He wrote, “Talk of independence before Pakistan is a camou-
flage intended to hoodwink the Muslims and other minorities.
flage intended to hoodwink the Muslims and other minorities.
Cambridge History of India - v4 - Indian Empire
(f)
What will be their resources and position? (g) What is the authority
that will be in charge of defence, external affairs, etc. ? ”
Regarding the importance of the Lahore Resolution, Dr. Lal
Bahadur says: “The Lahore Resolution was the highest culmination
of Muslim aspirations roused by leaders from Syed Ahmed's times.
But it was never put so boldly as in 1940. It was vehemently cri-
ticised by organisations and individuals on several grounds and
some believed it to be a practical impossibility but its authors knew
that it would, one day, be a reality and those who had statesman-
ship and political imagination understood the danger lurking behind
a demand of this character. It gave the League a new ambition
and new programme. A renewed stress was laid on the two-nation
theory and communal differences were exaggerated with re-doubled
energy. It was, therefore, natural that the relations between the
Congress and the League be marred in their highest degree. "
A Muslim writer contends that the Lahore Resolution was a
landmark in the history of India and that of the Mussalmans.
Before the passing of that resolution, Muslim India had no goal
in view and Muslim politics remained in the hands of individuals
who had conflicting interests and inclinations. Very often, the col-
lective good of the Muslims suffered either at their hands or at the
hands of their agents and wire-pullers. Dr. Iqbal and his followers
had tried to place a goal before the Muslims but they were not
able to achieve it. It was left to Jinnah to fulfil the aspirations
of the Muslims. It was under his leadership that the Muslims of
India were organised and learned the lesson that their organisation
was more important than the individuals. By and by, the British
Government came to realise that nothing could be done in India
without the consent and approval of the Muslims, the Muslim
League and Mr. Jinnah.
It looked strange to Mr. Jinnah that “men like Mr. Gandhi and
## p. 835 (#877) ############################################
AUGUST OFFER AND LEAGUE
835
Mr. Rajagopalachari should talk about the Lahore resolution in
such terms as 'vivisection of India' and 'cutting the baby into two
halves'. Surely, today India is divided and partitioned by Nature.
Muslim India and Hindu India exist on the physical map
of India, I fail to see why there is this hue and cry. Where is the
nation which is denationalised? India is composed of nationalities,
to say nothing about the castes and sub-castes. Where is the cen-
tral national Government whose authority is being violated? India
is held by the British power and that is the hand that holds and
gives the impression of a United India and a unitary Government.
Indian nation and Central Government do not exist. It is only
the convenient imagination of the Congress High Command. It
is pure intellectual and mental luxury, in which some of the Hindu
leaders have been indulging so recklessly. "
On 8 August, 1940 Lord Linlithgow made a statement on behalf
of the British Government. This is known as the August Offer.
It was clearly stated by the Viceroy that in view of the doubts as to
whether the position of the minorities would be sufficiently safe-
guarded in any future constitutional change, the British Govern-
ment reaffirmed its desire that full weight should be given to minority
opinion. “It goes without saying that they could not contemplate
transfer of their present responsibilities for the peace and welfare
of India to any system of Government whose authority is directly
denied by large and powerfui elements in India's national life.
Nor could they be parties to the coercion of such elements into sub-
mission to such a Government. "
The Working Committee of the Muslim League welcomed that
part of the August Offer which was condemned by the Congress.
It was resolved that the August Offer met the demand of the
League "for a clear assurance to the effect that no future constitu-
tion, interim or final, should be adopted by the British Govern-
ment without their approval and consent. ” It was also declared
that "the partition of India was the only solution of the most diffi-
cult problem of India's future constitution. ” In spite of this the
Muslim League neither accepted nor rejected the August Offer.
While addressing the Central Assembly in November, 1940, Mr.
Jinnah emphatically declared: “And although I am pressed for
time, I think I must tell the House the correct position. And I
tell you and my Congress friends that they have still at the back
of their mind the idea that the Congress and Congress alone
re-
present the country, the people of India, the Indian nation, and
so on; that they alone are the spokesmen, and that the Muslims
and others are minorities. I say this on the floor of this House
that the reason why there has not been a settlement between the
>
## p. 836 (#878) ############################################
836
PAKISTAN
Hindus and Musalmans is that the Congress is a Hindu organi-
sation, whatever they may say—that the Hindu leaders and Con-
gres leaders have had always at the back of their minds the basis
that the Musalmans have to come within the ken of the Congress
and the Hindu Raj, that they are a minority, and all that they
can justly press for is merely safeguards as a minority, whereas let
me tell gentlemen of the Congress and the Nationalist Congress
Party members that the Musalmans always had at their back the
basis—and it has never been different during the last twenty-five
years—that they are a separate entity. "
While speaking at the Madras session of the Muslim League in
1941, Mr. Jinnah gave a warning to the British Government in
these words: "I think I have taken much more time of yours than
I thought I would, but it seems to me that I can only wind up
on a note-a note which is really of warning to the British Govern-
ment; because, after all, they are in possession of this land and the
Government of this sub-continent. Please stop your policy of ap-
peasement towards those who are bent upon frustrating the war
effort, doing their best to oppose the prosecution of the war and the
defence of India at this critical moment. Do you want at this
moment to place them in a superior and dominant position now
and after the war? Change the corner-stone of the British policy
in this country. You are not loyal to those who are willing to
stand by you and who sincerely desire to support you.
desire to placate those who have the greatest nuisance-value in
political and economic fields. Give up the dominant feature of
this policy and the character of this policy. It is that you are try-
ing to get on with those who do not want to get on with you. If
you want honestly the support and the co-operation of Muslim
India, place your cards on the table and take action. "
But you
CRIPPS MISSION (1942)
In March 1942, Sir Stafford Cripps was sent to India by the
British Government with certain proposals for ending the dead-
lock prevailing in India. Soon after his arrival in India, he com-
municated the contents of the Draft declaration of the British Gov-
ernment brought by him to India, to Indian leaders on 25 March,
1942. It was provided in the draft declaration that imme-
diately upon the cessation of hostilities, steps would be taken to
set up in India an elected body charged with the task of framing
a new constitution for India. His Majesty's Government under-
took to accept and implement forthwith the constitution so framed
subject only to the right of any Province of British India that was
## p. 837 (#879) ############################################
CRIPPS PROPOSALS
837
not prepared to accept the new constitution to retain its present
constitutional position, provision being made for its subsequent ac-
cession if it so decided. " With such non-acceding provinces, if they
so desire, His Majesty's Government would be prepared to agree
upon a new constitution giving them the same full status as the
Indian union and arrived at by a procedure analogous to that
here laid down.
The Cripps proposals were rejected by the Indian National Con-
gress. The Muslim League was opposed to the creation of a single
Indian Union. It was feared that if one single union was crea-
ted, the creation of another may become impossible. The system
of election by a single electoral college by proportional represen-
tation was opposed. That was not in accordance with the system
of communal representation which enabled the Muslims to send
their own representatives. The League also objected to the me-
thod and procedure for non-accession of Indian Provinces. It was
contended on behalf of the Muslim League that the Provinces of
India were created for administrative convenience and not on any
logical basis. The League demanded the re-distribution of the
Provinces. It opposed the plebiscite by the whole of the adult
population of India. It demanded the inherent right of self-deter-
mination for the Muslims alone. The scheme was not acceptable
to the League because Pakistan was not conceded unequivocally
and the right of Muslim self-determination was denied although
the recognition given to the principle of partition was very much
appreciated. The view of Mr. Jinnah was that "the Draft Dec-
laration, in fact, went some way to meet the Muslim case, but not
far enough. "
After the failure of Cripps' Mission in March 1942, the Con-
gress passed the famous Quit India Resolution on 8 August 1942.
The result was that all the Congress leaders in the country, whe-
ther big or small, were arrested and they remained in jail for
about 3 years. The Muslim League took full advantage of this
.
opportunity as there was practically no rival in the field and was
able to strengthen its position in the country. There was none to
question or contradict the statements made and the false propa-
ganda carried on by the leaders of the Muslim League and their
agents. The Government was also favourably inclined toward
the Muslim League as it was not standing in the way of its war-
effort. No wonder, the Muslim League was able to achieve a lot
during this period.
MUSLIM LEAGUE AND QUIT INDIA RESOLUTION
The Working Committee of the Muslim League which held its
## p. 838 (#880) ############################################
838
PAKISTAN
. . . . . .
sittings from 16 to 20 August, 1942 passed a resolution criticising
the Quit India movement of the Congress in these words: “The
Working Committee of the All-India Muslim League. . . . . . dep-
lores the decision arrived at by the All-India Congress Committee
on August 8, 1942, to launch an open rebellion. . . . . . in pursuance
of their objective of establishing Congress Hindu domination in
India. . . . . It is the considered opinion of the Working Com-
mittee that this movement is directed not only to coerce the British
Government into handing over power to a Hindu oligarchy. . . . .
but also to force the Mussalmans to submit and surrender to the
Congress terms and dictation. ” On 7 September 1942, Mr.
Jinnah congratulated the Muslims "for completely keeping them-
selves aloof from the Mass Civil Disobedience Movement launched
by the Congress. ” He attacked the Congress attempt to establish
democracy in India as a conspiracy to set up a Hindu Raj in the
country. To quote Mr. Jinnah, “When you talk of democracy, you
mean Hindu Raj to dominate over the Muslims, a totally different
nation, different in culture, different in everything. You yourself are
working for Hindu nationalism and Hindu Raj. ” In the course of his
Presidential address at the Karachi session of the Musiim League
held on 24 December, 1943, Mr. Jinnah asked, “Can we Mussal-
mans of India accept Akhand Hindustan, Hindu Raj over the
entire sub-continent? " Speaking at a meeting of the Muslim fede-
”
ration at Bombay on 24 January 1943, Mr. Jinnah described the
Mahasabha as "a counter-part of the Congress. "
Mr. Jinnah also asserted that the Congress could not attain its
objective of independence without the concurrence of the Muslim
League. He asked, “Do the Congress or Mr. Gandhi or other
Hindu leaders think that they can achieve the independence of
India without an agreement with the Muslim League? ” In his
speech at the Muslim Federation of Bombay, Mr. Jinnah. observed,
"The policy adopted—as has been stated by Mr. Gandhi—is a suici-
dal policy. May be that the Mussalmans are numerically one-
fourth. But you cannot always go by counting heads. The Mus-
lims are a very powerful nation in this sub-continent” and “the
hundred million Muslims would undoubtedly revolt and would
never submit to be at the mercy of a Hindu Raj. "
a
PROPAGANDA FOR PAKISTAN
An interesting plea was put forward by the Muslim League in
favour of Pakistan. It was contended that while Pakistan meant
freedom both for the Hindus and Muslims, the Hindu demand
for a united India meant Hindu Rule and Muslim subiection. It
## p. 839 (#881) ############################################
PROPAGANDA FOR PAKISTAN
839
was further contended that the Muslim League aimed at “sovereign
states for Hindus and Muslims in their homelands, guaranteeing
to each the power and opportunity to work out his destiny in his
own way according to his genius, tradition and culture. ” Mr.
Jinnah was prepared to come to terms with Mahatma Gandhi if
the latter accepted the Muslim demand of Pakistan. To quote
Mr. Jinnah, “Nobody would welcome it more than myself if Mr.
Gandhi is even now really willing to come to a settlement with the
Muslim League on the basis of Pakistan. Let me tell you that it
will be the greatest day both for the Hindus and Mussalmans. ”
Mr. Jinnah emphasised the differences between the Hindus and
Muslims and criticised his Hindu friends for their failure to
understand the fundamental differences between the two religions.
To quote Mr. Jinnah, “The Hindus and Muslims belong to two
different religious philosophies, social customs, literatures. They
neither intermarry nor interdine. . . . Their aspects of life and
own life
are different. . . . They have different epics, different
heroes and different episodes. . . . . . To yoke together two such
nations under a single state. . . . . . must lead to growing discontent
and final destruction of any fabric that may be so built up for
the Government of such a state. "
Hindu-Muslim differences were also emphasised by other Mus-
lim writers. Mr. Z. A. Suleri pointed out that “Hindu-Muslim
differences are not born of dress or language; they are fundamen-
tally due to the clash between Hindu and Muslim ideologies. . . . .
Hindus worshipped idols, Mussalmans owe allegiance to one God;
Hindus believed in castes, Muslims repudiate them; Hindus
flourished on interest, Muslims want to abolish it. ” The view
of El Hamza was that National Unity was the product of homo-
geneity and where the population was comprised of "widely differ-
ent elements which owing to complete absence of blood intermixture
and in the presence of great cultural differences are reconcilable
on a national basis, then a common administration instead of
effecting a fusion brings about the opposite result of accentuating
the antagonism between different interests. "
In order to carry on propaganda in favour of Pakistan, a Com-
mittee of writers was set up by the Muslim League with Jamil-ud-
Din as its convener. Pakistan Literature Series were issued in
furtherance of the cause of a separate homeland for the Mussal-
Shaikh Muhammad Ashraf of Kashmiri Bazar, Lahore
served the cause of Pakistan by publishing most of the propaganda
literature. About the Hindu-Muslim differences, Professor Said-
ud-Din Ahmad of the Muslim University, Aligarh observed, “They
possess different faiths. . . . . . While idol-worship is prohibited in
mans.
## p. 840 (#882) ############################################
840
PAKISTAN
the one, it is the basis of prayer in the other. While the Mussalmans
worship only one God, Hindus have many of them. With the
division of divinity, the whole social and moral structure is clearly
demarcated. The forms of prayer and rituals and the places of
pilgrimage are different. ” Professor Said-ud-Din Ahmad went to
the extent of saying that "there is no such thing as an Indian
Nation. ” He described the unity of India as a false notion from
.
the geographical point of view and pointed out four clearly demar-
cated geographical areas in India. It was in this way that he used
his knowledge of geography to support the Muslim demand for
Pakistan.
Jamil-ud-Din Ahmad was in favour of the creation of Pakistan
even before the attainment of independence by India. He employ-
ed militant and diplomatic language to support the cause of Pakis-
tan.
He wrote, “Talk of independence before Pakistan is a camou-
flage intended to hoodwink the Muslims and other minorities.
Pakistan presupposes the independence of India. ” He contended
that free Pakistan and free Hindustan would live in amity and
brotherhood. He put emphasis on the fact that the so-called unity
of India was a myth.
Mr. Jinnah justified the demand for Pakistan on spiritual, cul-
tural and religious grounds. His contention was that the progress
of the Muslims in various spheres of life was not possible without
Pakistan. Only a Muslim independent and sovereign state could
promote the interests of the Muslims. To quote Mr. Jinnah, “We
wish our people to develop to the fullest our spiritual, cultural, eco-
nomic, social and political life in a way that we think best and in
consonance with our own ideals and according to the genius of our
own people. ” The propaganda carried on by Mr. Jinnah was that
it was impossible to live under Congress Raj on account of the
acts of injustices. Moreover, it was absolutely essential for all-
round development of Mussalmans to reside in a separate Muslim
homeland.
Dr. B. R. Ambedkar published in 1941 a book entitled “Thoughts
on Pakistan" and in that he supported the cause of Pakistan. The
book was divided into three parts. The first part was confined
to a statement of the Muslim case for Pakistan. The second part
dealt with the Hindu case against Pakistan and the third part des-
cribed the alternative to Pakistan. Dr. Ambedkar pointed out
that the Muslims asked for administrative areas ethnically homo-
geneous so that they might be constituted into a separate state on
the ground that the Muslims were a separate nation and also be-
cause the Hindus desired to use their majority to treat the Muslims
as second class citizens. The view of Dr. Ambedkar was that there
## p. 841 (#883) ############################################
PROPAGANDA FOR PAKISTAN
841
9
was no substance in the Hindu opposition to Pakistan. The Hindus
feared the break-up of Indian Unity, the weakness of defences and
the inability of Pakistan demand to solve the communal problem.
According to Dr. Ambedkar, the Hindu alternative to Pakistan was
represented in the words of Lala Hardayal in 1925 thus: “I declare
that the future of the Hindu race, of Hindustan and of the Punjab
rests on these four pillars: (1) Hindu Sangathan, (2) Hindu Raj,
(3) Shuddhi of Muslims, and (4) Conquest and Shuddhi of
4
Afghanistan and the frontiers. " Dr. Ambedkar put the Muslim
case for Pakistan in these words: “The Hindus believe that the
Muslim proposal for Pakistan is only a bargaining manoeuvre. . . .
The Muslims repudiate the suggestion. They say there is no
equivalent to Pakistan and therefore they will have Pakistan and
nothing but Pakistan. ”
The leaders of the Muslim League also started threatening civil
war in case Pakistan was not conceded. To quote one Muslim
writer, “If an artificial unity is forced upon India, the result may
be the out-break of a protracted civil war. . . . . . Let the Paks ones
draw the sword to defend their freedom, and they will never look
with friendly eyes upon those who tried to keep them in subjection
by every means within their power. The Paks will then ever look
Westward for alliances and friendship, and Pakistan and her Indian
neighbours will become hereditary eneinies. ” Mr. Jinnah employ-
ed milder language in this connection. To quote him, “No man
can lay down a scheduled programme because it will depend on so
many factors that may develop. . . . . but I know that Muslim
India will not shirk any sacrifice, as we have definitely made up
our minds for the realisation of goal that we have set in front of
us. ” As a matter of fact, the use of force was not merely a threat
but force was actually used to hasten the coming of Pakistan.
The past history of India was quoted to justify the demand for
Pakistan. It was represented that the Muslims were the rulers of
India immediately before the advent of the British in this country
and hence they were the natural successors of the latter by virtue of
the principle of legitimacy. There was no truth in this assertion
because before the British started building up an empire in India,
the Muslim power had completely broken down and the Hindus
had got the upper hand. However, those who were carrying on
propaganda in favour of Pakistan were not bothered about the
falsity of their claim.
It was also asserted that India was never united into a single
nation. An attempt was made to show that India belonged to
none. The Aryans came from outside and displaced the Dravi-
dians. Likewise, the Mussalmans overthrew the sovereignty of the
## p. 842 (#884) ############################################
842
PAKISTAN
Aryans. The Muslim League writers asserted, “A central national
Government is foreign to the genius of the people of India. Such
Government is a graft and imposition; it has never been and can-
not be an organic growth. ” The argument was that as India had
never been a united country, it could be divided between the two
major communities of India and no valid objection could be raised
against it. In the words of El Hamza, “Looking back in the pages
of history we find that at no time did the Muslims and Hindus
become politically one. . .
. . . . . The nearest they came to doing so
was in Akbar's reign. .
Mr. Jinnah tried to misrepresent Mahatma Gandhi as an ortho-
dox Hindu who was under the influence of the Hindu Mahasabha.
In his address to the All-India Muslim League at Delhi on 24 April,
1943, Mr. Jinnah referred to Mahatma Gandhi's statement in
Young India of 12 October, 1921 in which Mahatma Gandhi had
written thus: “I call myself a Sanatani Hindu because firstly I
believe in the Vedas, the Upanishads, the Puranas. . . . . . secondly,
I believe in the Varnashram Dharma. . . . thirdly, I believe in the
protection of cow as an article of faith, and fourthly, I do not dis-
believe in idol worship. ” The object of painting Mahatma Gandhi
in this manner was to convince the Muslims that they could not
pull on with the Congress whose leader Mahatma Gandhi was.
Mr. Jinnah adopted all kinds of methods to alienate the Muslims
from the Hindus and the Congress. He tried to impress upon his
audiences that the future of the Muslims lay with the Muslim
League and they would become the slaves of the Hindus if the
Muslim League was defeated. Addressing the Pathans, Mr. Jinnah
said: “Do you want Pakistan or not? (shouts of Allah-o-Akbar)
(God is great). Well, if you want Pakistan, vote for the League
candidates. If we fail to realize our duty today you will be re-
duced to the status of Sudras (low castes) and Islam will be van-
quished from India. I shall never allow Muslims to be slaves of
Hindus. (Allah-o-Akbar. )”
The students of the Aligarh Muslim University were used by
the Muslim League to carry on propaganda in favour of Pakistan.
It is stated that more than a thousand young Muslim students from
Aligarh were sent to provinces like the Punjab and Sind after giv-
ing them training at a centre for electioneering work. Mr. Jinnah
himself had touch with the leaders of these students. The All-India
Muslim Students Federation was formed and it did a lot of work
in the Punjab.
Orators like Nawab Bahadur Yar Jung and Maulana Zafar Ali
Khan also did a lot of propaganda in favour of Pakistan. It is
said that Nawab Bahadur Yar Jung learnt Pushtu so well that he
## p. 843 (#885) ############################################
PROPAGANDA FOR PAKISTAN
843
could speak it fluently. It was he who was able to take the mes-
sage of the Muslim League to North-Western Frontier Province.
The Nawab was also a great speaker in Urdu and he had the capa-
city of keeping his audiences spell-bound.
The Muslim League was also helped in its work by a powerful
press.
Delhi had Anjam, Jung and Manshoor in Urdu and the
Dawn in English. Lahore had Inqilab, Nawa-i-Waqt, Paisa
Akhbar and Zamindar in Urdu. Lucknow had Hamdam. Cal-
cutta had Asre-Jadid in Urdu, Azad in Bengali and Star of India
in English. In addition to thesc, there were other newspapers and
journals which carried on the Muslim League propaganda in favour
of Pakistan.
Thirty-two articles were published in the Dawn and Manshoor
under the series entitled “It Shall Never Happen Again. ” All kinds
of cock and bull stories were invented to poison the minds of the
Muslims against the Hindus. The object of those articles was to
infuriate the Muslims against the Hindus and the Congress. The
following is an extract from one of those articles: "Was it strange,
then, that tragedy followed, tragedy and blood flowed instead of
the milk of human kindness? Was it strange that Terror stalked
the countryside and rendered the helpless outnumbered few despair-
ing and deperate? Here and there the worm did turn and not all
the conflicts were one-sided. But so indeed could the German
historian accuse the Poles for turning upon the aggressive and death-
dealing Nazi hordes. "
The following poem recited at a Muslim League Conference in
the Mymensingh District in March 1941 and published later in
Bengali daily, Azad, shows the aggressive confidence of the Muslims
while carrying on propaganda in favour of Pakistan:
The oppressed remain silent by seeing the hypocrisy
Of the idolatrous Hindus-oh death-like eddy!
O victorious soldiers; march forward on our
Religious pilgrimage to the Kaaba under the banner of
The League. .
We want Pakistan, a proper division
If it cannot be achieved by words, Muslims
Are not afraid to use swords and spears.
Where are the Muslim youths? We shall attain
The desire of their hearts by tying down the wild tiger.
Come quickly-break down Somnath. . . . . .
The Muslim League also employed the services of the Pirs and
Ulama to further the cause of Pakistan. In 1946, a Masha'ikh
Committee consisting of eminent Pirs and Masha’ikh was appoint-
ed. This Committee included religious leaders like Pir Sahib of
## p. 844 (#886) ############################################
844
PAKISTAN
Manki Sharif, Pir Jama't Ali Shah, Khwaja Nazimuddin of Taunsa
Sharif, Makhdum Raza Shah of Multan etc. Political leaders like
Mamdot, Noon, Shaukat Hayat were presented as Pirs before the
masses to win their votes. Thus, Khan Iftikhar Husain Khan of
Mamdot was described as Pir Mamdot Sharif, Sirdar Shaukat
Hayat Khan as Sajjada Nashin of Wah Sharif, Malik Feroz Khan
Noon of Darbar Sargodha Sharif and Nawab Mohammad Hayat
Qureshi as Sajjada Nashin of Sargodha Sharif.
Mr. Jinnah himself requested the Ulema to help the Muslim
League in its campaigns in favour of Pakistan. Maulana Zafar
Ahmad Osmani was sent to Sylhet and Maulana Shabbir Ahmad
Osmani was sent to the North-Western Frontier Province. In these
Provinces, religion played a very important part. The Muslim
voters in Sylhet were told that those who would not vote for the
Muslim League would become “unbelievers. ” The Muslim League
would not have won in the North-Western Frontier Province with-
out the help of the Pir of Manki Sharif and Maulana Shabbir
Ahmad Osmani and Maulana Abdul Sattar Khan Niazi. The fol-
lowing is an extract from one of the speeches of Maulana Abdul
Sattar Khan Niazi: “We have got two alternatives before us,
whether to join or rather accept the slavery of Bania Brahman Raj
in Hindustan or join the Muslim fraternity, the federation of Mus-
lim provinces. Every Pathan takes it as an insult for him to pros-
trate before Hindu Raj and will gladly sit with his brethren in
Islam in Pakistan Constituent Assembly. A Pathan is a Muslim
first and Muslim last. "
The technique followed by Maulana Shabbir Ahmad Osmani
was that he asked the Muslims to vote for the Muslim League be-
cause it was fighting for the establishment of a Muslim State in
which there was the possibility of establishing a Government based
on Islamic Law and traditions. The opponents of the Muslim
League were described as the enemies of Islam. To use the langu-
age of Maulana Osmani, “Any man who gives his vote to the
opponents of the Muslim League, must think of the ultimate conse-
quences of his action in terms of the interests of his nation and the
answers that he would be called upon to produce on the Day of
Judgment. ” Maulana Osmani also compared the Muslim politics
of his times to those of the Muslim politics during the time of the
Prophet. The argument given was that after the formation of
Pakistan, the Muslims in India would still live under the domina-
tion of the Hindus. The reply of Maulana Osmani was that the
Prophet had migrated from Mecca to set up an Islamic State in
Medina and had left behind the infirm and old Muslims in Mecca.
In the same way, the three crores of Indian Muslims should not
## p. 845 (#887) ############################################
RAJAJI'S FORMULA
845
stand in the way of the welfare and happiness of seven crores of
Muslims in Pakistan. If Pakistan was not established, all the 10
crores of Muslims would be living under the Hindu domination.
It is stated that Liaquat Ali Khan wrote a letter to Mar:lana Zaffar
Ahmad Osmani in which he acknowledged the services rendered by
the Ulama in the cause of Pakistan. The contention of the Mus-
lim leaders was that all means were fair for achieving the objective
of Pakistan.
RAJAJI'S FORMULA
Shri C. Rajagopalachari had been in favour of allowing the
Muslims to have their separate Homeland. As a matter of fact,
he had moved a resolution to that effect before the All India Con-
gress Committee in April-May, 1942, but that resolution was reject-
ed and the Congress Committee passed another resolution in which
it was stated that “any proposal to disintegrate India by giving
liberty to any component state or territorial unit to secede from
the Indian Union or Federation will be highly detrimental to the
best interests of the people of the different States and Provinces
and the country as a whole and the Congress, therefore, cannot
agree to any such proposal. ”
In March, 1944, Shri C. Rajagopalachari put forward his fam-
ous formula to solve the deadlock prevailing in the country.
On 8
April, 1944, he wrote to Mr. Jinnah that his formula had the full
approval of Mahatma Gandhi. That formula accepted the prin-
ciple of Pakistan. The Muslim League was to support the demand
of the Congress for the independence of India. During the transi-
tional period, the Muslim League was to join hands with the Con-
gress in forming a provisional Government. After the War, a
Commission was to be appointed to demarcate those contiguous
areas in North-West and North-East India in which the Muslims
were in absolute majority. A plebiscite of all the inhabitants of
ihose areas was to be taken to decide whether those areas wanted
to be separated from Hindustan or not. If they decided to be
separated, agreements were to be made for Defence, Communica-
tions etc. Those terms were binding on the parties only if the
British Government transferred all control into the hands of the
Indians for the administration of the country. Mr. Jinnah reject-
ed the formula of Rajaji. He condemned the offer of "maimed,
mutilated and moth-eaten Pakistan. ” He declared thai he would
not accept anything less than the six provinces of Sind, Punjab,
North-Western Frontier Province, Baluchistan, Bengal and Assam
subject only to the adjustment of their territories. He was also
>
## p. 846 (#888) ############################################
846
PAKISTAN
opposed to the Non-Muslims living in the Muslim majority areas
to vote along with the Muslims.
To quote Mr. Jinnah, “His (Rajaji's) formula is a parody, a
negation of, and intended to torpedo, the Muslim League's resolu-
tion of March 1944 and when he says that his formula concedes all
that the Muslim League had ever demanded by its resolution, it is
the grossest travesty. . . . . . ” The only point which Mr. Jinnah
appreciated in Rajaji’s formula was that it accepted the principle
of partition or division of India.
Rajaji's formula was criticised from various quarters. On 14
July, 1944, Sardar Santokh Singh, M. L. A. , Sardar Harnam Singh,
President, All India Sikh League, Sardar Joginder Singh and others
signed and issued a joint statement against the formula. The state-
ment said, “We strongly protest against this offer on behalf of the
Sikh community and hereby declare that the Sikhs will fight to the
bitter end against the proposal. ” Dr. N. B. Khare who at that
time was a member of the Viceroy's Executive Council, stated on 15
July, 1944 that "it was clear that Mr. Gandhi had accepted Mr.
What will be their resources and position? (g) What is the authority
that will be in charge of defence, external affairs, etc. ? ”
Regarding the importance of the Lahore Resolution, Dr. Lal
Bahadur says: “The Lahore Resolution was the highest culmination
of Muslim aspirations roused by leaders from Syed Ahmed's times.
But it was never put so boldly as in 1940. It was vehemently cri-
ticised by organisations and individuals on several grounds and
some believed it to be a practical impossibility but its authors knew
that it would, one day, be a reality and those who had statesman-
ship and political imagination understood the danger lurking behind
a demand of this character. It gave the League a new ambition
and new programme. A renewed stress was laid on the two-nation
theory and communal differences were exaggerated with re-doubled
energy. It was, therefore, natural that the relations between the
Congress and the League be marred in their highest degree. "
A Muslim writer contends that the Lahore Resolution was a
landmark in the history of India and that of the Mussalmans.
Before the passing of that resolution, Muslim India had no goal
in view and Muslim politics remained in the hands of individuals
who had conflicting interests and inclinations. Very often, the col-
lective good of the Muslims suffered either at their hands or at the
hands of their agents and wire-pullers. Dr. Iqbal and his followers
had tried to place a goal before the Muslims but they were not
able to achieve it. It was left to Jinnah to fulfil the aspirations
of the Muslims. It was under his leadership that the Muslims of
India were organised and learned the lesson that their organisation
was more important than the individuals. By and by, the British
Government came to realise that nothing could be done in India
without the consent and approval of the Muslims, the Muslim
League and Mr. Jinnah.
It looked strange to Mr. Jinnah that “men like Mr. Gandhi and
## p. 835 (#877) ############################################
AUGUST OFFER AND LEAGUE
835
Mr. Rajagopalachari should talk about the Lahore resolution in
such terms as 'vivisection of India' and 'cutting the baby into two
halves'. Surely, today India is divided and partitioned by Nature.
Muslim India and Hindu India exist on the physical map
of India, I fail to see why there is this hue and cry. Where is the
nation which is denationalised? India is composed of nationalities,
to say nothing about the castes and sub-castes. Where is the cen-
tral national Government whose authority is being violated? India
is held by the British power and that is the hand that holds and
gives the impression of a United India and a unitary Government.
Indian nation and Central Government do not exist. It is only
the convenient imagination of the Congress High Command. It
is pure intellectual and mental luxury, in which some of the Hindu
leaders have been indulging so recklessly. "
On 8 August, 1940 Lord Linlithgow made a statement on behalf
of the British Government. This is known as the August Offer.
It was clearly stated by the Viceroy that in view of the doubts as to
whether the position of the minorities would be sufficiently safe-
guarded in any future constitutional change, the British Govern-
ment reaffirmed its desire that full weight should be given to minority
opinion. “It goes without saying that they could not contemplate
transfer of their present responsibilities for the peace and welfare
of India to any system of Government whose authority is directly
denied by large and powerfui elements in India's national life.
Nor could they be parties to the coercion of such elements into sub-
mission to such a Government. "
The Working Committee of the Muslim League welcomed that
part of the August Offer which was condemned by the Congress.
It was resolved that the August Offer met the demand of the
League "for a clear assurance to the effect that no future constitu-
tion, interim or final, should be adopted by the British Govern-
ment without their approval and consent. ” It was also declared
that "the partition of India was the only solution of the most diffi-
cult problem of India's future constitution. ” In spite of this the
Muslim League neither accepted nor rejected the August Offer.
While addressing the Central Assembly in November, 1940, Mr.
Jinnah emphatically declared: “And although I am pressed for
time, I think I must tell the House the correct position. And I
tell you and my Congress friends that they have still at the back
of their mind the idea that the Congress and Congress alone
re-
present the country, the people of India, the Indian nation, and
so on; that they alone are the spokesmen, and that the Muslims
and others are minorities. I say this on the floor of this House
that the reason why there has not been a settlement between the
>
## p. 836 (#878) ############################################
836
PAKISTAN
Hindus and Musalmans is that the Congress is a Hindu organi-
sation, whatever they may say—that the Hindu leaders and Con-
gres leaders have had always at the back of their minds the basis
that the Musalmans have to come within the ken of the Congress
and the Hindu Raj, that they are a minority, and all that they
can justly press for is merely safeguards as a minority, whereas let
me tell gentlemen of the Congress and the Nationalist Congress
Party members that the Musalmans always had at their back the
basis—and it has never been different during the last twenty-five
years—that they are a separate entity. "
While speaking at the Madras session of the Muslim League in
1941, Mr. Jinnah gave a warning to the British Government in
these words: "I think I have taken much more time of yours than
I thought I would, but it seems to me that I can only wind up
on a note-a note which is really of warning to the British Govern-
ment; because, after all, they are in possession of this land and the
Government of this sub-continent. Please stop your policy of ap-
peasement towards those who are bent upon frustrating the war
effort, doing their best to oppose the prosecution of the war and the
defence of India at this critical moment. Do you want at this
moment to place them in a superior and dominant position now
and after the war? Change the corner-stone of the British policy
in this country. You are not loyal to those who are willing to
stand by you and who sincerely desire to support you.
desire to placate those who have the greatest nuisance-value in
political and economic fields. Give up the dominant feature of
this policy and the character of this policy. It is that you are try-
ing to get on with those who do not want to get on with you. If
you want honestly the support and the co-operation of Muslim
India, place your cards on the table and take action. "
But you
CRIPPS MISSION (1942)
In March 1942, Sir Stafford Cripps was sent to India by the
British Government with certain proposals for ending the dead-
lock prevailing in India. Soon after his arrival in India, he com-
municated the contents of the Draft declaration of the British Gov-
ernment brought by him to India, to Indian leaders on 25 March,
1942. It was provided in the draft declaration that imme-
diately upon the cessation of hostilities, steps would be taken to
set up in India an elected body charged with the task of framing
a new constitution for India. His Majesty's Government under-
took to accept and implement forthwith the constitution so framed
subject only to the right of any Province of British India that was
## p. 837 (#879) ############################################
CRIPPS PROPOSALS
837
not prepared to accept the new constitution to retain its present
constitutional position, provision being made for its subsequent ac-
cession if it so decided. " With such non-acceding provinces, if they
so desire, His Majesty's Government would be prepared to agree
upon a new constitution giving them the same full status as the
Indian union and arrived at by a procedure analogous to that
here laid down.
The Cripps proposals were rejected by the Indian National Con-
gress. The Muslim League was opposed to the creation of a single
Indian Union. It was feared that if one single union was crea-
ted, the creation of another may become impossible. The system
of election by a single electoral college by proportional represen-
tation was opposed. That was not in accordance with the system
of communal representation which enabled the Muslims to send
their own representatives. The League also objected to the me-
thod and procedure for non-accession of Indian Provinces. It was
contended on behalf of the Muslim League that the Provinces of
India were created for administrative convenience and not on any
logical basis. The League demanded the re-distribution of the
Provinces. It opposed the plebiscite by the whole of the adult
population of India. It demanded the inherent right of self-deter-
mination for the Muslims alone. The scheme was not acceptable
to the League because Pakistan was not conceded unequivocally
and the right of Muslim self-determination was denied although
the recognition given to the principle of partition was very much
appreciated. The view of Mr. Jinnah was that "the Draft Dec-
laration, in fact, went some way to meet the Muslim case, but not
far enough. "
After the failure of Cripps' Mission in March 1942, the Con-
gress passed the famous Quit India Resolution on 8 August 1942.
The result was that all the Congress leaders in the country, whe-
ther big or small, were arrested and they remained in jail for
about 3 years. The Muslim League took full advantage of this
.
opportunity as there was practically no rival in the field and was
able to strengthen its position in the country. There was none to
question or contradict the statements made and the false propa-
ganda carried on by the leaders of the Muslim League and their
agents. The Government was also favourably inclined toward
the Muslim League as it was not standing in the way of its war-
effort. No wonder, the Muslim League was able to achieve a lot
during this period.
MUSLIM LEAGUE AND QUIT INDIA RESOLUTION
The Working Committee of the Muslim League which held its
## p. 838 (#880) ############################################
838
PAKISTAN
. . . . . .
sittings from 16 to 20 August, 1942 passed a resolution criticising
the Quit India movement of the Congress in these words: “The
Working Committee of the All-India Muslim League. . . . . . dep-
lores the decision arrived at by the All-India Congress Committee
on August 8, 1942, to launch an open rebellion. . . . . . in pursuance
of their objective of establishing Congress Hindu domination in
India. . . . . It is the considered opinion of the Working Com-
mittee that this movement is directed not only to coerce the British
Government into handing over power to a Hindu oligarchy. . . . .
but also to force the Mussalmans to submit and surrender to the
Congress terms and dictation. ” On 7 September 1942, Mr.
Jinnah congratulated the Muslims "for completely keeping them-
selves aloof from the Mass Civil Disobedience Movement launched
by the Congress. ” He attacked the Congress attempt to establish
democracy in India as a conspiracy to set up a Hindu Raj in the
country. To quote Mr. Jinnah, “When you talk of democracy, you
mean Hindu Raj to dominate over the Muslims, a totally different
nation, different in culture, different in everything. You yourself are
working for Hindu nationalism and Hindu Raj. ” In the course of his
Presidential address at the Karachi session of the Musiim League
held on 24 December, 1943, Mr. Jinnah asked, “Can we Mussal-
mans of India accept Akhand Hindustan, Hindu Raj over the
entire sub-continent? " Speaking at a meeting of the Muslim fede-
”
ration at Bombay on 24 January 1943, Mr. Jinnah described the
Mahasabha as "a counter-part of the Congress. "
Mr. Jinnah also asserted that the Congress could not attain its
objective of independence without the concurrence of the Muslim
League. He asked, “Do the Congress or Mr. Gandhi or other
Hindu leaders think that they can achieve the independence of
India without an agreement with the Muslim League? ” In his
speech at the Muslim Federation of Bombay, Mr. Jinnah. observed,
"The policy adopted—as has been stated by Mr. Gandhi—is a suici-
dal policy. May be that the Mussalmans are numerically one-
fourth. But you cannot always go by counting heads. The Mus-
lims are a very powerful nation in this sub-continent” and “the
hundred million Muslims would undoubtedly revolt and would
never submit to be at the mercy of a Hindu Raj. "
a
PROPAGANDA FOR PAKISTAN
An interesting plea was put forward by the Muslim League in
favour of Pakistan. It was contended that while Pakistan meant
freedom both for the Hindus and Muslims, the Hindu demand
for a united India meant Hindu Rule and Muslim subiection. It
## p. 839 (#881) ############################################
PROPAGANDA FOR PAKISTAN
839
was further contended that the Muslim League aimed at “sovereign
states for Hindus and Muslims in their homelands, guaranteeing
to each the power and opportunity to work out his destiny in his
own way according to his genius, tradition and culture. ” Mr.
Jinnah was prepared to come to terms with Mahatma Gandhi if
the latter accepted the Muslim demand of Pakistan. To quote
Mr. Jinnah, “Nobody would welcome it more than myself if Mr.
Gandhi is even now really willing to come to a settlement with the
Muslim League on the basis of Pakistan. Let me tell you that it
will be the greatest day both for the Hindus and Mussalmans. ”
Mr. Jinnah emphasised the differences between the Hindus and
Muslims and criticised his Hindu friends for their failure to
understand the fundamental differences between the two religions.
To quote Mr. Jinnah, “The Hindus and Muslims belong to two
different religious philosophies, social customs, literatures. They
neither intermarry nor interdine. . . . Their aspects of life and
own life
are different. . . . They have different epics, different
heroes and different episodes. . . . . . To yoke together two such
nations under a single state. . . . . . must lead to growing discontent
and final destruction of any fabric that may be so built up for
the Government of such a state. "
Hindu-Muslim differences were also emphasised by other Mus-
lim writers. Mr. Z. A. Suleri pointed out that “Hindu-Muslim
differences are not born of dress or language; they are fundamen-
tally due to the clash between Hindu and Muslim ideologies. . . . .
Hindus worshipped idols, Mussalmans owe allegiance to one God;
Hindus believed in castes, Muslims repudiate them; Hindus
flourished on interest, Muslims want to abolish it. ” The view
of El Hamza was that National Unity was the product of homo-
geneity and where the population was comprised of "widely differ-
ent elements which owing to complete absence of blood intermixture
and in the presence of great cultural differences are reconcilable
on a national basis, then a common administration instead of
effecting a fusion brings about the opposite result of accentuating
the antagonism between different interests. "
In order to carry on propaganda in favour of Pakistan, a Com-
mittee of writers was set up by the Muslim League with Jamil-ud-
Din as its convener. Pakistan Literature Series were issued in
furtherance of the cause of a separate homeland for the Mussal-
Shaikh Muhammad Ashraf of Kashmiri Bazar, Lahore
served the cause of Pakistan by publishing most of the propaganda
literature. About the Hindu-Muslim differences, Professor Said-
ud-Din Ahmad of the Muslim University, Aligarh observed, “They
possess different faiths. . . . . . While idol-worship is prohibited in
mans.
## p. 840 (#882) ############################################
840
PAKISTAN
the one, it is the basis of prayer in the other. While the Mussalmans
worship only one God, Hindus have many of them. With the
division of divinity, the whole social and moral structure is clearly
demarcated. The forms of prayer and rituals and the places of
pilgrimage are different. ” Professor Said-ud-Din Ahmad went to
the extent of saying that "there is no such thing as an Indian
Nation. ” He described the unity of India as a false notion from
.
the geographical point of view and pointed out four clearly demar-
cated geographical areas in India. It was in this way that he used
his knowledge of geography to support the Muslim demand for
Pakistan.
Jamil-ud-Din Ahmad was in favour of the creation of Pakistan
even before the attainment of independence by India. He employ-
ed militant and diplomatic language to support the cause of Pakis-
tan.
He wrote, “Talk of independence before Pakistan is a camou-
flage intended to hoodwink the Muslims and other minorities.
Pakistan presupposes the independence of India. ” He contended
that free Pakistan and free Hindustan would live in amity and
brotherhood. He put emphasis on the fact that the so-called unity
of India was a myth.
Mr. Jinnah justified the demand for Pakistan on spiritual, cul-
tural and religious grounds. His contention was that the progress
of the Muslims in various spheres of life was not possible without
Pakistan. Only a Muslim independent and sovereign state could
promote the interests of the Muslims. To quote Mr. Jinnah, “We
wish our people to develop to the fullest our spiritual, cultural, eco-
nomic, social and political life in a way that we think best and in
consonance with our own ideals and according to the genius of our
own people. ” The propaganda carried on by Mr. Jinnah was that
it was impossible to live under Congress Raj on account of the
acts of injustices. Moreover, it was absolutely essential for all-
round development of Mussalmans to reside in a separate Muslim
homeland.
Dr. B. R. Ambedkar published in 1941 a book entitled “Thoughts
on Pakistan" and in that he supported the cause of Pakistan. The
book was divided into three parts. The first part was confined
to a statement of the Muslim case for Pakistan. The second part
dealt with the Hindu case against Pakistan and the third part des-
cribed the alternative to Pakistan. Dr. Ambedkar pointed out
that the Muslims asked for administrative areas ethnically homo-
geneous so that they might be constituted into a separate state on
the ground that the Muslims were a separate nation and also be-
cause the Hindus desired to use their majority to treat the Muslims
as second class citizens. The view of Dr. Ambedkar was that there
## p. 841 (#883) ############################################
PROPAGANDA FOR PAKISTAN
841
9
was no substance in the Hindu opposition to Pakistan. The Hindus
feared the break-up of Indian Unity, the weakness of defences and
the inability of Pakistan demand to solve the communal problem.
According to Dr. Ambedkar, the Hindu alternative to Pakistan was
represented in the words of Lala Hardayal in 1925 thus: “I declare
that the future of the Hindu race, of Hindustan and of the Punjab
rests on these four pillars: (1) Hindu Sangathan, (2) Hindu Raj,
(3) Shuddhi of Muslims, and (4) Conquest and Shuddhi of
4
Afghanistan and the frontiers. " Dr. Ambedkar put the Muslim
case for Pakistan in these words: “The Hindus believe that the
Muslim proposal for Pakistan is only a bargaining manoeuvre. . . .
The Muslims repudiate the suggestion. They say there is no
equivalent to Pakistan and therefore they will have Pakistan and
nothing but Pakistan. ”
The leaders of the Muslim League also started threatening civil
war in case Pakistan was not conceded. To quote one Muslim
writer, “If an artificial unity is forced upon India, the result may
be the out-break of a protracted civil war. . . . . . Let the Paks ones
draw the sword to defend their freedom, and they will never look
with friendly eyes upon those who tried to keep them in subjection
by every means within their power. The Paks will then ever look
Westward for alliances and friendship, and Pakistan and her Indian
neighbours will become hereditary eneinies. ” Mr. Jinnah employ-
ed milder language in this connection. To quote him, “No man
can lay down a scheduled programme because it will depend on so
many factors that may develop. . . . . but I know that Muslim
India will not shirk any sacrifice, as we have definitely made up
our minds for the realisation of goal that we have set in front of
us. ” As a matter of fact, the use of force was not merely a threat
but force was actually used to hasten the coming of Pakistan.
The past history of India was quoted to justify the demand for
Pakistan. It was represented that the Muslims were the rulers of
India immediately before the advent of the British in this country
and hence they were the natural successors of the latter by virtue of
the principle of legitimacy. There was no truth in this assertion
because before the British started building up an empire in India,
the Muslim power had completely broken down and the Hindus
had got the upper hand. However, those who were carrying on
propaganda in favour of Pakistan were not bothered about the
falsity of their claim.
It was also asserted that India was never united into a single
nation. An attempt was made to show that India belonged to
none. The Aryans came from outside and displaced the Dravi-
dians. Likewise, the Mussalmans overthrew the sovereignty of the
## p. 842 (#884) ############################################
842
PAKISTAN
Aryans. The Muslim League writers asserted, “A central national
Government is foreign to the genius of the people of India. Such
Government is a graft and imposition; it has never been and can-
not be an organic growth. ” The argument was that as India had
never been a united country, it could be divided between the two
major communities of India and no valid objection could be raised
against it. In the words of El Hamza, “Looking back in the pages
of history we find that at no time did the Muslims and Hindus
become politically one. . .
. . . . . The nearest they came to doing so
was in Akbar's reign. .
Mr. Jinnah tried to misrepresent Mahatma Gandhi as an ortho-
dox Hindu who was under the influence of the Hindu Mahasabha.
In his address to the All-India Muslim League at Delhi on 24 April,
1943, Mr. Jinnah referred to Mahatma Gandhi's statement in
Young India of 12 October, 1921 in which Mahatma Gandhi had
written thus: “I call myself a Sanatani Hindu because firstly I
believe in the Vedas, the Upanishads, the Puranas. . . . . . secondly,
I believe in the Varnashram Dharma. . . . thirdly, I believe in the
protection of cow as an article of faith, and fourthly, I do not dis-
believe in idol worship. ” The object of painting Mahatma Gandhi
in this manner was to convince the Muslims that they could not
pull on with the Congress whose leader Mahatma Gandhi was.
Mr. Jinnah adopted all kinds of methods to alienate the Muslims
from the Hindus and the Congress. He tried to impress upon his
audiences that the future of the Muslims lay with the Muslim
League and they would become the slaves of the Hindus if the
Muslim League was defeated. Addressing the Pathans, Mr. Jinnah
said: “Do you want Pakistan or not? (shouts of Allah-o-Akbar)
(God is great). Well, if you want Pakistan, vote for the League
candidates. If we fail to realize our duty today you will be re-
duced to the status of Sudras (low castes) and Islam will be van-
quished from India. I shall never allow Muslims to be slaves of
Hindus. (Allah-o-Akbar. )”
The students of the Aligarh Muslim University were used by
the Muslim League to carry on propaganda in favour of Pakistan.
It is stated that more than a thousand young Muslim students from
Aligarh were sent to provinces like the Punjab and Sind after giv-
ing them training at a centre for electioneering work. Mr. Jinnah
himself had touch with the leaders of these students. The All-India
Muslim Students Federation was formed and it did a lot of work
in the Punjab.
Orators like Nawab Bahadur Yar Jung and Maulana Zafar Ali
Khan also did a lot of propaganda in favour of Pakistan. It is
said that Nawab Bahadur Yar Jung learnt Pushtu so well that he
## p. 843 (#885) ############################################
PROPAGANDA FOR PAKISTAN
843
could speak it fluently. It was he who was able to take the mes-
sage of the Muslim League to North-Western Frontier Province.
The Nawab was also a great speaker in Urdu and he had the capa-
city of keeping his audiences spell-bound.
The Muslim League was also helped in its work by a powerful
press.
Delhi had Anjam, Jung and Manshoor in Urdu and the
Dawn in English. Lahore had Inqilab, Nawa-i-Waqt, Paisa
Akhbar and Zamindar in Urdu. Lucknow had Hamdam. Cal-
cutta had Asre-Jadid in Urdu, Azad in Bengali and Star of India
in English. In addition to thesc, there were other newspapers and
journals which carried on the Muslim League propaganda in favour
of Pakistan.
Thirty-two articles were published in the Dawn and Manshoor
under the series entitled “It Shall Never Happen Again. ” All kinds
of cock and bull stories were invented to poison the minds of the
Muslims against the Hindus. The object of those articles was to
infuriate the Muslims against the Hindus and the Congress. The
following is an extract from one of those articles: "Was it strange,
then, that tragedy followed, tragedy and blood flowed instead of
the milk of human kindness? Was it strange that Terror stalked
the countryside and rendered the helpless outnumbered few despair-
ing and deperate? Here and there the worm did turn and not all
the conflicts were one-sided. But so indeed could the German
historian accuse the Poles for turning upon the aggressive and death-
dealing Nazi hordes. "
The following poem recited at a Muslim League Conference in
the Mymensingh District in March 1941 and published later in
Bengali daily, Azad, shows the aggressive confidence of the Muslims
while carrying on propaganda in favour of Pakistan:
The oppressed remain silent by seeing the hypocrisy
Of the idolatrous Hindus-oh death-like eddy!
O victorious soldiers; march forward on our
Religious pilgrimage to the Kaaba under the banner of
The League. .
We want Pakistan, a proper division
If it cannot be achieved by words, Muslims
Are not afraid to use swords and spears.
Where are the Muslim youths? We shall attain
The desire of their hearts by tying down the wild tiger.
Come quickly-break down Somnath. . . . . .
The Muslim League also employed the services of the Pirs and
Ulama to further the cause of Pakistan. In 1946, a Masha'ikh
Committee consisting of eminent Pirs and Masha’ikh was appoint-
ed. This Committee included religious leaders like Pir Sahib of
## p. 844 (#886) ############################################
844
PAKISTAN
Manki Sharif, Pir Jama't Ali Shah, Khwaja Nazimuddin of Taunsa
Sharif, Makhdum Raza Shah of Multan etc. Political leaders like
Mamdot, Noon, Shaukat Hayat were presented as Pirs before the
masses to win their votes. Thus, Khan Iftikhar Husain Khan of
Mamdot was described as Pir Mamdot Sharif, Sirdar Shaukat
Hayat Khan as Sajjada Nashin of Wah Sharif, Malik Feroz Khan
Noon of Darbar Sargodha Sharif and Nawab Mohammad Hayat
Qureshi as Sajjada Nashin of Sargodha Sharif.
Mr. Jinnah himself requested the Ulema to help the Muslim
League in its campaigns in favour of Pakistan. Maulana Zafar
Ahmad Osmani was sent to Sylhet and Maulana Shabbir Ahmad
Osmani was sent to the North-Western Frontier Province. In these
Provinces, religion played a very important part. The Muslim
voters in Sylhet were told that those who would not vote for the
Muslim League would become “unbelievers. ” The Muslim League
would not have won in the North-Western Frontier Province with-
out the help of the Pir of Manki Sharif and Maulana Shabbir
Ahmad Osmani and Maulana Abdul Sattar Khan Niazi. The fol-
lowing is an extract from one of the speeches of Maulana Abdul
Sattar Khan Niazi: “We have got two alternatives before us,
whether to join or rather accept the slavery of Bania Brahman Raj
in Hindustan or join the Muslim fraternity, the federation of Mus-
lim provinces. Every Pathan takes it as an insult for him to pros-
trate before Hindu Raj and will gladly sit with his brethren in
Islam in Pakistan Constituent Assembly. A Pathan is a Muslim
first and Muslim last. "
The technique followed by Maulana Shabbir Ahmad Osmani
was that he asked the Muslims to vote for the Muslim League be-
cause it was fighting for the establishment of a Muslim State in
which there was the possibility of establishing a Government based
on Islamic Law and traditions. The opponents of the Muslim
League were described as the enemies of Islam. To use the langu-
age of Maulana Osmani, “Any man who gives his vote to the
opponents of the Muslim League, must think of the ultimate conse-
quences of his action in terms of the interests of his nation and the
answers that he would be called upon to produce on the Day of
Judgment. ” Maulana Osmani also compared the Muslim politics
of his times to those of the Muslim politics during the time of the
Prophet. The argument given was that after the formation of
Pakistan, the Muslims in India would still live under the domina-
tion of the Hindus. The reply of Maulana Osmani was that the
Prophet had migrated from Mecca to set up an Islamic State in
Medina and had left behind the infirm and old Muslims in Mecca.
In the same way, the three crores of Indian Muslims should not
## p. 845 (#887) ############################################
RAJAJI'S FORMULA
845
stand in the way of the welfare and happiness of seven crores of
Muslims in Pakistan. If Pakistan was not established, all the 10
crores of Muslims would be living under the Hindu domination.
It is stated that Liaquat Ali Khan wrote a letter to Mar:lana Zaffar
Ahmad Osmani in which he acknowledged the services rendered by
the Ulama in the cause of Pakistan. The contention of the Mus-
lim leaders was that all means were fair for achieving the objective
of Pakistan.
RAJAJI'S FORMULA
Shri C. Rajagopalachari had been in favour of allowing the
Muslims to have their separate Homeland. As a matter of fact,
he had moved a resolution to that effect before the All India Con-
gress Committee in April-May, 1942, but that resolution was reject-
ed and the Congress Committee passed another resolution in which
it was stated that “any proposal to disintegrate India by giving
liberty to any component state or territorial unit to secede from
the Indian Union or Federation will be highly detrimental to the
best interests of the people of the different States and Provinces
and the country as a whole and the Congress, therefore, cannot
agree to any such proposal. ”
In March, 1944, Shri C. Rajagopalachari put forward his fam-
ous formula to solve the deadlock prevailing in the country.
On 8
April, 1944, he wrote to Mr. Jinnah that his formula had the full
approval of Mahatma Gandhi. That formula accepted the prin-
ciple of Pakistan. The Muslim League was to support the demand
of the Congress for the independence of India. During the transi-
tional period, the Muslim League was to join hands with the Con-
gress in forming a provisional Government. After the War, a
Commission was to be appointed to demarcate those contiguous
areas in North-West and North-East India in which the Muslims
were in absolute majority. A plebiscite of all the inhabitants of
ihose areas was to be taken to decide whether those areas wanted
to be separated from Hindustan or not. If they decided to be
separated, agreements were to be made for Defence, Communica-
tions etc. Those terms were binding on the parties only if the
British Government transferred all control into the hands of the
Indians for the administration of the country. Mr. Jinnah reject-
ed the formula of Rajaji. He condemned the offer of "maimed,
mutilated and moth-eaten Pakistan. ” He declared thai he would
not accept anything less than the six provinces of Sind, Punjab,
North-Western Frontier Province, Baluchistan, Bengal and Assam
subject only to the adjustment of their territories. He was also
>
## p. 846 (#888) ############################################
846
PAKISTAN
opposed to the Non-Muslims living in the Muslim majority areas
to vote along with the Muslims.
To quote Mr. Jinnah, “His (Rajaji's) formula is a parody, a
negation of, and intended to torpedo, the Muslim League's resolu-
tion of March 1944 and when he says that his formula concedes all
that the Muslim League had ever demanded by its resolution, it is
the grossest travesty. . . . . . ” The only point which Mr. Jinnah
appreciated in Rajaji’s formula was that it accepted the principle
of partition or division of India.
Rajaji's formula was criticised from various quarters. On 14
July, 1944, Sardar Santokh Singh, M. L. A. , Sardar Harnam Singh,
President, All India Sikh League, Sardar Joginder Singh and others
signed and issued a joint statement against the formula. The state-
ment said, “We strongly protest against this offer on behalf of the
Sikh community and hereby declare that the Sikhs will fight to the
bitter end against the proposal. ” Dr. N. B. Khare who at that
time was a member of the Viceroy's Executive Council, stated on 15
July, 1944 that "it was clear that Mr. Gandhi had accepted Mr.
