To be sure, too, Honor
Dryden, though she inherited a large portion, never married.
Dryden, though she inherited a large portion, never married.
Cambridge History of English Literature - 1908 - v08
Harvey and the circulation of the
blood. Other great physiologists and physicians: Sir Theodore de
Mayerne; John Mayow; Thomas Sydenham; Francis Glisson.
bert Boyle. Origin and beginnings of the Royal Society.
Contemporary poets and scientific research : Cowley, Donne, Butler.
Political economists of the seventeenth century: Sir William
Petty and Locke
:
349
CHAPTER XVI
THE ESSAY AND THE BEGINNING OF MODERN
ENGLISH PROSE
By A. A. TILLEY, M. A. , Fellow of King's College
The new prose and its causes. Interest in science and demand for
clearness of style. Growing plainness and simplicity of pulpit
oratory. The style of Dryden and its conversational character.
Early beginnings of French influence on English literature; its
increase under Charles I. English exiles in France: D'Avenant,
Cowley and others. French influence through translations. Heroic
romances. Urquhart's Rabelais; Pascal; Descartes; Corneille,
Racine and Molière. Influence of French criticism. Boileau.
Chapelain, Le Bossu and Dacier. Evidence of Dryden, Rapin and
Rymer. Saint-Évremond and the renewal of the popularity of
Montaigne in England. Francis Osborne. Cowley's Essays.
Sir William Temple, Dorothy Osborne and lady Giffard. Temple's
letters and Memoirs. His miscellaneous works: Essays. In-
fluence of Montaigne. Halifax's Miscellanies: The Character of
a Trimmer; A Letter to a Dissenter. Clarendon's Essays. Dry-
den's influence on English style. The Preface to the Fables
368
391
Bibliographies.
Table of Principal Dates
Index of Names
484
488
## p. xiv (#20) #############################################
## p. xv (#21) ##############################################
THE CAMBRIDGE HISTORY
OF ENGLISH LITERATURE
VOLUME VIII. THE AGE OF DRYDEN
Second Impression, 1920, Corrections and Additions
The errata mentioned in volumes of the History published later than the first
edition of this volume have been corrected in the present impression. In addition,
some misprints noticed later have been corrected, and a few alterations made.
Addenda to the present (2nd) impression
p. 50, 11. 6, 7. Mr H. B. Wheatley had in his possession Tonson's accounts with
Dryden, which give some further information as to the terms of the subscription.
p. 215, 11. 14–19 should be omitted. The verses, “Why dost thou shade thy lovely
face,' here ascribed to Rochester, are the work of Quarles, and were first published in
his Emblems. They have been printed in many editions of Rochester's poems, but
whether they were claimed by him in jest, or falsely attributed to him by his editors,
we have no means of knowing.
The following additions should be made to the bibliographies :
pp. 391 ff. chapter i. Dryden:
Under Drydeniana:
Villiers, George, 2nd duke of Buckingham. The Rehearsal. Ed. Summers, M.
Shakespeare Head Press. 1914.
Under Modern Criticism:
Babington, Percy L. Dryden not the Author of “Macflecknoe. ' Rptd from The
Modern Language Review, Vol. xm, No. 1, January 1918.
[An attempt, notable, but not convincing, to father MacFlecknoe on Oldham. ]
Boas, F. S. Stage Censorship under Charles I. I. The Amboyna Outrage. The
Times Literary Supplement, 13 Dec. 1917.
[An extremely interesting account of an earlier dramatic treatment (1633) of
the same incident. ]
Verrall, A. W. Dryden. In Collected Literary Essays, Classical and Modern. Ed.
Bayfield, M. A. , and Duff, J. D. (1913).
Lectures on Dryden. Ed. Margaret de G. Verrall. Cambridge, 1914.
pp. 416 ff. chapters v, vi and vii. The Restoration Drama:
Nettleton, G. H. English Drama of the Restoration and Eighteenth Century (1642–
1780). 1914.
pp. 464 ff. chapter xil. Legal Literature:
Worrall, John. Bibliotheca Legum: a new and complete list of the Common and
Statute Law Books of this Realm up to 1735, Alphabetically arranged. 1736.
## p. xvi (#22) #############################################
pp. 471 ff. chapter xiv. John Locke:
Locke, John. Lettres inédites à ses amis. Ed. Ollion, H. and Boei, T. J. de. La
Haye, 1912.
Gibson, J. Locke's Theory of Knowledge. Cambridge, 1917.
pp. 480 ff. chapter xvi. The Essay and the beginning of Modern English Prose :
Cowley, Abraham. Essays and other Prose Writings. Ed. Gough, A. B. Oxford,
1915.
Savile, George, Marquis of Halifax. Complete Works. Ed. Raleigh, Sir W. Oxford,
1912.
Under B. French Influence, etc. :
Villey, P. L'influence de Montaigne sur Charles Blount et sur les Déistes anglais.
Rev. du seizième siècle, 1, pp. 190 ff. and 392 ff.
## p. 1 (#23) ###############################################
CHAPTER I
DRYDEN
1
"THE Age of Dryden' seems an expression as appropriate as
any description of a literary period by the name of a single writer
can be, and yet, in one sense, it is a misnomer. On the one hand,
in the chapter of English literary history which more or less covers
the forty years between the restoration and the opening of the
eighteenth century, not only is Dryden's the most conspicuous
personality, but there are few literary movements of importance
marking the period of which he did not, as if by right divine,
assume the leadership, and which did not owe to him most of what
vitality they proved to possess. On the other hand, as has been
again and again pointed out, Dryden, of all great English writers,
and, more especially, of all great English poets, was the least
original, the least capable of inspiring his generation with new
ideas, of discovering for it new sources of emotion, even of pro-
ducing new artistic forms. Many currents of thought and feeling
suggested to him by his age were supplied by the power of his
genius with an impetus of unprecedented strength; more than
one literary form, offering itself for his use at an inchoate, or at
a relatively advanced, stage of development owed the recognition
which it secured to the resourceful treatment of it by his master-
hand. Whether or not the debt which his extraordinary pro-
ductivity as a writer owed to the opportunities given him by his
times can be taken into account as against the transformation of
his material by his genius may be regarded as a question open
to debate. There cannot, however, be any doubt at all that
neither can Dryden's own achievements be appreciated apart
from the influences of his age, nor is any judgment of the literary
produce of that age, as a whole, to be formed without an estimate
of his contribution to it being regarded as the dominant factor in
the result. Thus, in an attempt to sketch, once more, the course
of his literary endeavours, it would be futile to detach their
1
E. L. VIII.
CH. 1.
## p. 2 (#24) ###############################################
N
Dryden
succession from the experiences of his personal life, largely deter-
mined, as these were, by political reaction and revolution, and by
other changes in the condition of the country and in that of its
intellectual centre, the capital.
John Dryden (he wrote his name thus, though, before him, the
spelling was varied both by his kinsmen and by his parents) was
born 9 August 1631, in the parsonage house of Aldwinkle All
Saints, near Oundle in Northamptonshire, of which his maternal
grandfather, Henry Pickering, was rector! . His parents were of
good county descent; but his father, Erasmus Dryden, was a
younger son with many brothers and sisters, and his estate at
Blakesley, on the other side of the county (near Canons-Ashby,
the family seat), which afterwards descended to the poet, con-
siderably burdened, was valued at sixty pounds a year in the
money of the time. He appears to have resided generally at
Tichmarsh, the chief seat of his wife's family, near Oundle. On
both the father's and the mother's side, the future laureate of the
Stewarts was connected with the parliamentary side; his mother's
cousin-german, Sir Gilbert Pickering, was one of the judges of
Charles I (though he did not sit on the final day), and, afterwards,
became chamberlain at the protector Oliver's court and a member
a
of his House of Lords? . After receiving his early education either
at Tichmarsh or (as is the more usual tradition) at Oundle grammar
school, Dryden—at what precise date is unknown-was admitted
as a king's scholar at Westminster, where he was trained under
the redoubtable Busby. In a note to a translation of the Third
Satire of Persius, published by Dryden in 16933, Dryden states
that he remembered translating this satire at Westminster school
'for a Thursday-night's exercise. ' The direct influence which
exercises of this kind, vigilantly supervised, must have had upon
the formation of his style as a writer of English verse is obvious ;
but, though Dryden surmises that copies of his translations were
preserved by Busby, none is extant, and the sole poetical relic of
his Westminster days is his contribution to Lachrymae Musarum
(1649), in memory of his schoolfellow, Henry Lord Hastings-
a small volume, whose black-bordered title-page heralds not less
See a valuable article in The Saturday Review, 17 April 1875, entitled “The
Birthplace of Dryden,' which, besides summarising what is known as to the localities
of his birth and childhood, gives an account of most of what remains on record
concerning his kith and kin.
? It would seem to be this Sir Gilbert, who, in The Medal of John Bayes, and else-
where, is held up to scorn as a committee-man or sequestrator.
8 The translation of the Fifth Satire is inscribed to Busby.
## p. 3 (#25) ###############################################
School and College Years
3
than thirty-three elegiac pieces, by Herrick, Denham, Marvell and
others. About Dryden's juvenile elegy, much that is superfluous
has been written; it was not wonderful that a schoolboy poet
should exaggerate the bad taste into which the followers of an
artificial school of poetry frequently lapsed"; but the verses also
give proof of that rapidity in connecting thoughts (the very
essence of wit) and that felicity in expressing them which were
among the chief characteristics of the formed style of Dryden,
In May 1650, he was admitted as a Westminster scholar at
Trinity college, Cambridge, whence he matriculated in the follow-
ing July. Of his college career, nothing is known, except that,
quite early in his third year of residence, he underwent a not
very serious disciplinary punishment. He took his B. A. degree
in January 1654, but did not proceed to M. A. , which degree he
only obtained in 1668, when it was conferred on him at the king's
request by the archbishop of Canterbury (Sheldon). It appears,
probably on his own authority 3, that he continued in residence at
Cambridge till 1657; but there is no evidence as to the date when
he began his life in London, though he may be concluded to have
done so before the death of the protector Oliver (September
1658).
Cambridge would not seem to have fascinated the imagination,
or to have enchained the sympathies, of an alumnus destined to
hold a prominent place in her long list of poets. In the earliest
years of the second half of the century, the university had
much to suffer from the ascendancy of the army, and may even
momentarily have trembled for its existence. During Oliver's
protectorate, however, when the university was represented in
parliament by his son Richard, it began to revive under a more
tolerant régime. Dryden's family connection was, as has been
seen, with the party in power; nor was his a nature into which
the iron of political tyranny was likely to enter very deeply. But
it is quite unnecessary to seek for explanations of the preference
which, a quarter of a century later, in one of the several prologues
1 See, besides the notorious allusions to the small-pox, the concluding apostrophe
to the young lord's betrothed.
9 There is no evidence to support the assertion of Shadwell (in The Medal of John
Bayes) that Dryden, having traduced a nobleman'and suffered castigation, narrowly
escaped expulsion from his college in consequence.
In Notes and Observations on The Empress of Morocco (1674), oited by Malone,
Life of Dryden, p. 27, Dryden is spoken of as 'a man of seven years' standing at
Cambridge. ' He had himself a band in this pamphlet.
4 The date of the particular Prologue, first printed in 1684, is safely conjectured
by Christie to have been 1681.
1-2
## p. 4 (#26) ###############################################
4
Dryden
6
6
addressed by him to the university of Oxford, he avowed for it, as
‘Athens,' over his own mother-university, 'Thebes'-nor need this
preference be taken very seriously? And, in any case, it is quite
out of keeping with his usual indifference to such attacks to sup-
pose that his coldness towards Cambridge was due to a captious
'Cambridge' pamphlet (which, by the way, was published at
Oxford), The Censure of the Rota on Mr Dryden's Conquest
of Granada (1673); while equally little importance attaches, in
this connection, to the statement of Dennis (a Caius man) that,
about the same time, not only the town (London), but, also, the
university of Cambridge, was very much divided as between
Settle and Dryden, 'the younger fry,' in both places, 'inclining
to Elkanah 2
In 1654, soon after Dryden had taken his bachelor's degree,
his father died, and he became the owner of the small paternal
estate. From the time of his residence at Cambridge, either
before or after this event, hardly any literary remains have come
down to us. Dryden, as Malone points out, had no share in any
of the collections of contemporary Cambridge verse printed during
his period of residence. On the other hand, from the first year
of his undergraduateship date the pleasing lines, proudly signed
'J. Dryden of Trin. C. ,' prefixed to a volume of Epigrams (1650)
put forth by his friend John Hoddesdon, who, unlike Dryden
himself, was moved to seek reputation as a poet
before the down begin
To peep, as yet, upon [his] smoother skin.
And a more personal interest attached to a copy of verses
forming part of a letter written by him, in acknowledgment of
the gift of a silver inkstand, to his cousin Honor, the daughter
of Sir John Dryden, the head of the family. They are, as Scott
points out, in Cowley's fantastic and farfetched style, and are not
altogether pleasing. For the superstructure of a supposed attach-
ment and blighted hopes which has been raised upon the evidence
of this letter, there is not a tittle of proof 3.
1 As Christie points out, the poet, in transmitting to Rochester another Prologue
addressed to · Athenian judges' six months earlier, and asserting, inter alia, that
poetry which is in Oxford made
An art, in London only is a trade,
observed to his patron 'how easy 'tis to pass anything upon a University. '
2 Cited by Saintsbury, G. , Dryden (English Men of Letters), p. 65.
3 To be sure, one of the two heiresses of Dryden's second acted play, The Rival-
Ladies, is named Honoria, and one of the stories included by Dryden in his last
important work is Boccaccio's tale of Theodore and Honoria.
To be sure, too, Honor
Dryden, though she inherited a large portion, never married.
## p. 5 (#27) ###############################################
Heroick Stanzas on Cromwell
5
When, in 1657 or 1658, Dryden took up his abode in London,
to which, with the exception of occasional visits to Northampton-
shire and other easily accessible parts of the country, he remained
faithful during the rest of his life, Cromwell's rule had, for some
years, been firmly established, and Sir Gilbert Pickering was in full
possession of the great man's favour. That the young Dryden
actually became 'clerk' or secretary to his influential kinsman
rests only on the late evidence of Shadwell's lampoon? But no
special connection of the kind with the protector's court or person
is needed to account for Dryden's first public appearance as a
writer with A Poem upon the Death of His Late Highness,
Oliver, Lord Protector of England, Scotland and Ireland, first
published separately early in 1659, and reprinted in the same year,
in company with an ode on the same subject by Thomas Sprat
(afterwards dean of Westminster and bishop of Rochester) and
some lines by Waller Upon the late Storme and Death of the
Protector. Sprat's is a not undignified effort in a style in which
he acquitted himself so well as to become known as “Pindaric
Sprat,' and contains a daring figure afterwards appropriated by
the master of the species, “the incomparable Dr Cowley? . ' Waller's
> lines, as usual with him, beat out the gold of a single thought into
very thin leaf. Dryden, on the contrary, whose poem was again
reprinted in 1659, revised, and under the title of Heroick Stanzas
consecrated to the Memory, etc. , surveyed his theme with not less
circumspection than ardour, and chose his topics of eulogy not
only, as Scott says, with attention to truth, but, also, with a
manifest desire to avoid hyperbole. Even the fine passage
Such was our Prince, yet owned a soul above
The highest acts it could produce to show
cannot be censured as an exaggeration, except by those who deny
that Cromwell was a great man and, as such, necessarily greater
than his deeds. The poem, though still studded with farfetched
and not always appropriate conceits (e. g. War, our consumption,'
st. XII; “Bolognia’s walls,” st. XVI; the death of Tarpeia,
st. XXXIV), shows Dryden already controlling the form chosen
by him with a certainty not to be found in his juvenile efforts,
and master of an overpowering directness which was to become
6
>
2
1 In The Medal of John Bayes (1682).
He brought them to the Borders, but a Second hand
Did settle and secure them, in the promis'd Land.
The passage shows that Sprat's tribute, like Dryden's, was intended to meet the eye
of Oliver's successor.
## p. 6 (#28) ###############################################
6
Dryden
.
+
one of his most notable characteristics? . Thus, the Heroick
Stanzas, though, necessarily, they attracted little attention at
a time when the immediate future absorbed public interest, and
though their author, naturally, was willing to allow them to be
forgotten, hold a permanent place among his poetical achieve-
ments.
Dryden's working days in the service of the muses had now
begun. With his very modest income, and without any family
interest that could be of use to him, he can have looked the world
in the face in no very sanguine mood; and, indeed, a certain
reserve and lack of satisfaction in life and in the work which
he had to do in it is noticeable in his writings, as it seems to have
been in his personal bearing. Shadwell's sneer that Dryden had
‘turn'd journeyman to a bookseller' probably applies to a rather
later period of his career, and may be an illnatured perversion of
an insignificant fact? But, in any case, Dryden, till he had studied
his brief and taken up his pen, was devoid of the political, and,
still more, of the religious, enthusiasm which might have sufficed
to inspire him as a writer; and few poets have ever been less
manifestly moved by spontaneous lyric impulse. What he wrote
in the earlier part of his literary career was, as it were, auto-
matically suggested by the great changes in contemporary public
life, to which his literary powers, growing surer of themselves in
each successive trial, responded without any apparent hesitation,
As there had not been any signs of ardour or strong personal
conviction in the Heroick Stanzas, so, when the restoration of the
Stewart monarchy had been accomplished as the only feasible
termination of the crisis, and when Dryden, once more, went with
the times, he went with them in his own temperate and reasoning
way. This may certainly be averred with regard to the substance
of the paean sounded by him on the occasion of the return of
- Charles II. For, although, in Astraea Redux (1660), he did not
shrink from any extravagance in picturing the popular joy, and the
hopes in which, now Time's whiter series is begun,' the subjects of
Charles II indulged, yet, the royal qualities on which he enlarged
as warranting these emotions were those which the king actually
His grandeur he derived from heaven alone. (St. vi. )
When absent, yet we conquered in his right. (St. xxiv. )
He made us freemen of the continent. (St. XXIX. )
• The bookseller is stated, in a note, to have been H. Herringman, who kept him
at his house for the purpose. ' Dryden seems to have lodged over Herringman's shop
in the New Exchange, Strand, and Herringman was the publisher of the poems of Sir
Robert Howard, Dryden's future brother-in-law. The combination was irresistible.
6
## p. 7 (#29) ###############################################
Astraea Redux and Other Panegyrics 7
7
possessed, or, at least, was anxious to display-prudence in adversity,
and clemency in the day of success. At the same time, he abstained
from personal abuse, either of Cromwell (for the comparison to
the bold Typhoeus' cannot be set down as abuse) or of any other
leader of the rebellion. There is, of course, much audacious misuse
of the classical and Scriptural illustrations in which this poem
abounds; but that was part of the 'noble' style which is essential
to courtly panegyric. The general spirit of the poem is merely that
of frank timeservice; though the shameless apostrophising of the
rechristened Naseby, which had earned some of the naval laurels
celebrated in the Heroick Stanzas, as 'now no longer England's
shame,' must be allowed to call for severe censure. The genius of
the poet shows itself not only in magnificent aberrations, like the
comparison to the star of Bethlehem of the star that had shone at
Charles II's birth and now shone again,
Guiding our eyes to find and worship you;
but, also, in exquisitely graceful turns of expression, to which the
metre suits its music with inimitable ease, such as the tribute to
May, the month in which the king was born :
You and the flowers are its peculiar care 1.
Nor are characteristic strokes of wit wanting, like that on the
grief inflicted by Charles II's departure to the Dutch (against whom
Dryden was beginning to cultivate an irrepressible dislike? ):
True sorrow-Holland to regret a King!
On the occasion of Charles II's coronation (1661), Dryden was
ready with another panegyric,' again in heroic couplets, To His
Sacred Majesty, congratulating him on his pacific intentions in
convoking the Savoy conference (not yet a declared failure), and
on his improvements in St James's park, where
the mistrustful fowl no harm suspects,
So safe are all things which our King protects,
as well as on his approaching marriage. With this piece of pure
adulation-merum mel-may be mentioned the lines To My Lord
Chancellor, offered to Clarendon on New Year's day 1662, in
which the conceptions of derived greatness and original merit are
skilfully mixed, but, as is perhaps explicable, without any great
· The emphasised use of the pronoun you became one of the notes of Dryden's
verse.
2 See Satire on the Dutch written in the year 1662, which, ten years later, Dryden
frugally utilised for the prologue and epilogue to Amboyna.
## p. 8 (#30) ###############################################
8
Dryden
expenditure of personal sympathy? The Verses to Her Royal
Highness the Duchess (Clarendon's daughter) belong to a later
date (1665) and, apparently, were not known till printed with the
preface to Annus Mirabilis, in which poem are sung the praises
of victorious York. ' As might be expected, they show a marked
advance in concentrated vigour of phrase, though not rising any-
where to the beauty of the passage, justly singled out for praise
by Saintsbury, which then seemed to summarise the fortunes of
Clarendon?
The whole of the first group of Dryden's poems may be said to
be brought to a close by Annus Mirabilis, or The Year of Wonders
(1666); but, before the production of this work, he had already
brought out several plays. It was, not improbably, in this way
that he was brought into contact with Sir Robert Howard, a
younger son of the earl of Berkshire, who had long been connected
with the Stewart court and whose wife was a daughter of the
great lord Burghley. On 1 December 1663, Dryden married lord
Berkshire's daughter Elizabeth, then twenty-five years of age.
The marriage took place with her father's consent, and lady
Elizabeth seems, sooner or later, to have brought her husband
some addition to his estate. She was, no doubt, his superior in
rank, but not in any unusual measure. That Dryden was not, at
this time, leading the life of a bookseller's hack is shown, inter
alia, by his election, in November 1662, as a fellow of the Royal
Society, in its early days often as much of a social as of a
scientific honour. The circumstances of Dryden's marriage and
wedded life, whether actual or fictitious, were an inexhaustible
fund of scandal to the malevolent. One story ran that lady
Elizabeth's brothers had bullied Dryden into the match; another,
that it was made up to cover a faux pas on the part of the lady
with another man. It is clear that she had led no cloistered life;
but Dryden seems to have been throughout on easy terms with
Sir Robert Howard, even during their literary controversy, and
sufficiently acknowledges his personal goodwill*. The general
1 Clarendon's ' early courtship of the Muges' is mentioned at the outset of these
lines; but there is no reason for suspecting a reference to poetical compositions,
of which we have no knowledge.
3. Our setting sun from his declining seat,' eto.
3 The immediate cause of Dryden's election may have been the lines addressed by
him in this year, To my Honoured Friend Dr Charleton, on his learned and useful
Works, and more particularly this of Stone-heng, by him Restored to the true
Founders, which may be summed up as a rather shallow eulogy of Bacon and some
later English scientific luminaries at the expense of Aristotle.
• See letter prefixed to Annus Mirabilis.
## p. 9 (#31) ###############################################
Annus Mirabilis
9
>
character of Dryden's long married life remains obscure; it has
been freely described as unhappy, and, in its last period, cannot
but have been darkened by his wife's mental decay ; on the other
hand, there are indications in their correspondence of pleasant
relations between them. That the husband provoked or requited
.
the wife's infirmities of mind or temper by infidelities is a con-
jecture resting on an assumption; for the assertion that 'Dryden
was a libertine' remains unproved".
Annus Mirabilis, though not written in the heroic couplet
with which Dryden had already familiarised himself in both
dramatic and non-dramatic composition, offers unmistakable proof
of the ease and self-confidence which by this time he had already
acquired as a writer of verse. The stanza form of decasyllabic
quatrains here adopted had already been used by Sir John Davies
in his philosophical poem Nosce Teipsum (1599), where it well
suits both theme and treatment, and had been revived by
D'Avenant in Gondibert (1656), where the poet, in order to satisfy
his principle that each quatrain ‘should contain a period,' often
becomes prosy in consequence. For the rest, Gondibert, though
composed under the critical eye of Hobbes, and compared by him
to the Aeneid and the Iliad, notwithstanding the advantage which
accrued to these as dating from 'what is called old time, but is
young time,' contained little that invited imitation; while the long
and not uninteresting critical Preface, though it may have helped
to suggest the writing of those critical essays of which Dryden
composed the earliest in the year before that in which Annus
Mirabilis appeared, clearly did not serve as a model for them.
Like Gondibert, Annus Mirabilis was the fruit of exile; but,
while part of the former was written at the Louvre, Dryden had
been driven from London, by the great plague and the great fire
commemorated in his poem, to take refuge at his father-in-
law's country seat at Charlton in Wiltshire. In An Account of
the Ensuing Poem, in a letter to Sir Robert Howard, dated
>
6
1 The unknown ·W. G. ,' whose letter in vol. av of The Gentleman's Magazine for
February 1795 (p. 99), mentioning that he remembered seeing Dryden with the actress
Anne Reeve at the Mulberry gardens, has been repeatedly cited, makes the further
observation that in company' he was the modestest man that ever conversed'-not
& common characteristio of libertines in general, or of those of Charles's days in
particular.
? See vol. iv, pp. 162—3. As to the metre, cf. post, chap. IX.
3 As to Gondibert, see ante, vol. VII, chap. III. Hobbes's praise of the story of
Gondibert and Birtha, the great magician's daughter, as an incomparable description
of. Love,' is discounted by its resemblance, in its opening passages at all events, to the
scenes in The Tempest between Prospero, Miranda and Ferdinand.
## p. 10 (#32) ##############################################
ΙΟ
Dryden
November 1666, Dryden, although he utters some heterodox
opinions about Vergil, declares that he has been my master in
this poem,' which, indeed, is distinguished by a masculinity of tone
and a richness of imagery that lend force to the assertion. The
admirably chosen title was not original, though the application
seems to have been new! Dryden describes Annus Mirabilis as a
historical poem, apparently implying that it does not make any
pretensions to being an epos, for which it lacks both the requisite
unity and the requisite length of action. On the other hand, it
treats its twofold theme, the Dutch war and the fire of London,
with great skill, both in the selection of topics, and in the manage-
ment of the transitions which give coherency to the whole. As for
the war, its final cause lay in the commercial jealousy between the
two nations, which made itself felt wherever English mercantile
enterprise was seeking to compete with that of a more successful
rival, and which, of course, came home most nearly to the city of
London. But it was also due to a general antipathy on the part of
the English against the Dutch, as of the naturally stronger, to the
actually wealthier, community. Dryden, accordingly, takes care to
dwell on the strength of England, as contrasted with the meanness,
baseness and so forth, of Holland. Moreover, the upper class of
English society was offended by Dutch burgherism and re-
publicanism, while the court resented the act excluding the
house of Orange from the stadholdership. When, therefore, war
was declared, a good deal of enthusiasm (of a kind), especially
among the gentry, hailed the event; and Evelyn gives an amusing
description of the outbreak of a universal passion for taking service
in the fleet. Dryden, in his preface, describes that part of his poem
which treats of the war as 'but a due expiation' on his part for
‘not serving his King and country in it. The navy, as the favourite
service of both the king and his brother the duke of York, was, at
i See Somers Tracts, vol. vrt, pp. 644—5, for a notice of pretended prophecies as to
the fire of London, stated to have been printed in 1661 or 1662, in the nonconformist
interest, under the title Annus Mirabilis primus et secundus. For a full account of the
proceedings against Francis Smith and others, supposed to be concerned in the
printing of Mirabilis Annus, or the Year of Prodigies and Wonders, printed 1661, see
Index Expurgatorius Anglicanus, pp. 183–8. The expression 'The Wonderful Yeere'
had, however, been used more than half a century earlier, and, curiously enough, of
the plague year 1602, when more than 30,000 persons were said to have fallen victims
to the epidemio in London. See Dekker's The Seven Deadly Sinnes of London
(Arber's edition), p. 5. Burnet, in his Life and Death of Sir Matthew Hale (1682),
p. 102, mentions that, 'in the year 1666, an Opinion did run through the Nation, that
the end of the world would come that year. ' Though Burnet says that this belief was
possibly 'set on by Astrologers,' and Dryden had a penchant for astrology, he does not
seem to make any reference to it in his poem.
>
## p. 11 (#33) ##############################################
Annus Mirabilis
II
this time, extremely popular; and Dryden's confessed anxiety to
have his sea terms correct was pedantry in season.
Altogether, his account of the progress of the war-from the
dearly-bought victory of Solebay to the barren triumph off the
North Foreland is full of fire and spirit; and it was not any
part of the poet's business to expound how, when the campaign of
1666 came to an end, the feeling began to spread that, with or
without further naval victories, the situation of the country, against
which France was intriguing in every part of the king's dominions,
would, before long, become untenable. Thus, when Dryden repre-
sents the terrible visitation of September 1666—the destruction of
the far greater part of London by fire-as having befallen England
at a season of undiminished confidence, and as a nemesis of this
national pride—he is putting a gloss of his own upon the actual
sequence of affairs. He had, moreover, omitted any account of the
plague, whose ravages were at their height at a date considerably
earlier than that of the events described in the introductory part
of his poem, and had thus made it easier to represent the fire as a
calamity which overtook the nation when 'palled' with the long
succession of its 'joys. The fury of the fire at its height is depicted
with splendid energy, and the daring figure of the witches' sabbath,
danced by the ghosts of traitors who have descended from London
Bridge, is not less apposite to the wild scene than that of the divine
extinguisher by which the fire is put out is preposterous. The
poet's prophecy that a greater and more august’ London would
arise from her fires' was fulfilled; but the companion political
prophecy had a lamer ending in the peace of 1667, which was all
that England gained from the glories of the wonderful year. '
Yet the literary achievement itself was wonderful. Without the
assurance to be derived from any great previous success, Dryden
had undertaken a task so full of pitfalls that nothing but a most
extraordinary impetus could have carried his course past these to
its goal—and this, though he had hampered himself with a metrical
form which, as he knew and confessed, had made a far more
exacting claim upon his ingenuity and skill than the couplet
6
1 The laments of sea-green Sirens' for the death of admiral Sir John Lawson are
of a piece with the mermaid's song' at the end of The Battle of the Baltic, and must
be censured or extolled in its company.
This was the occasion on which de Ruyter (whom Dryden compares to Varro at
Cannae) saved his ships, as has been observed, in order to sail up the Medway with
them another day. '
3 That they then seated themselves on the roof of Whitehall is a supposition due
to a persistent misprint in st. 224, pointed out and corrected in Sargeaunt's edition of
Dryden's Poems (1910).
6
## p. 12 (#34) ##############################################
I 2
Dryden
>
already familiar to him. The courage and dash of the whole
performance, which cast into the shade its lesser features, its far-
fetched conceits and other reminiscences of poetic schools that
were nearing their end, could not but apprise the critical world,
including king and court, that a combatant had descended into the
arena who was unlikely to find an equal there.
Meanwhile, like most of his would-be rivals, he had formed a
connection with the theatre, and continued to maintain it. In his
thirtieth year, on the very morrow of the restoration, Dryden
made his earliest known attempt as a playwright. His dramatic
productivity slackened very much during the latter half of his
literary life; but he cannot be said to have ever wholly abandoned
this form of production; indeed, in his very last year, he contri-
buted some new matter on the occasion of the revival, for his
benefit, of one of Fletcher's plays. Within this period, he tried his
hand at most dramatic forms in actual use, and, for a time, iden-
tified himself with the most conspicuous new development. In
view, however, of the assertion deliberately made by him in his
later days, that his genius never much inclined him to the stage,'
and of the general course of his literary career, which shows him
rather falling back from time to time on play-writing than steadily
attracted by it, the fact that he was the author, in whole or in
part, of nearly a score and a half of plays, would be surprising,
were it not for the extraordinary promptitude and adaptability of
his powers. It will be most convenient, before returning to his
other literary labours, to survey briefly his dramatic work as a
whole. Its fluctuations were largely determined by influences
which he could, indeed, sustain and develop, but into which, except
in the instance of one transitory species, he can hardly be said to
have infused any fresh life; so that his plays, as a whole, remain,
after all, only a subsidiary section of his literary achievements.
The principal currents in what, according to a rather loose
terminology, it has been customary to call the restoration drama,
will be discussed in other chapters of the present volume; and
what is said here is only so much as is necessary to make the
general course of Dryden's productivity as a dramatist intelligible.
Anasmuch as the primary object of the London stage, when re-
established with the monarchy, was to please the king, his court
and its surroundings, and, inasmuch as, in that court, many besides
the king himself had acquired a personal familiarity with the
1 See A Discourse concerning the Original and Progress of Satire (1693) (Essays,
ed. Ker, W. P. , vol. 11, p. 37).
## p. 13 (#35) ##############################################
Influence of French Tragicomedy
13
xx
French stage and its literature which, at all events in his case,
dated back to the earlier years of his exile, French influence upon
the English drama in the restoration age was, almost as a matter
of course, both strong and enduring. But it is equally certain that
the basis from which the English drama started on the reopening
of the theatres was no other than the old English drama, at the
point which it had reached at the time of their closing. Beaumont
and Fletcher, and the drama of tragicomic romance which, through
them, had, for a generation before the closing of the theatres,
established their supremacy on the English stage', were the
favourites there when the theatres reopened; nor had either
Jonson or Shakespeare been forgotten, and the former was still,
though the flow of humour among his followers had begun to
run dry, regarded as the acknowledged master of comedy. The
dominant power on the French stage down to about the middle of
the fourth decade of the seventeenth century had been that of
Hardy, whose most celebrated play, Mariamne, dates from 1610,
and whose vogue did not begin to give way till after his death in
1631? . Now, Hardy, like the dramatists who gave the tone to
English dramatic literature in the generation before the closing of
the theatres, kept the French stage popular by means of the mixed
species of tragicomedy, and thus prevented it from falling back on
the academical lines of Senecan tragedy represented by Garnier.
It is true that he was warming in his bosom the great reformer of
both French tragedy and French comedy, who said of himself that,
in his earlier plays, he had no guidance 'but a little commonsense
and the examples supplied to him by Hardy’; but Corneille's
epochal production of Le Cid did not take place till 1636 (Médée
appeared only a year earlier); and Le Menteur, which stands in
much the same relation to the development of French comedy as
that held by Le Cid to the progress of French tragedy, was not
produced till 1642. Thus, though Part I of Le Cid was brought
out in an English translation (by Joseph Rutter) in 1637 and
Part II (in a version in which Richard Sackville, afterwards earl of
Dorset, is said to have had a share) in 1640, both being republished
in 1650, it seems clear that the main influence exercised by the
French upon the English drama was due to Hardy and tragicomedy,
which dominated all the French dramatists—including Rotrou,
1 As to the long life of romantic tragicomedy, and its survival after the restora-
tion, see the lucid exposition in Ristine, F. E. , English Tragi-Comedy, its Origin and
History (New York, 1910), chaps. V and vi.
? See Rigal, E. , Alexandre Hardy et le Théâtre. Français à la fin du XVIe et
au commencement du XVIIme siècle, Paris, 1889.
a
18
## p. 14 (#36) ##############################################
14
Dryden
whose work synchronised with Corneille's earlier dramatic labours
-rather than to Corneille in the maturity of his creative genius.
When, however, the perennial conflict was renewed under new
conditions and on reasoned principles by Corneille, a loftier and
more logical conception of tragedy approved itself to the French
critical public; and, perfected in practice by the singularly refined
and sensitive genius of Racine, French classical tragedy reached its
consummation as a distinct species of dramatic literature. The
beginnings of Molière (though more than one of his plays have an
earlier date) may, for our present purpose, be placed in 1658, when,
both as actor and writer, he first appeared before Louis XIV and
his court. It was not long before the English drama, in the hands
of Dryden and others, revealed the impression made on it by these
new developments, the effects of which, whether direct or indirect,
will be summarised in later chapters'; but they should not be
regarded as what in no sense they were, the starting-points of our
post-restoration drama.
Of special importance for the progress of the English drama,
both before and after the closing of the theatres, was the influence
of prose fiction, operating either directly or through plays for
which it had furnished material. The two literatures which here
particularly come into question are the Spanish and the French
--of popular Italian fiction, the heyday seemed to have passed
away, as, in the seventeenth century, artificiality of taste estab-
lished its rule. Concerning Spanish influence, more will be said
below? ; while it is not unfrequently difficult to substantiate a
traditional derivation from a Spanish play, the direct indebtedness
of English dramatists to Spanish prose fiction was, beyond doubt,
considerable in extent, both before and after the restoration.
French prose fiction, on the other hand, in the course of the
seventeenth century, passed through an entirely new phase in its
history; and, inasmuch as this very directly influenced an English
dramatic species with which Dryden was, for a time, identified,
reference must be made to it here. With the Astrée of Honoré
d'Urfé (1610—2) began a literary movement representing, in the
first instance, a reaction towards a refinement of sentiment and
expression which had been incompatible with the turbulence of a
long epoch of civil war. This movement culminated in the school
See post, chap8. V, VII, and xvII.
See post, chap. v.
8 See also post, chap. XVII ; and of. Ward, Hist. of Engl. Dr. Lit. vol. I, pp. 307 ff.
For other authorities, see Hill, H. W. , 'La Calprenede's Romances and the Restoration
Drama' in University of Nevada Studies, vol. 11 (1910), p. 3.
9
## p. 15 (#37) ##############################################
Influence of French Romance
15
of romance associated with the name of La Calprenède and, still
more largely, with that of Madeleine de Scudéry, the authoress of
Le Grand Cyrus. Gomberville and the comtesse de La Fayette
belong to the same group, but that lady's last and most celebrated
novel, La Princesse de Clèves, is already differentiated from the
creations of Mlle de Scudéry by being, to some extent, based upon
historical fact, towards which, as a writer of memoirs, the authoress
had a leaning. The romances of this school invariably turned on
the pivot of heroic' love, or love in more than the usual number
of dimensions, and, though dealing with the deepest of human
emotions, they never fell out of the tone of elaborate conventional
formality. They were, in some instances, translated into English or
imitated by English writers, from the commonwealth times onwards,
when, no doubt, they had been welcomed, in many quarters, as
alternatives to the drab dulness of everyday life? ; and, after the
restoration, as will be seen, they supplied themes to dramatic.
writers whose object it was to heighten and intensify the charac-
teristics of stage romance. While prose fiction, of this class, con-
tinued to attract English readers to within the last quarter of the
century, in France, a reaction had already set in towards simplicity,
on the one hand, and satire, on the other; but, in these directions,
English dramatists were not, at all events at this time, prepared to
follow.
blood. Other great physiologists and physicians: Sir Theodore de
Mayerne; John Mayow; Thomas Sydenham; Francis Glisson.
bert Boyle. Origin and beginnings of the Royal Society.
Contemporary poets and scientific research : Cowley, Donne, Butler.
Political economists of the seventeenth century: Sir William
Petty and Locke
:
349
CHAPTER XVI
THE ESSAY AND THE BEGINNING OF MODERN
ENGLISH PROSE
By A. A. TILLEY, M. A. , Fellow of King's College
The new prose and its causes. Interest in science and demand for
clearness of style. Growing plainness and simplicity of pulpit
oratory. The style of Dryden and its conversational character.
Early beginnings of French influence on English literature; its
increase under Charles I. English exiles in France: D'Avenant,
Cowley and others. French influence through translations. Heroic
romances. Urquhart's Rabelais; Pascal; Descartes; Corneille,
Racine and Molière. Influence of French criticism. Boileau.
Chapelain, Le Bossu and Dacier. Evidence of Dryden, Rapin and
Rymer. Saint-Évremond and the renewal of the popularity of
Montaigne in England. Francis Osborne. Cowley's Essays.
Sir William Temple, Dorothy Osborne and lady Giffard. Temple's
letters and Memoirs. His miscellaneous works: Essays. In-
fluence of Montaigne. Halifax's Miscellanies: The Character of
a Trimmer; A Letter to a Dissenter. Clarendon's Essays. Dry-
den's influence on English style. The Preface to the Fables
368
391
Bibliographies.
Table of Principal Dates
Index of Names
484
488
## p. xiv (#20) #############################################
## p. xv (#21) ##############################################
THE CAMBRIDGE HISTORY
OF ENGLISH LITERATURE
VOLUME VIII. THE AGE OF DRYDEN
Second Impression, 1920, Corrections and Additions
The errata mentioned in volumes of the History published later than the first
edition of this volume have been corrected in the present impression. In addition,
some misprints noticed later have been corrected, and a few alterations made.
Addenda to the present (2nd) impression
p. 50, 11. 6, 7. Mr H. B. Wheatley had in his possession Tonson's accounts with
Dryden, which give some further information as to the terms of the subscription.
p. 215, 11. 14–19 should be omitted. The verses, “Why dost thou shade thy lovely
face,' here ascribed to Rochester, are the work of Quarles, and were first published in
his Emblems. They have been printed in many editions of Rochester's poems, but
whether they were claimed by him in jest, or falsely attributed to him by his editors,
we have no means of knowing.
The following additions should be made to the bibliographies :
pp. 391 ff. chapter i. Dryden:
Under Drydeniana:
Villiers, George, 2nd duke of Buckingham. The Rehearsal. Ed. Summers, M.
Shakespeare Head Press. 1914.
Under Modern Criticism:
Babington, Percy L. Dryden not the Author of “Macflecknoe. ' Rptd from The
Modern Language Review, Vol. xm, No. 1, January 1918.
[An attempt, notable, but not convincing, to father MacFlecknoe on Oldham. ]
Boas, F. S. Stage Censorship under Charles I. I. The Amboyna Outrage. The
Times Literary Supplement, 13 Dec. 1917.
[An extremely interesting account of an earlier dramatic treatment (1633) of
the same incident. ]
Verrall, A. W. Dryden. In Collected Literary Essays, Classical and Modern. Ed.
Bayfield, M. A. , and Duff, J. D. (1913).
Lectures on Dryden. Ed. Margaret de G. Verrall. Cambridge, 1914.
pp. 416 ff. chapters v, vi and vii. The Restoration Drama:
Nettleton, G. H. English Drama of the Restoration and Eighteenth Century (1642–
1780). 1914.
pp. 464 ff. chapter xil. Legal Literature:
Worrall, John. Bibliotheca Legum: a new and complete list of the Common and
Statute Law Books of this Realm up to 1735, Alphabetically arranged. 1736.
## p. xvi (#22) #############################################
pp. 471 ff. chapter xiv. John Locke:
Locke, John. Lettres inédites à ses amis. Ed. Ollion, H. and Boei, T. J. de. La
Haye, 1912.
Gibson, J. Locke's Theory of Knowledge. Cambridge, 1917.
pp. 480 ff. chapter xvi. The Essay and the beginning of Modern English Prose :
Cowley, Abraham. Essays and other Prose Writings. Ed. Gough, A. B. Oxford,
1915.
Savile, George, Marquis of Halifax. Complete Works. Ed. Raleigh, Sir W. Oxford,
1912.
Under B. French Influence, etc. :
Villey, P. L'influence de Montaigne sur Charles Blount et sur les Déistes anglais.
Rev. du seizième siècle, 1, pp. 190 ff. and 392 ff.
## p. 1 (#23) ###############################################
CHAPTER I
DRYDEN
1
"THE Age of Dryden' seems an expression as appropriate as
any description of a literary period by the name of a single writer
can be, and yet, in one sense, it is a misnomer. On the one hand,
in the chapter of English literary history which more or less covers
the forty years between the restoration and the opening of the
eighteenth century, not only is Dryden's the most conspicuous
personality, but there are few literary movements of importance
marking the period of which he did not, as if by right divine,
assume the leadership, and which did not owe to him most of what
vitality they proved to possess. On the other hand, as has been
again and again pointed out, Dryden, of all great English writers,
and, more especially, of all great English poets, was the least
original, the least capable of inspiring his generation with new
ideas, of discovering for it new sources of emotion, even of pro-
ducing new artistic forms. Many currents of thought and feeling
suggested to him by his age were supplied by the power of his
genius with an impetus of unprecedented strength; more than
one literary form, offering itself for his use at an inchoate, or at
a relatively advanced, stage of development owed the recognition
which it secured to the resourceful treatment of it by his master-
hand. Whether or not the debt which his extraordinary pro-
ductivity as a writer owed to the opportunities given him by his
times can be taken into account as against the transformation of
his material by his genius may be regarded as a question open
to debate. There cannot, however, be any doubt at all that
neither can Dryden's own achievements be appreciated apart
from the influences of his age, nor is any judgment of the literary
produce of that age, as a whole, to be formed without an estimate
of his contribution to it being regarded as the dominant factor in
the result. Thus, in an attempt to sketch, once more, the course
of his literary endeavours, it would be futile to detach their
1
E. L. VIII.
CH. 1.
## p. 2 (#24) ###############################################
N
Dryden
succession from the experiences of his personal life, largely deter-
mined, as these were, by political reaction and revolution, and by
other changes in the condition of the country and in that of its
intellectual centre, the capital.
John Dryden (he wrote his name thus, though, before him, the
spelling was varied both by his kinsmen and by his parents) was
born 9 August 1631, in the parsonage house of Aldwinkle All
Saints, near Oundle in Northamptonshire, of which his maternal
grandfather, Henry Pickering, was rector! . His parents were of
good county descent; but his father, Erasmus Dryden, was a
younger son with many brothers and sisters, and his estate at
Blakesley, on the other side of the county (near Canons-Ashby,
the family seat), which afterwards descended to the poet, con-
siderably burdened, was valued at sixty pounds a year in the
money of the time. He appears to have resided generally at
Tichmarsh, the chief seat of his wife's family, near Oundle. On
both the father's and the mother's side, the future laureate of the
Stewarts was connected with the parliamentary side; his mother's
cousin-german, Sir Gilbert Pickering, was one of the judges of
Charles I (though he did not sit on the final day), and, afterwards,
became chamberlain at the protector Oliver's court and a member
a
of his House of Lords? . After receiving his early education either
at Tichmarsh or (as is the more usual tradition) at Oundle grammar
school, Dryden—at what precise date is unknown-was admitted
as a king's scholar at Westminster, where he was trained under
the redoubtable Busby. In a note to a translation of the Third
Satire of Persius, published by Dryden in 16933, Dryden states
that he remembered translating this satire at Westminster school
'for a Thursday-night's exercise. ' The direct influence which
exercises of this kind, vigilantly supervised, must have had upon
the formation of his style as a writer of English verse is obvious ;
but, though Dryden surmises that copies of his translations were
preserved by Busby, none is extant, and the sole poetical relic of
his Westminster days is his contribution to Lachrymae Musarum
(1649), in memory of his schoolfellow, Henry Lord Hastings-
a small volume, whose black-bordered title-page heralds not less
See a valuable article in The Saturday Review, 17 April 1875, entitled “The
Birthplace of Dryden,' which, besides summarising what is known as to the localities
of his birth and childhood, gives an account of most of what remains on record
concerning his kith and kin.
? It would seem to be this Sir Gilbert, who, in The Medal of John Bayes, and else-
where, is held up to scorn as a committee-man or sequestrator.
8 The translation of the Fifth Satire is inscribed to Busby.
## p. 3 (#25) ###############################################
School and College Years
3
than thirty-three elegiac pieces, by Herrick, Denham, Marvell and
others. About Dryden's juvenile elegy, much that is superfluous
has been written; it was not wonderful that a schoolboy poet
should exaggerate the bad taste into which the followers of an
artificial school of poetry frequently lapsed"; but the verses also
give proof of that rapidity in connecting thoughts (the very
essence of wit) and that felicity in expressing them which were
among the chief characteristics of the formed style of Dryden,
In May 1650, he was admitted as a Westminster scholar at
Trinity college, Cambridge, whence he matriculated in the follow-
ing July. Of his college career, nothing is known, except that,
quite early in his third year of residence, he underwent a not
very serious disciplinary punishment. He took his B. A. degree
in January 1654, but did not proceed to M. A. , which degree he
only obtained in 1668, when it was conferred on him at the king's
request by the archbishop of Canterbury (Sheldon). It appears,
probably on his own authority 3, that he continued in residence at
Cambridge till 1657; but there is no evidence as to the date when
he began his life in London, though he may be concluded to have
done so before the death of the protector Oliver (September
1658).
Cambridge would not seem to have fascinated the imagination,
or to have enchained the sympathies, of an alumnus destined to
hold a prominent place in her long list of poets. In the earliest
years of the second half of the century, the university had
much to suffer from the ascendancy of the army, and may even
momentarily have trembled for its existence. During Oliver's
protectorate, however, when the university was represented in
parliament by his son Richard, it began to revive under a more
tolerant régime. Dryden's family connection was, as has been
seen, with the party in power; nor was his a nature into which
the iron of political tyranny was likely to enter very deeply. But
it is quite unnecessary to seek for explanations of the preference
which, a quarter of a century later, in one of the several prologues
1 See, besides the notorious allusions to the small-pox, the concluding apostrophe
to the young lord's betrothed.
9 There is no evidence to support the assertion of Shadwell (in The Medal of John
Bayes) that Dryden, having traduced a nobleman'and suffered castigation, narrowly
escaped expulsion from his college in consequence.
In Notes and Observations on The Empress of Morocco (1674), oited by Malone,
Life of Dryden, p. 27, Dryden is spoken of as 'a man of seven years' standing at
Cambridge. ' He had himself a band in this pamphlet.
4 The date of the particular Prologue, first printed in 1684, is safely conjectured
by Christie to have been 1681.
1-2
## p. 4 (#26) ###############################################
4
Dryden
6
6
addressed by him to the university of Oxford, he avowed for it, as
‘Athens,' over his own mother-university, 'Thebes'-nor need this
preference be taken very seriously? And, in any case, it is quite
out of keeping with his usual indifference to such attacks to sup-
pose that his coldness towards Cambridge was due to a captious
'Cambridge' pamphlet (which, by the way, was published at
Oxford), The Censure of the Rota on Mr Dryden's Conquest
of Granada (1673); while equally little importance attaches, in
this connection, to the statement of Dennis (a Caius man) that,
about the same time, not only the town (London), but, also, the
university of Cambridge, was very much divided as between
Settle and Dryden, 'the younger fry,' in both places, 'inclining
to Elkanah 2
In 1654, soon after Dryden had taken his bachelor's degree,
his father died, and he became the owner of the small paternal
estate. From the time of his residence at Cambridge, either
before or after this event, hardly any literary remains have come
down to us. Dryden, as Malone points out, had no share in any
of the collections of contemporary Cambridge verse printed during
his period of residence. On the other hand, from the first year
of his undergraduateship date the pleasing lines, proudly signed
'J. Dryden of Trin. C. ,' prefixed to a volume of Epigrams (1650)
put forth by his friend John Hoddesdon, who, unlike Dryden
himself, was moved to seek reputation as a poet
before the down begin
To peep, as yet, upon [his] smoother skin.
And a more personal interest attached to a copy of verses
forming part of a letter written by him, in acknowledgment of
the gift of a silver inkstand, to his cousin Honor, the daughter
of Sir John Dryden, the head of the family. They are, as Scott
points out, in Cowley's fantastic and farfetched style, and are not
altogether pleasing. For the superstructure of a supposed attach-
ment and blighted hopes which has been raised upon the evidence
of this letter, there is not a tittle of proof 3.
1 As Christie points out, the poet, in transmitting to Rochester another Prologue
addressed to · Athenian judges' six months earlier, and asserting, inter alia, that
poetry which is in Oxford made
An art, in London only is a trade,
observed to his patron 'how easy 'tis to pass anything upon a University. '
2 Cited by Saintsbury, G. , Dryden (English Men of Letters), p. 65.
3 To be sure, one of the two heiresses of Dryden's second acted play, The Rival-
Ladies, is named Honoria, and one of the stories included by Dryden in his last
important work is Boccaccio's tale of Theodore and Honoria.
To be sure, too, Honor
Dryden, though she inherited a large portion, never married.
## p. 5 (#27) ###############################################
Heroick Stanzas on Cromwell
5
When, in 1657 or 1658, Dryden took up his abode in London,
to which, with the exception of occasional visits to Northampton-
shire and other easily accessible parts of the country, he remained
faithful during the rest of his life, Cromwell's rule had, for some
years, been firmly established, and Sir Gilbert Pickering was in full
possession of the great man's favour. That the young Dryden
actually became 'clerk' or secretary to his influential kinsman
rests only on the late evidence of Shadwell's lampoon? But no
special connection of the kind with the protector's court or person
is needed to account for Dryden's first public appearance as a
writer with A Poem upon the Death of His Late Highness,
Oliver, Lord Protector of England, Scotland and Ireland, first
published separately early in 1659, and reprinted in the same year,
in company with an ode on the same subject by Thomas Sprat
(afterwards dean of Westminster and bishop of Rochester) and
some lines by Waller Upon the late Storme and Death of the
Protector. Sprat's is a not undignified effort in a style in which
he acquitted himself so well as to become known as “Pindaric
Sprat,' and contains a daring figure afterwards appropriated by
the master of the species, “the incomparable Dr Cowley? . ' Waller's
> lines, as usual with him, beat out the gold of a single thought into
very thin leaf. Dryden, on the contrary, whose poem was again
reprinted in 1659, revised, and under the title of Heroick Stanzas
consecrated to the Memory, etc. , surveyed his theme with not less
circumspection than ardour, and chose his topics of eulogy not
only, as Scott says, with attention to truth, but, also, with a
manifest desire to avoid hyperbole. Even the fine passage
Such was our Prince, yet owned a soul above
The highest acts it could produce to show
cannot be censured as an exaggeration, except by those who deny
that Cromwell was a great man and, as such, necessarily greater
than his deeds. The poem, though still studded with farfetched
and not always appropriate conceits (e. g. War, our consumption,'
st. XII; “Bolognia’s walls,” st. XVI; the death of Tarpeia,
st. XXXIV), shows Dryden already controlling the form chosen
by him with a certainty not to be found in his juvenile efforts,
and master of an overpowering directness which was to become
6
>
2
1 In The Medal of John Bayes (1682).
He brought them to the Borders, but a Second hand
Did settle and secure them, in the promis'd Land.
The passage shows that Sprat's tribute, like Dryden's, was intended to meet the eye
of Oliver's successor.
## p. 6 (#28) ###############################################
6
Dryden
.
+
one of his most notable characteristics? . Thus, the Heroick
Stanzas, though, necessarily, they attracted little attention at
a time when the immediate future absorbed public interest, and
though their author, naturally, was willing to allow them to be
forgotten, hold a permanent place among his poetical achieve-
ments.
Dryden's working days in the service of the muses had now
begun. With his very modest income, and without any family
interest that could be of use to him, he can have looked the world
in the face in no very sanguine mood; and, indeed, a certain
reserve and lack of satisfaction in life and in the work which
he had to do in it is noticeable in his writings, as it seems to have
been in his personal bearing. Shadwell's sneer that Dryden had
‘turn'd journeyman to a bookseller' probably applies to a rather
later period of his career, and may be an illnatured perversion of
an insignificant fact? But, in any case, Dryden, till he had studied
his brief and taken up his pen, was devoid of the political, and,
still more, of the religious, enthusiasm which might have sufficed
to inspire him as a writer; and few poets have ever been less
manifestly moved by spontaneous lyric impulse. What he wrote
in the earlier part of his literary career was, as it were, auto-
matically suggested by the great changes in contemporary public
life, to which his literary powers, growing surer of themselves in
each successive trial, responded without any apparent hesitation,
As there had not been any signs of ardour or strong personal
conviction in the Heroick Stanzas, so, when the restoration of the
Stewart monarchy had been accomplished as the only feasible
termination of the crisis, and when Dryden, once more, went with
the times, he went with them in his own temperate and reasoning
way. This may certainly be averred with regard to the substance
of the paean sounded by him on the occasion of the return of
- Charles II. For, although, in Astraea Redux (1660), he did not
shrink from any extravagance in picturing the popular joy, and the
hopes in which, now Time's whiter series is begun,' the subjects of
Charles II indulged, yet, the royal qualities on which he enlarged
as warranting these emotions were those which the king actually
His grandeur he derived from heaven alone. (St. vi. )
When absent, yet we conquered in his right. (St. xxiv. )
He made us freemen of the continent. (St. XXIX. )
• The bookseller is stated, in a note, to have been H. Herringman, who kept him
at his house for the purpose. ' Dryden seems to have lodged over Herringman's shop
in the New Exchange, Strand, and Herringman was the publisher of the poems of Sir
Robert Howard, Dryden's future brother-in-law. The combination was irresistible.
6
## p. 7 (#29) ###############################################
Astraea Redux and Other Panegyrics 7
7
possessed, or, at least, was anxious to display-prudence in adversity,
and clemency in the day of success. At the same time, he abstained
from personal abuse, either of Cromwell (for the comparison to
the bold Typhoeus' cannot be set down as abuse) or of any other
leader of the rebellion. There is, of course, much audacious misuse
of the classical and Scriptural illustrations in which this poem
abounds; but that was part of the 'noble' style which is essential
to courtly panegyric. The general spirit of the poem is merely that
of frank timeservice; though the shameless apostrophising of the
rechristened Naseby, which had earned some of the naval laurels
celebrated in the Heroick Stanzas, as 'now no longer England's
shame,' must be allowed to call for severe censure. The genius of
the poet shows itself not only in magnificent aberrations, like the
comparison to the star of Bethlehem of the star that had shone at
Charles II's birth and now shone again,
Guiding our eyes to find and worship you;
but, also, in exquisitely graceful turns of expression, to which the
metre suits its music with inimitable ease, such as the tribute to
May, the month in which the king was born :
You and the flowers are its peculiar care 1.
Nor are characteristic strokes of wit wanting, like that on the
grief inflicted by Charles II's departure to the Dutch (against whom
Dryden was beginning to cultivate an irrepressible dislike? ):
True sorrow-Holland to regret a King!
On the occasion of Charles II's coronation (1661), Dryden was
ready with another panegyric,' again in heroic couplets, To His
Sacred Majesty, congratulating him on his pacific intentions in
convoking the Savoy conference (not yet a declared failure), and
on his improvements in St James's park, where
the mistrustful fowl no harm suspects,
So safe are all things which our King protects,
as well as on his approaching marriage. With this piece of pure
adulation-merum mel-may be mentioned the lines To My Lord
Chancellor, offered to Clarendon on New Year's day 1662, in
which the conceptions of derived greatness and original merit are
skilfully mixed, but, as is perhaps explicable, without any great
· The emphasised use of the pronoun you became one of the notes of Dryden's
verse.
2 See Satire on the Dutch written in the year 1662, which, ten years later, Dryden
frugally utilised for the prologue and epilogue to Amboyna.
## p. 8 (#30) ###############################################
8
Dryden
expenditure of personal sympathy? The Verses to Her Royal
Highness the Duchess (Clarendon's daughter) belong to a later
date (1665) and, apparently, were not known till printed with the
preface to Annus Mirabilis, in which poem are sung the praises
of victorious York. ' As might be expected, they show a marked
advance in concentrated vigour of phrase, though not rising any-
where to the beauty of the passage, justly singled out for praise
by Saintsbury, which then seemed to summarise the fortunes of
Clarendon?
The whole of the first group of Dryden's poems may be said to
be brought to a close by Annus Mirabilis, or The Year of Wonders
(1666); but, before the production of this work, he had already
brought out several plays. It was, not improbably, in this way
that he was brought into contact with Sir Robert Howard, a
younger son of the earl of Berkshire, who had long been connected
with the Stewart court and whose wife was a daughter of the
great lord Burghley. On 1 December 1663, Dryden married lord
Berkshire's daughter Elizabeth, then twenty-five years of age.
The marriage took place with her father's consent, and lady
Elizabeth seems, sooner or later, to have brought her husband
some addition to his estate. She was, no doubt, his superior in
rank, but not in any unusual measure. That Dryden was not, at
this time, leading the life of a bookseller's hack is shown, inter
alia, by his election, in November 1662, as a fellow of the Royal
Society, in its early days often as much of a social as of a
scientific honour. The circumstances of Dryden's marriage and
wedded life, whether actual or fictitious, were an inexhaustible
fund of scandal to the malevolent. One story ran that lady
Elizabeth's brothers had bullied Dryden into the match; another,
that it was made up to cover a faux pas on the part of the lady
with another man. It is clear that she had led no cloistered life;
but Dryden seems to have been throughout on easy terms with
Sir Robert Howard, even during their literary controversy, and
sufficiently acknowledges his personal goodwill*. The general
1 Clarendon's ' early courtship of the Muges' is mentioned at the outset of these
lines; but there is no reason for suspecting a reference to poetical compositions,
of which we have no knowledge.
3. Our setting sun from his declining seat,' eto.
3 The immediate cause of Dryden's election may have been the lines addressed by
him in this year, To my Honoured Friend Dr Charleton, on his learned and useful
Works, and more particularly this of Stone-heng, by him Restored to the true
Founders, which may be summed up as a rather shallow eulogy of Bacon and some
later English scientific luminaries at the expense of Aristotle.
• See letter prefixed to Annus Mirabilis.
## p. 9 (#31) ###############################################
Annus Mirabilis
9
>
character of Dryden's long married life remains obscure; it has
been freely described as unhappy, and, in its last period, cannot
but have been darkened by his wife's mental decay ; on the other
hand, there are indications in their correspondence of pleasant
relations between them. That the husband provoked or requited
.
the wife's infirmities of mind or temper by infidelities is a con-
jecture resting on an assumption; for the assertion that 'Dryden
was a libertine' remains unproved".
Annus Mirabilis, though not written in the heroic couplet
with which Dryden had already familiarised himself in both
dramatic and non-dramatic composition, offers unmistakable proof
of the ease and self-confidence which by this time he had already
acquired as a writer of verse. The stanza form of decasyllabic
quatrains here adopted had already been used by Sir John Davies
in his philosophical poem Nosce Teipsum (1599), where it well
suits both theme and treatment, and had been revived by
D'Avenant in Gondibert (1656), where the poet, in order to satisfy
his principle that each quatrain ‘should contain a period,' often
becomes prosy in consequence. For the rest, Gondibert, though
composed under the critical eye of Hobbes, and compared by him
to the Aeneid and the Iliad, notwithstanding the advantage which
accrued to these as dating from 'what is called old time, but is
young time,' contained little that invited imitation; while the long
and not uninteresting critical Preface, though it may have helped
to suggest the writing of those critical essays of which Dryden
composed the earliest in the year before that in which Annus
Mirabilis appeared, clearly did not serve as a model for them.
Like Gondibert, Annus Mirabilis was the fruit of exile; but,
while part of the former was written at the Louvre, Dryden had
been driven from London, by the great plague and the great fire
commemorated in his poem, to take refuge at his father-in-
law's country seat at Charlton in Wiltshire. In An Account of
the Ensuing Poem, in a letter to Sir Robert Howard, dated
>
6
1 The unknown ·W. G. ,' whose letter in vol. av of The Gentleman's Magazine for
February 1795 (p. 99), mentioning that he remembered seeing Dryden with the actress
Anne Reeve at the Mulberry gardens, has been repeatedly cited, makes the further
observation that in company' he was the modestest man that ever conversed'-not
& common characteristio of libertines in general, or of those of Charles's days in
particular.
? See vol. iv, pp. 162—3. As to the metre, cf. post, chap. IX.
3 As to Gondibert, see ante, vol. VII, chap. III. Hobbes's praise of the story of
Gondibert and Birtha, the great magician's daughter, as an incomparable description
of. Love,' is discounted by its resemblance, in its opening passages at all events, to the
scenes in The Tempest between Prospero, Miranda and Ferdinand.
## p. 10 (#32) ##############################################
ΙΟ
Dryden
November 1666, Dryden, although he utters some heterodox
opinions about Vergil, declares that he has been my master in
this poem,' which, indeed, is distinguished by a masculinity of tone
and a richness of imagery that lend force to the assertion. The
admirably chosen title was not original, though the application
seems to have been new! Dryden describes Annus Mirabilis as a
historical poem, apparently implying that it does not make any
pretensions to being an epos, for which it lacks both the requisite
unity and the requisite length of action. On the other hand, it
treats its twofold theme, the Dutch war and the fire of London,
with great skill, both in the selection of topics, and in the manage-
ment of the transitions which give coherency to the whole. As for
the war, its final cause lay in the commercial jealousy between the
two nations, which made itself felt wherever English mercantile
enterprise was seeking to compete with that of a more successful
rival, and which, of course, came home most nearly to the city of
London. But it was also due to a general antipathy on the part of
the English against the Dutch, as of the naturally stronger, to the
actually wealthier, community. Dryden, accordingly, takes care to
dwell on the strength of England, as contrasted with the meanness,
baseness and so forth, of Holland. Moreover, the upper class of
English society was offended by Dutch burgherism and re-
publicanism, while the court resented the act excluding the
house of Orange from the stadholdership. When, therefore, war
was declared, a good deal of enthusiasm (of a kind), especially
among the gentry, hailed the event; and Evelyn gives an amusing
description of the outbreak of a universal passion for taking service
in the fleet. Dryden, in his preface, describes that part of his poem
which treats of the war as 'but a due expiation' on his part for
‘not serving his King and country in it. The navy, as the favourite
service of both the king and his brother the duke of York, was, at
i See Somers Tracts, vol. vrt, pp. 644—5, for a notice of pretended prophecies as to
the fire of London, stated to have been printed in 1661 or 1662, in the nonconformist
interest, under the title Annus Mirabilis primus et secundus. For a full account of the
proceedings against Francis Smith and others, supposed to be concerned in the
printing of Mirabilis Annus, or the Year of Prodigies and Wonders, printed 1661, see
Index Expurgatorius Anglicanus, pp. 183–8. The expression 'The Wonderful Yeere'
had, however, been used more than half a century earlier, and, curiously enough, of
the plague year 1602, when more than 30,000 persons were said to have fallen victims
to the epidemio in London. See Dekker's The Seven Deadly Sinnes of London
(Arber's edition), p. 5. Burnet, in his Life and Death of Sir Matthew Hale (1682),
p. 102, mentions that, 'in the year 1666, an Opinion did run through the Nation, that
the end of the world would come that year. ' Though Burnet says that this belief was
possibly 'set on by Astrologers,' and Dryden had a penchant for astrology, he does not
seem to make any reference to it in his poem.
>
## p. 11 (#33) ##############################################
Annus Mirabilis
II
this time, extremely popular; and Dryden's confessed anxiety to
have his sea terms correct was pedantry in season.
Altogether, his account of the progress of the war-from the
dearly-bought victory of Solebay to the barren triumph off the
North Foreland is full of fire and spirit; and it was not any
part of the poet's business to expound how, when the campaign of
1666 came to an end, the feeling began to spread that, with or
without further naval victories, the situation of the country, against
which France was intriguing in every part of the king's dominions,
would, before long, become untenable. Thus, when Dryden repre-
sents the terrible visitation of September 1666—the destruction of
the far greater part of London by fire-as having befallen England
at a season of undiminished confidence, and as a nemesis of this
national pride—he is putting a gloss of his own upon the actual
sequence of affairs. He had, moreover, omitted any account of the
plague, whose ravages were at their height at a date considerably
earlier than that of the events described in the introductory part
of his poem, and had thus made it easier to represent the fire as a
calamity which overtook the nation when 'palled' with the long
succession of its 'joys. The fury of the fire at its height is depicted
with splendid energy, and the daring figure of the witches' sabbath,
danced by the ghosts of traitors who have descended from London
Bridge, is not less apposite to the wild scene than that of the divine
extinguisher by which the fire is put out is preposterous. The
poet's prophecy that a greater and more august’ London would
arise from her fires' was fulfilled; but the companion political
prophecy had a lamer ending in the peace of 1667, which was all
that England gained from the glories of the wonderful year. '
Yet the literary achievement itself was wonderful. Without the
assurance to be derived from any great previous success, Dryden
had undertaken a task so full of pitfalls that nothing but a most
extraordinary impetus could have carried his course past these to
its goal—and this, though he had hampered himself with a metrical
form which, as he knew and confessed, had made a far more
exacting claim upon his ingenuity and skill than the couplet
6
1 The laments of sea-green Sirens' for the death of admiral Sir John Lawson are
of a piece with the mermaid's song' at the end of The Battle of the Baltic, and must
be censured or extolled in its company.
This was the occasion on which de Ruyter (whom Dryden compares to Varro at
Cannae) saved his ships, as has been observed, in order to sail up the Medway with
them another day. '
3 That they then seated themselves on the roof of Whitehall is a supposition due
to a persistent misprint in st. 224, pointed out and corrected in Sargeaunt's edition of
Dryden's Poems (1910).
6
## p. 12 (#34) ##############################################
I 2
Dryden
>
already familiar to him. The courage and dash of the whole
performance, which cast into the shade its lesser features, its far-
fetched conceits and other reminiscences of poetic schools that
were nearing their end, could not but apprise the critical world,
including king and court, that a combatant had descended into the
arena who was unlikely to find an equal there.
Meanwhile, like most of his would-be rivals, he had formed a
connection with the theatre, and continued to maintain it. In his
thirtieth year, on the very morrow of the restoration, Dryden
made his earliest known attempt as a playwright. His dramatic
productivity slackened very much during the latter half of his
literary life; but he cannot be said to have ever wholly abandoned
this form of production; indeed, in his very last year, he contri-
buted some new matter on the occasion of the revival, for his
benefit, of one of Fletcher's plays. Within this period, he tried his
hand at most dramatic forms in actual use, and, for a time, iden-
tified himself with the most conspicuous new development. In
view, however, of the assertion deliberately made by him in his
later days, that his genius never much inclined him to the stage,'
and of the general course of his literary career, which shows him
rather falling back from time to time on play-writing than steadily
attracted by it, the fact that he was the author, in whole or in
part, of nearly a score and a half of plays, would be surprising,
were it not for the extraordinary promptitude and adaptability of
his powers. It will be most convenient, before returning to his
other literary labours, to survey briefly his dramatic work as a
whole. Its fluctuations were largely determined by influences
which he could, indeed, sustain and develop, but into which, except
in the instance of one transitory species, he can hardly be said to
have infused any fresh life; so that his plays, as a whole, remain,
after all, only a subsidiary section of his literary achievements.
The principal currents in what, according to a rather loose
terminology, it has been customary to call the restoration drama,
will be discussed in other chapters of the present volume; and
what is said here is only so much as is necessary to make the
general course of Dryden's productivity as a dramatist intelligible.
Anasmuch as the primary object of the London stage, when re-
established with the monarchy, was to please the king, his court
and its surroundings, and, inasmuch as, in that court, many besides
the king himself had acquired a personal familiarity with the
1 See A Discourse concerning the Original and Progress of Satire (1693) (Essays,
ed. Ker, W. P. , vol. 11, p. 37).
## p. 13 (#35) ##############################################
Influence of French Tragicomedy
13
xx
French stage and its literature which, at all events in his case,
dated back to the earlier years of his exile, French influence upon
the English drama in the restoration age was, almost as a matter
of course, both strong and enduring. But it is equally certain that
the basis from which the English drama started on the reopening
of the theatres was no other than the old English drama, at the
point which it had reached at the time of their closing. Beaumont
and Fletcher, and the drama of tragicomic romance which, through
them, had, for a generation before the closing of the theatres,
established their supremacy on the English stage', were the
favourites there when the theatres reopened; nor had either
Jonson or Shakespeare been forgotten, and the former was still,
though the flow of humour among his followers had begun to
run dry, regarded as the acknowledged master of comedy. The
dominant power on the French stage down to about the middle of
the fourth decade of the seventeenth century had been that of
Hardy, whose most celebrated play, Mariamne, dates from 1610,
and whose vogue did not begin to give way till after his death in
1631? . Now, Hardy, like the dramatists who gave the tone to
English dramatic literature in the generation before the closing of
the theatres, kept the French stage popular by means of the mixed
species of tragicomedy, and thus prevented it from falling back on
the academical lines of Senecan tragedy represented by Garnier.
It is true that he was warming in his bosom the great reformer of
both French tragedy and French comedy, who said of himself that,
in his earlier plays, he had no guidance 'but a little commonsense
and the examples supplied to him by Hardy’; but Corneille's
epochal production of Le Cid did not take place till 1636 (Médée
appeared only a year earlier); and Le Menteur, which stands in
much the same relation to the development of French comedy as
that held by Le Cid to the progress of French tragedy, was not
produced till 1642. Thus, though Part I of Le Cid was brought
out in an English translation (by Joseph Rutter) in 1637 and
Part II (in a version in which Richard Sackville, afterwards earl of
Dorset, is said to have had a share) in 1640, both being republished
in 1650, it seems clear that the main influence exercised by the
French upon the English drama was due to Hardy and tragicomedy,
which dominated all the French dramatists—including Rotrou,
1 As to the long life of romantic tragicomedy, and its survival after the restora-
tion, see the lucid exposition in Ristine, F. E. , English Tragi-Comedy, its Origin and
History (New York, 1910), chaps. V and vi.
? See Rigal, E. , Alexandre Hardy et le Théâtre. Français à la fin du XVIe et
au commencement du XVIIme siècle, Paris, 1889.
a
18
## p. 14 (#36) ##############################################
14
Dryden
whose work synchronised with Corneille's earlier dramatic labours
-rather than to Corneille in the maturity of his creative genius.
When, however, the perennial conflict was renewed under new
conditions and on reasoned principles by Corneille, a loftier and
more logical conception of tragedy approved itself to the French
critical public; and, perfected in practice by the singularly refined
and sensitive genius of Racine, French classical tragedy reached its
consummation as a distinct species of dramatic literature. The
beginnings of Molière (though more than one of his plays have an
earlier date) may, for our present purpose, be placed in 1658, when,
both as actor and writer, he first appeared before Louis XIV and
his court. It was not long before the English drama, in the hands
of Dryden and others, revealed the impression made on it by these
new developments, the effects of which, whether direct or indirect,
will be summarised in later chapters'; but they should not be
regarded as what in no sense they were, the starting-points of our
post-restoration drama.
Of special importance for the progress of the English drama,
both before and after the closing of the theatres, was the influence
of prose fiction, operating either directly or through plays for
which it had furnished material. The two literatures which here
particularly come into question are the Spanish and the French
--of popular Italian fiction, the heyday seemed to have passed
away, as, in the seventeenth century, artificiality of taste estab-
lished its rule. Concerning Spanish influence, more will be said
below? ; while it is not unfrequently difficult to substantiate a
traditional derivation from a Spanish play, the direct indebtedness
of English dramatists to Spanish prose fiction was, beyond doubt,
considerable in extent, both before and after the restoration.
French prose fiction, on the other hand, in the course of the
seventeenth century, passed through an entirely new phase in its
history; and, inasmuch as this very directly influenced an English
dramatic species with which Dryden was, for a time, identified,
reference must be made to it here. With the Astrée of Honoré
d'Urfé (1610—2) began a literary movement representing, in the
first instance, a reaction towards a refinement of sentiment and
expression which had been incompatible with the turbulence of a
long epoch of civil war. This movement culminated in the school
See post, chap8. V, VII, and xvII.
See post, chap. v.
8 See also post, chap. XVII ; and of. Ward, Hist. of Engl. Dr. Lit. vol. I, pp. 307 ff.
For other authorities, see Hill, H. W. , 'La Calprenede's Romances and the Restoration
Drama' in University of Nevada Studies, vol. 11 (1910), p. 3.
9
## p. 15 (#37) ##############################################
Influence of French Romance
15
of romance associated with the name of La Calprenède and, still
more largely, with that of Madeleine de Scudéry, the authoress of
Le Grand Cyrus. Gomberville and the comtesse de La Fayette
belong to the same group, but that lady's last and most celebrated
novel, La Princesse de Clèves, is already differentiated from the
creations of Mlle de Scudéry by being, to some extent, based upon
historical fact, towards which, as a writer of memoirs, the authoress
had a leaning. The romances of this school invariably turned on
the pivot of heroic' love, or love in more than the usual number
of dimensions, and, though dealing with the deepest of human
emotions, they never fell out of the tone of elaborate conventional
formality. They were, in some instances, translated into English or
imitated by English writers, from the commonwealth times onwards,
when, no doubt, they had been welcomed, in many quarters, as
alternatives to the drab dulness of everyday life? ; and, after the
restoration, as will be seen, they supplied themes to dramatic.
writers whose object it was to heighten and intensify the charac-
teristics of stage romance. While prose fiction, of this class, con-
tinued to attract English readers to within the last quarter of the
century, in France, a reaction had already set in towards simplicity,
on the one hand, and satire, on the other; but, in these directions,
English dramatists were not, at all events at this time, prepared to
follow.
