extent
that the attention of the people in the waiting-room was
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? go TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
aroused, and I preferred to discontinue the argument.
On such occasions, the misfortune of his deafness became
very marked, for how was it possible to make complicated
circumstances clear to him by lip-movements and scrib-
bling on block slips? For good reasons he disliked
letters by post. Although he belonged at that time,
academically, to the Bluntschli party, he attacked, in
his essay of 1871, on "Parties and Factions," the
Bluntschli-Rohmer State Law, establishing a parallel
between the State functions and the human organism.
"State science demands thought, not comparisons,"
he wrote. "What is the use of speaking figuratively,
which is just as arbitrary as the old bad habit so
favoured by natural philosophers of comparing the State
with the human body? Argument ceases with such fan-
tastic parables. Analogies are easily found, and with
beautiful words one might describe the King as the
head or the heart, or also as the index of a State. "
This was not polite language, and must have annoyed
Bluntschli, all the more as Treitschke, in the language
of Goethe, "only tugged at the discarded serpent's
skin," Bluntschli himself having left that part of the
Rohmer philosophy behind him; and that is why, as
far as I know, he never replied to the attack.
Treitschke
also reproached Bluntschli with attempting to count
Luther amongst the Liberals--" He, whose eminent
mind admirably combines the traits of the revolutionary
stormer of heaven with those of the devout monk, he
who was anything but a Liberal! Or will our opponents
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? THE LIFE OF TREITSCHKE 91
think more of us if we are so bold as to declare that the
true spirit of Christianity is liberal? The greatness of
Christian faith lies in its inconceivable and manifold
plasticity; after thousands of years it will, in eternally
new, yet ever identical, forms, elevate humanity when
not even scientists will have anything to say of Liber-
alism. " Although sitting at the same round table there
was, speaking philosophically, a century between Bluntschli
and Treitschke. Treitschke was a true representative
of the historical school, and not Dahlmann; but Ranke
was his real master. Bluntschli liked to refer to Savigny;
but, in reality, his views of the world, in spite of Rohmer's
symbolism, were culled from the age of enlightenment.
When, in 1873, Wehrenpfennig remodelled the
Spenersche Zeitung into the semi-official Preussische
Zeitung, Treitschke was offered the salary of ten thousand
thalers for undertaking the editorship of the journal.
This salary was unheard of at that time. Some friends
of his advised him to accept, saying that his deafness
would, in years to come, impair his functions as teacher,
but he told me, "I am not a journalist; I like to see things
developed so that I can form an opinion. To write a leading
article on the latest telegram, on the spur of the moment,
and to have to contradict it eight days later, I leave to
other people. " Wehrenpfennig tried to make the pro-
posal more acceptable by informing him that the minister
would appoint him as professor at a fixed salary, conse-
quently there would be no need to sacrifice his function
as teacher, whilst others would look after the ordinary
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? 92 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
journalistic work; only the handling of political matters
and the daily leading article would be his department.
A big salary as professor, and a big income as editor,
would have tempted a good many; there even were
people who declared that it was Treitschke's duty,
impecunious as he was, to provide thus for his family;
but he maintained that it was contrary to his honour
to change his profession for monetary gain, and we were,
naturally, glad that he remained in our midst.
In spite of his refusal to take part in journalism he
played a prominent part in contemporary politics, and
the journals repaid him with interest for his bold observa-
tions in the Prussian Annuals. Ludwig Ekkard, an
Austrian, resident since 1866 at Mannheim, and editor
there of a weekly publication--a man of whom the Karls-
ruhe people whispered he had, in 1848, in Vienna, hung
Latour, the Minister of War--wrote a leading article on
"Treitschke von Cassagnac. " After he had fallen out
with the Jews, a Berlin paper reported that Treitschke
was the descendant of a certain Isaac Treitschel, who,
at the beginning of the century, had come as a youth
from Bohemia to Saxony selling trousers. A social
democratic journal thought Herr von Treitschke was
a living proof of the injustice of present-day Society
institutions, as he was only appointed professor because
his father had been a general. "If we lived in a
State which practises justice, such a weak-headed
creature would never have been allowed to be a
student. " Similar flattering expressions were^showered
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? THE LIFE OF TREITSCHKE 93
upon him by the Ultramontane journals, which, on
account of his monomania, would have liked to have
him bundled off to a lunatic asylum. When shown
such a masterpiece, he laughed heartily, saying: "One
has to put up with that sort of thing when one is
in the public eye. " He was only angered at the small-
mindedness of some of his colleagues, who threw stones
at him behind his back merely because he had stolen a
march on them.
It is notorious that Treitschke, after lacking sym-
pathy with Badenese Liberalism, became its supporter
whilst in Heidelberg; but in Berlin he again reverted
to feelings of contempt for it.
During the years 1867 to 1874, which he spent amongst
us, I could not discern an appreciable difference in his
views. As his parliamentary speeches and essays in
the Annuals amply testify, he greeted with joy Bis-
marck's first steps towards the re-establishment of the
Authority of the State versus the Catholic Church; the
abolition of the Catholic department in the Ministry of
Public Instruction; the penal code against abuse of the
pulpit, and Bismarck's refusal to give way to the new-
founded centre. We also thoroughly agreed in regard
to the Muhler administration of ecclesiastical affairs.
He wrote: "The Universities in Prussia are going back-
wards, since fashionable orthodoxy, with its mistrust,
is supreme at Court against liberty of thought.
Here, if anywhere, our State is in need of a radical
reform, i. e. , the conversion of the conversion of science. "
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? 94 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
In the last essay written in Heidelberg he said: "Since
the unhappy days of Frederick Wilhelm IV the school
system in Prussia has been fundamentally miscultivated
by a spirit of confessional narrow-mindedness which
exasperates the most patient. " Consequently nothing
astonished us more than the attitude which he adopted
subsequently in Berlin, towards Stocker and his town
mission, even going so far as to lament Stocker's dis-
missal from his position as preacher at the Royal Chapel.
Those who contend that the misunderstanding had been
on our side, are invited to read Treitschke's publications
up to the last week of his stay at Heidelberg. The views
with which he came to us, and which he defended in
Heidelberg in the circle of friends as well as in the chair,
find expression in the beautiful essay on "Liberty,"
the opening sentence of which runs as follows: "Every-
thing new created by the nineteenth century is the work
of liberalism. Particularly in the clerical sphere, this
is destined to continue its labours in order to create at
last true conditions. Does it redound to the honour of
the land of Lessing," he asks, "that there is no German
University which possesses sufficient courage to admit
a David Strauss to its halls? Those who have any
conception of the enormous extent to which faith in the
dogmas of Christian revelations has disappeared among
the younger generation, must observe with great anxiety
how thoughtlessly, how lazily, nay, how lyingly, thousands
do homage to a lip service which has become strange
to their heart. The lack of veracity in the field of
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? THE LIFE OF TREITSCHKE 95
religion grows in an alarming fashion. The philosophers
of the eighteenth century thought that real virtue does
not exist without belief in God and immortality. The
present generation contests this, and declares point-
blank, 'Morality is independent of dogma. '" He
recognises the immortality in the never-ending effect
of our good as well as of our bad deeds. "For weak or
low characters, the belief in an after life can equally be
a source of immortality, like the denial of same, for in
their anxiety for the hereafter they often neglect their
duties on earth. The Church has taken no interest
whatever in the great work of the last centuries, and in
the deliverance of humanity from one thousand terrors
of unchristian arbitrariness. The defenders of the
Church claim the prerogative to spoil even the best
measure by the incomparable meanness of their methods.
And, according to human estimate, this symptom will
continue. More and more the moral value of Christianity
will be investigated and developed by laymen, and more
and more it will become apparent that churches do not
suffice for the spiritual demands of matured people. "
That this last sentence coincides with the specula-
tions of Richard Rothe, the aesthetic scientist, and the
teaching of the Tubingen School is apparent from a letter
to his Catholic fiancie, written in 1866, in which he says,
"Christianity loses nothing of its greatness if the stupid
priest tales of Paganism are dropped. "
"The New Testament embodies more ideas of Plato
than our clergy is ready to admit. " Under these
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? 96 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
circumstances we could count him merely from a theo-
logical point of view amongst the Liberals, and only
in the attitude adopted by Treitschke towards the
contested reforms of Evangelical and Catholic Church
matters we regained our own convictions. He likewise
greeted Muhler's fall in February, 1872, with joy, although
he disapproved of the American Press tactics, now gain-
ing more and more the upper hand in the German Press,
which heaped with opprobrium the fallen opponent--
"he hardly deserved the title of lion. " Treitschke
likewise demanded the abolition of the Stiehl regulations,
as they acted as a deterrent to many an intelligent per-
son embracing the career of teacher. Where Herr von
Miihler had ordered that certain colleges should assume
a strictly evangelical character, he urged Falk to appoint
Catholic or Jewish teachers for those schools, in order to
put an end to the fictitious story that Prussia possessed
colleges for specific confessions. During his last term
at Heidelberg he, in a short and decisive fashion, on
December 10th, 1873, still approved of the Falk legisla-
tion enacted in May, respecting the restrictions of the
Catholic Church. "Not a word is to be found in these
laws which is not beneficial to the Church. " He declares
it the most unpardonable error of the Conservative party
in Prussia to have entered into an alliance with the
Ultramontanes. The suppression of the Jesuit Order,
which he formerly opposed, now had his approval. The
struggle for civilisation was likewise, for him, a struggle
of liberty against fanaticism, and he was convinced that
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? THE LIFE OF TREITSCHKE 97
a firm attitude maintained by the State would lead to
victory.
"For two years the Ultramontanes have wasted their
powder; they have so often conjured up the names of
Nero and Diocletianus that one fails to see what can still
be done after this fanatical clamour, beyond a street
battle, and this they cannot risk. " Treitschke's practical
demands were likewise those of the Liberals. A law for
compulsory civil marriage has become a necessity; after
years of deliberation, it must at last be evident that
facultative civil marriage is based on a misconception
and does not mitigate, but rather accentuates, the conflict
between State and Church. Furthermore, a special law
will have to be enacted by the State enabling the com-
munities themselves to look after the Church Funds,
should no legally recognised parson be available; the
State will have to concede to Old Catholics the right to
reclaim their share of the Church property when quitting
the Church. After all that has happened, there is no
need to shun the reproach of animosity; we require a
law empowering the arrest of persistently refractory
priests. It will not do to leave religious orders in their
present condition, so uncertain from a legal point of
view, and to allow processions and pilgrimages to be
exposed to molestation and insult on the part of citizens
of different creeds. The May Laws are only the begin-
ning of an energetic Church policy. " The Baden Liber-
alism has never transgressed these demands, and it may
safely be said that Treitschke, while in Heidelberg,
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? 98 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
shared in this respect fully the views of his Liberal
friends.
Slowly the change came about while living in Berlin.
Owing to his affliction, social intercourse was restricted
to a few people, and amongst those it was the new
President of the Supreme Ecclesiastic Council, Herrmann
by name, with whom he formed a close friendship-
Herrmann having been able, better than anybody, to
make himself understood by deaf and dumb language,
and also corresponding with Treitschke. In Heidelberg,
before, Herrmann had raised all sorts of objections to
the Falk Laws, and heated discussions took place between
him and the Minister of Ecclesiastical Affairs on the
endowment of evangelical clergymen, the abolition of
incidental fees, and similar questions. His opinions on
the Falk Church Laws were now so unfavourable that
we often had the impression that he considered himself
destined to replace Falk. In unctuous fashion he in-
variably reverted to the statement that as long as
the population fail to realise that ecclesiastical decrees
speak the language of profound respect for religion, every
reform will prove abortive on account of the people's
want of confidence. The aristocratic and military
circles, with whom Treitschke now associated more
frequently, too, had only one watchword: The struggle
for civilisation must cease. He expected nothing of the
Old Catholic agitation, and disapproved of the loud
applause of the Jewish Press, which would have better
served the cause by greater reticence. It so came
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? THE LIFE OF TREITSCHKE 99
about that we had gradually to rely less upon his co-opera-
tion in the struggle. But we gathered this opinion more
from his verbal scruples than from his written expressions,
which in principle were in agreement with ours, although
he now considered the legislation as laws of necessity,
i. e. , as a temporary evil. Then took place the great
defection of Lasker and the Progressive Party, which the
Catholic faction attempted to engineer for the elections,
and which willingly left the odium of civilisation--a
name invented by Virchow for the glory of Falk--to the
National Liberals. After one wing of the Army had gone
over to the enemy, the great Bismarck retreat commenced,
which Treitschke had to cover with heavy artillery,!
Even in course of these rear-guard actions, he had both
written and spoken many clever things in the Annuals,
as well as in the Reichstag, but it oppressed his mind that
henceforth he would have to recommend the abolition
of the " ineffective or mistaken May Laws," after having
greeted their formation with words of joy. To retract
words suited him, who was used to employing such strong
language particularly badly. Times out of number
he had proclaimed that the old feud could not be adjusted
by concessions, but by perseverance. If, in a country
whose population to the extent of two-thirds are Protes-
tants, the Bishops reign to-day, and an Ultramontane
President is President of the Reichstag, the old saying
characterising this state of affairs, viz. , "Every nation
has the government it deserves," is decidedly appropriate.
For the rest, it must be recognised that Treitschke never
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? 1oo TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
expressed his pleasure at this result as did the Kreuz
Zeitung, but always contemplated it with deep regret
as a proof that, contrary to the opinion of Aristotle,
the German being is by no means a political animal.
While still in Heidelberg, Treitschke's rupture with the
University Socialists became imminent, among whom he
counted his intimate friends Knies and Schmoller.
Contrary to Knies, he asserted that Socialism could not be
convinced by reason, but had to be suppressed by forcible
laws. He also defended the view that it is in the interest
of the public to compel labour to work cheaply, and that
the State should possess authority to enforce the fulfil-
ment of this duty. In his first Berlin article, of July,
1874, he took this sharp attitude against the Social
Democrats, whom he called Socialists, and whom he
did not wish to distinguish from the Radical Socialist
politicians. The article had been begun in Heidelberg,
and we were diverted to see how here again he gave ex-
pression to his most recent experience, when he wrote:
"After packing books for two or three days, and
filling up freight forms--finally looking stupidly at the
completed work--the question will suddenly occur what
the brave packers might think, who, during these removal
performances only, were my servants? The calling of
the furniture shifter is, after all, a very respectable one,
because it is cleaner, and more refined, than many equally
necessary occupations. " The essay itself, j" Socialism,
and its Supporters," met at the round table of the
Museum with no more approval than the speeches
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? THE LIFE OF TREITSCHKE 101
which were its prelude prior to his departure. Knies
thought that the inability to distribute wealth in accord-
ance with actual deeds--it not being a creation of the
present--and the fact that virtue is not fully rewarded
in this world, would not produce a greater feeling of
contentment amongst the working classes, who demand
their share of the realised profit, and in the terms of
their favourite author, Heine, leave Heaven to the angels
and sparrows.
Colleagues otherwise friendly disposed towards him
found the point of view that the working classes should
continue to toil for the sake of religion, and his cruel
reference to that true friend of the people, Fritz
Reuter, particularly hard-hearted when a question of
hungry people who have no time to read novels
was being discusssed. Treitschke's assertion that
the introduction of slavery had been a redeeming
achievement of culture, which, during thousands
of years had exercised at least as powerful a moral
influence as Christianity during a later epoch, appeared
to us a comparison of things which could not be tolerated;
and if nature formed all its higher beings unequally there
can be no question of the introduction of slavery as a
redeeming historical achievement. From a prehistoric
point of view, it can be compared with the relationship
existing between master and dog, or the shepherd and
his flock. An innovation of his was the stronger touch
of religious chords which, with this essay, begins to
obliterate the formerly habitual attacks upon the wicked
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? 102 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
class of theologians. The full meaning of Social Demo-
cracy became clear to him with the classic expression of
the Volk Staat: "Either there is a God, and then we
admit we are in a mess, or there is none, in which case we
can alter the existing state of affairs as much as we like. "
It was only right that against such speeches he should
have emphasized more strongly his positively religious
sentiments, but now and then his old habit of chaffing
the theologians came to the fore. Whilst Schmoller traces
the economic formation of classes to an original injustice,
viz. , violence of the stronger, which as a tragic fault is
hereditary, Treitschke sneers at the doctrine of "social
apple tasting," and the sin which is no more ingenious
than the theological doctrine of hereditary sin. But
the doctrine of hereditary sin is the preamble to
Christianity, and to be one of its champions in Berlin
was his aim.
It was quite natural that Schmoller, in his reply,
complained at having had his standpoint quite wrongly
represented. Both Ribbeck and I asked, after perusal,
what now really was Schmoller's view, as Treitschke's
controversy had been conducted in such a general way as
to make it impossible to know what referred to Schmoller
and what to the school in general. All the same, nobody
who knew his warm and philanthropic disposition
harboured the suspicion that Treitschke intended to
become a champion of class interests. He only protested
against such erroneous expressions as " The Disinherited,"
or "the excess measure of economic injustice, which
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