One half, or 60/125, of the
industrial
labour categories investigated, had absolutely no beer, 28% no milk.
Marx - Capital-Volume-I
?
22,809,781
? ? ? ? ? 832
? ? ? ? 27,555,313
? ? ? ? 973
? ? ? of these
? ? 8,744,762
? ? ? ? ? 91
? ? 11,077,238
? ? ? 107
? In 1855 there were produced in the United Kingdom 61,453,079 tons of coal, of value ? 16,113,167; in 1864, 92,787,873 tons, of value ? 23,197,968; in 1855, 3,218,154 tons of pig-iron, of value ? 8,045,385; 1864, 4,767,951 tons, of value ? 11,919,877. In 1854 the length of the railroads worked in the United Kingdom was 8,054 miles, with a paid-up capital of ? 286,068,794; in 1864 the length was 12,789 miles, with capital paid up of ? 425,719,613. In 1854 the total sum
? 449 Chapter 25
of the exports and imports of the United Kingdom was ? 268,210,145; in 1865, ? 489,923,285. The following table shows the movement of the exports:
1846 ? 58,842,377 1849 63,596,052 1856 115,826,948 1860 135,842,817 1865 165,862,402 186637 188,917,563
After these few examples one understands the cry of triumph of the Registrar-General of the British people:
--Rapidly as the population has increased, it has not kept pace with the progress of industry and wealth. ? 38
Let us turn now to the direct agents of this industry, or the producers of this wealth, to the working class.
--It is one of the most melancholy features in the social state of this country,? says Gladstone, --that while there was a decrease in the consuming powers of the people, and while there was an increase in the privations and distress of the labouring class and operatives, there was at the same time a constant accumulation of wealth in the upper classes, and a constant increase of capital. ? 39
Thus spake this unctuous minister in the House of Commons of February 13th, 1843. On April 16th, 1863, 20 years later, in the speech in which he introduced his Budget:
--From 1842 to 1852 the taxable income of the country increased by 6 per cent. . . . In the 8 years from 1853 to 1861 it had increased from the basis taken in 1853 by 20 per cent. ! The fact is so astonishing as to be almost incredible . . . this intoxicating augmentation of wealth and power . . . entirely confined to classes of property . . . must be of indirect benefit to the labouring population, because it cheapens the commodities of general consumption. While the rich have been growing richer, the poor have been growing less poor. At any rate, whether the extremes of poverty are less, I do not presume to say. ? 40
How lame an anti-climax! If the working class has remained --poor,? only --less poor? in proportion as it produces for the wealthy class --an intoxicating augmentation of wealth and power,? then it has remained relatively just as poor. If the extremes of poverty have not lessened, they have increased, because the extremes of wealth have. As to the cheapening of the means of subsistence, the official statistics, e. g. , the accounts of the London Orphan Asylum, show an increase in price of 20% for the average of the three years 1860-1862, compared with 1851-1853. In the following three years, 1863-1865, there was a progressive rise in the price of meat, butter, milk, sugar, salt, coals, and a number of other necessary means of subsistence. 41 Gladstone's next Budget speech of April 7th, 1864, is a Pindaric dithyrambus on the advance of surplus value- making and the happiness of the people --tempered by poverty. ? He speaks of masses --on the border? of pauperism, of branches of trade in which --wages have not increased,? and finally sums up the happiness of the working class in the words:
--human life is but, in nine cases out of ten, a struggle for existence. ? 42
Professor Fawcett, not bound like Gladstone by official considerations, declares roundly:
? 450
Chapter 25
--I do not, of course, deny that money wages have been augmented by this increase of capital (in the last ten years), but this apparent advantage is to a great extent lost, because many of the necessaries of life are becoming dearer? (he believes because of the fall in value of the precious metals). . . "the rich grow rapidly richer, whilst there is no perceptible advance in the comfort enjoyed by the industrial classes. . . . They (the labourers) become almost the slaves of the tradesman, to whom they owe money. ? 43
In the chapters on the --working day? and --machinery,? the reader has seen under what circumstances the British working class created an --intoxicating augmentation of wealth and power? for the propertied classes. There we were chiefly concerned with the social functioning of the labourer. But for a full elucidation of the law of accumulation, his condition outside the workshop must also be looked at, his condition as to food and dwelling. The limits of this book compel us to concern ourselves chiefly with the worst paid part of the industrial proletariat, and with the agricultural labourers, who together form the majority of the working class.
But first, one word on official pauperism, or on that part of the working class which has forfeited its condition of existence (the sale of labour power), and vegetates upon public alms. The official list of paupers numbered in England44 851,369 persons; in 1856, 877,767; in 1865, 971,433. In consequence of the cotton famine, it grew in the years 1863 and 1864 to 1,079,382 and 1,014,978. The crisis of 1866, which fell most heavily on London, created in this centre of the world market, more populous than the kingdom of Scotland, an increase of pauperism for the year 1866 of 19. 5% compared with 1865, and of 24. 4% compared with 1864, and a still greater increase for the first months of 1867 as compared with 1866. From the analysis of the statistics of pauperism, two points are to be taken. On the one hand, the fluctuation up and down of the number of paupers, reflects the periodic changes of the industrial cycle. On the other, the official statistics become more and more misleading as to the actual extent of pauperism in proportion as, with the accumulation of capital, the class-struggle, and, therefore, the class consciousness of the working men, develop. E. g. , the barbarity in the treatment of the paupers, at which the English Press (The Times, Pall Mall Gazette, etc. ) have cried out so loudly during the last two years, is of ancient date. F. Engels showed in 1844 exactly the same horrors, exactly the same transient canting outcries of --sensational literature. ? But frightful increase of --deaths by starvation? in London during the last ten years proves beyond doubt the growing horror in which the working-people hold the slavery of the workhouse, that place of punishment for misery. 45
B. The Badly Paid Strata of the British Industrial Class
During the cotton famine of 1862, Dr. Smith was charged by the Privy Council with an inquiry into the conditions of nourishment of the distressed operatives in Lancashire and Cheshire. His observations during many preceding years had led him to the conclusion that --to avert starvation diseases,? the daily food of an average woman ought to contain at least 3,900 grains of carbon with 180 grains of nitrogen; the daily food of an average man, at least 4,300 grains of carbon with 200 grains of nitrogen; for women, about the same quantity of nutritive elements as are contained in 2 lbs. of good wheaten bread, for men 1/9 more; for the weekly average of adult men and women, at least 28,600 grains of carbon and 1,330 grains of nitrogen. His calculation was practically confirmed in a surprising manner by its agreement with the miserable quantity of nourishment to which want had forced down the consumption of the cotton operatives. This was, in December, 1862, 29,211 grains of carbon, and 1,295 grains of nitrogen weekly.
In the year 1863, the Privy Council ordered an inquiry into the state of distress of the worst- nourished part of the English working class. Dr. Simon, medical officer to the Privy Council,
? 451 Chapter 25
chose for this work the above-mentioned Dr. Smith. His inquiry ranges on the one hand over the agricultural labourers, on the other, over silk-weavers, needlewomen, kid-glovers, stocking- weavers, glove-weavers, and shoemakers. The latter categories are, with the exception of the stocking-weavers, exclusively town-dwellers. It was made a rule in the inquiry to select in each category the most healthy families, and those comparatively in the best circumstances.
As a general result it was found that
--in only one of the examined classes of in-door operatives did the average nitrogen supply just exceed, while in another it nearly reached, the estimated standard of bare sufficiency [i. e. , sufficient to avert starvation diseases], and that in two classes there was defect - in one, a very large defect - of both nitrogen and carbon. Moreover, as regards the examined families of the agricultural population, it appeared that more than a fifth were with less than the estimated sufficiency of carbonaceous food, that more than one-third were with less than the estimated sufficiency of nitrogenous food, and that in three counties (Berkshire, Oxfordshire, and Somersetshire), insufficiency of nitrogenous food was the average local diet. ? 46
Among the agricultural labourers, those of England, the wealthiest part of the United Kingdom, were the worst fed. 47 The insufficiency of food among the agricultural labourers, fell, as a rule, chiefly on the women and children, for --the man must eat to do his work. ? Still greater penury ravaged the town-workers examined.
--They are so ill fed that assuredly among them there must be many cases of severe and injurious privation. ? 48
(--Privation? of the capitalist all this! i. e. , --abstinence? from paying for the means of subsistence absolutely necessary for the mere vegetation of his --hands. ? ) 49
The following table shows the conditions of nourishment of the above-named categories of purely town-dwelling work-people, as compared with the minimum assumed by Dr. Smith, and with the food-allowance of the cotton operatives during the time of their greatest distress:
? ? Both Sexes
? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? Average weekly carbon
? ? ? ? Average weekly nitrogen
? ? ? Five in-door occupations
? ? ? ? 28,876 grains
? ? 1,192 grains
? ? Unemployed Lancashire Operatives
? ? ? ? ? 28,211 grains
? ? ? ? 1,295 grains
? ? ? Minimum quantity to be allowed to the Lancashire Operatives, equal number of males and females
? ? ? ? 28,600 grains
? ? 1,330 grains
?
One half, or 60/125, of the industrial labour categories investigated, had absolutely no beer, 28% no milk. The weekly average of the liquid means of nourishment in the families varied from seven ounces in the needle-women to 243/4 ounces in the stocking-makers. The majority of those who did not obtain milk were needle-women in London. The quantity of bread-stuffs consumed weekly varied from 73/4 lbs. for the needle-women to 111/2 lbs. for the shoemakers, and gave a total average of 9. 9 lbs. per adult weekly. Sugar (treacle, etc. ) varied from 4 ounces weekly for the kid-glovers to 11 ounces for the stocking-makers; and the total average per week for all categories was 8 ounces per adult weekly. Total weekly average of butter (fat, etc. ) 5 ounces per
? 452 Chapter 25
adult. The weekly average of meat (bacon, etc. ) varied from 71/4 ounces for the silk-weavers, to 181/4 ounces for the kid-glovers; total average for the different categories 13. 6 ounces. The weekly cost of food per adult, gave the following average figures; silk-weavers 2s. 21/2d. , needle-women 2s. 7d. , kid-glovers 2s. 91/2d. , shoemakers 2s 73/4d. , stocking-weavers 2s. 61/4d. For the silk- weavers of Macclesfield the average was only 1s. 81/2d. The worst categories were the needle- women, silk-weavers and kid-glovers. 50 Of these facts, Dr. Simon in his General Health Report says:
--That cases are innumerable in which defective diet is the cause or the aggravator of disease, can be affirmed by any one who is conversant with poor law medical practice, or with the wards and out-patient rooms of hospitals. . . . Yet in this point of view, there is, in my opinion, a very important sanitary context to be added. It must be remembered that privation of food is very reluctantly borne, and that as a rule great poorness of diet will only come when other privations have preceded it. Long before insufficiency of diet is a matter of hygienic concern, long before the physiologist would think of counting the grains of nitrogen and carbon which intervene between life and starvation, the household will have been utterly destitute of material comfort; clothing and fuel will have been even scantier than food - against inclemencies of weather there will have been no adequate protection - dwelling space will have been stinted to the degree in which overcrowding produces or increases disease; of household utensils and furniture there will have been scarcely any-even cleanliness will have been found costly or difficult, and if there still be self-respectful endeavours to maintain it, every such endeavour will represent additional pangs of hunger. The home, too, will be where shelter can be cheapest bought; in quarters where commonly there is least fruit of sanitary supervision, least drainage, least scavenging, least suppression of public nuisances, least or worst water supply, and, if in town, least light and air. Such are the sanitary dangers to which poverty is almost certainly exposed, when it is poverty enough to imply scantiness of food. And while the sum of them is of terrible magnitude against life, the mere scantiness of food is in itself of very serious moment. . . . These are painful reflections, especially when it is remembered that the poverty to which they advert is not the deserved poverty of idleness. In all cases it is the poverty of working populations. Indeed, as regards the in-door operatives, the work which obtains the scanty pittance of food, is for the most part excessively prolonged. Yet evidently it is only in a qualified sense that the work can be deemed self-supporting. . . . And on a very large scale the nominal self- support can be only a circuit, longer or shorter, to pauperism. ? 51
The intimate connexion between the pangs of hunger of the most industrious layers of the working class, and the extravagant consumption, coarse or refined, of the rich, for which capitalist accumulation is the basis, reveals itself only when the economic laws are known. It is otherwise with the --housing of the poor. ? Every unprejudiced observer sees that the greater the centralisation of the means of production, the greater is the corresponding heaping together of the labourers, within a given space; that therefore the swifter capitalistic accumulation, the more miserable are the dwellings of the working-people. --Improvements? of towns, accompanying the increase of wealth, by the demolition of badly built quarters, the erection of palaces for banks, warehouses, &c. , the widening of streets for business traffic, for the carriages of luxury, and for the introduction of tramways, &c. , drive away the poor into even worse and more crowded hiding places. On the other hand, every one knows that the dearness of dwellings is in inverse ratio to
? 453 Chapter 25
their excellence, and that the mines of misery are exploited by house speculators with more profit or less cost than ever were the mines of Potosi. The antagonistic character of capitalist accumulation, and therefore of the capitalistic relations of property generally,52 is here so evident, that even the official English reports on this subject teem with heterodox onslaughts on --property and its rights. ? With the development of industry, with the accumulation of capital, with the growth and --improvement? of towns, the evil makes such progress that the mere fear of contagious diseases which do not spare even --respectability,? brought into existence from 1847 to 1864 no less than 10 Acts of Parliament on sanitation, and that the frightened bourgeois in some towns, as Liverpool, Glasgow, &c. , took strenuous measures through their municipalities. Nevertheless Dr. Simon, in his report of 1865, says:
--Speaking generally, it may be said that the evils are uncontrolled in England. ?
By order of the Privy Council, in 1864, an inquiry was made into the conditions of the housing of the agricultural labourers, in 1865 of the poorer classes in the towns. The results of the admirable work of Dr. Julian Hunter are to be found in the seventh (1865) and eighth (1866) reports on --Public Health. ? To the agricultural labourers, I shall come later. On the condition of town dwellings, I quote, as preliminary, a general remark of Dr. Simon.
--Although my official point of view,? he says, --is one exclusively physical, common humanity requires that the other aspect of this evil should not be ignored . . . . In its higher degrees it [i. e. , over-crowding] almost necessarily involves such negation of all delicacy, such unclean confusion of bodies and bodily functions, such exposure of animal and sexual nakedness, as is rather bestial than human. To be subject to these influences is a degradation which must become deeper and deeper for those on whom it continues to work. To children who are born under its curse, it must often be a very baptism into infamy. And beyond all measure hopeless is the wish that persons thus circumstanced should ever in other respects aspire to that atmosphere of civilisation which has its essence in physical and moral cleanliness. ? 53
London takes the first place in over-crowded habitations, absolutely unfit for human beings.
--He feels clear,? says Dr. Hunter, --on two points; first, that there are about 20 large colonies in London, of about 10,000 persons each, whose miserable condition exceeds almost anything he has seen elsewhere in England, and is almost entirely the result of their bad house accommodation; and second, that the crowded and dilapidated condition of the houses of these colonies is much worse than was the case 20 years ago. ? 54 --It is not too much to say that life in parts of London and Newcastle is infernal. ? 55
Further, the better-off part of the working class, together with the small shopkeepers and other elements of the lower middle class, falls in London more and more under the curse of these vile conditions of dwelling, in proportion as --improvements,? and with them the demolition of old streets and houses, advance, as factories and the afflux of human beings grow in the metropolis, and finally as house rents rise with the ground-rents.
--Rents have become so heavy that few labouring men can afford more than one room. ? 56
There is almost no house-property in London that is not overburdened with a number of middlemen. For the price of land in London is always very high in comparison with its yearly revenue, and therefore every buyer speculates on getting rid of it again at a jury price (the expropriation valuation fixed by jurymen), or on pocketing an extraordinary increase of value
? 454 Chapter 25
arising from the neighbourhood of some large establishment. As a consequence of this there is a regular trade in the purchase of --fag-ends of leases. ?
--Gentlemen in this business may be fairly expected to do as they do - get all they can from the tenants while they have them, and leave as little as they can for their successors. ? 57
The rents are weekly, and these gentlemen run no risk. In consequence of the making of railroads in the City,
--the spectacle has lately been seen in the East of London of a number of families wandering about some Saturday night with their scanty worldly goods on their backs, without any resting place but the workhouse. ? 58
The workhouses are already over-crowded. and the --improvements? already sanctioned by Parliament are only just begun. If labourers are driven away by the demolition of their old houses, they do not leave their old parish, or at most they settle down on its borders, as near as they can get to it.
--They try, of course, to remain as near as possible to their workshops. The inhabitants do not go beyond the same or the next parish, parting their two-room tenements into single rooms, and crowding even those. . . . Even at an advanced rent, the people who are displaced will hardly be able to get an accommodation so good as the meagre one they have left. . . . Half the workmen . . . of the Strand . . . walked two miles to their work. ? 59
This same Strand, a main thoroughfare which gives strangers an imposing idea of the wealth of London, may serve as an example of the packing together of human beings in that town. In one of its parishes, the Officer of Health reckoned 581 persons per acre, although half the width of the Thames was reckoned in. It will be self-understood that every sanitary measure, which, as has been the case hitherto in London, hunts the labourers from one quarter, by demolishing uninhabitable houses, serves only to crowd them together yet more closely in another.
--Either,? says Dr. Hunter, --the whole proceeding will of necessity stop as an absurdity, or the public compassion (! ) be effectually aroused to the obligation which may now be without exaggeration called national, of supplying cover to those who by reason of their having no capital, cannot provide it for themselves, though they can by periodical payments reward those who, will provide it for them. ? 60
Admire this capitalistic justice! The owner of land, of houses, the businessman, when expropriated by --improvements? such as railroads, the building of new streets, &c. , not only receives full indemnity. He must, according to law, human and divine, be comforted for his enforced --abstinence? over and above this by a thumping profit. The labourer, with his wife and child and chattels, is thrown out into the street, and - if he crowds in too large numbers towards quarters of the town where the vestries insist on decency, he is prosecuted in the name of sanitation!
Except London, there was at the beginning of the 19th century no single town in England of 100,000 inhabitants. Only five had more than 50,000. Now there are 28 towns with more than 50,000 inhabitants.
--The result of this change is not only that the class of town people is enormously increased, but the old close-packed little towns are now centres, built round on every side, open nowhere to air, and being no longer agreeable to the rich are abandoned by them for the pleasanter outskirts. The successors of these rich are
? 455
Chapter 25
occupying the larger houses at the rate of a family to each room [. . . and find accommodation for two or three lodgers . . . ] and a population, for which the houses were not intended and quite unfit, has been created, whose surroundings are truly degrading to the adults and ruinous to the children. ? 61
The more rapidly capital accumulates in an industrial or commercial town, the more rapidly flows the stream of exploitable human material, the more miserable are the improvised dwellings of the labourers.
Newcastle-on-Tyne, as the centre of a coal and iron district of growing productiveness, takes the next place after London in the housing inferno. Not less than 34,000 persons live there in single rooms. Because of their absolute danger to the community, houses in great numbers have lately been destroyed by the authorities in Newcastle and Gateshead. The building of new houses progresses very slowly, business very quickly. The town was, therefore, in 1865, more full than ever. Scarcely a room was to let. Dr. Embleton, of the Newcastle Fever Hospital, says:
--There can be little doubt that the great cause of the continuance and spread of the typhus has been the over-crowding of human beings, and the uncleanliness of their dwellings. The rooms, in which labourers in many cases live, are situated in confined and unwholesome yards or courts, and for space, light, air, and cleanliness, are models of insufficiency and insalubrity, and a disgrace to any civilised community; in them men, women, and children lie at night huddled together: and as regards the men, the night-shift succeed the day-shift, and the day-shift the night-shift in unbroken series for some time together, the beds having scarcely time to cool; the whole house badly supplied with water and worse with privies; dirty, unventilated, and pestiferous. ? 62
The price per week of such lodgings ranges from 8d. to 3s.
--The town of Newcastle-on-Tyne,? says Dr. Hunter, --contains a sample of the finest tribe of our countrymen, often sunk by external circumstances of house and street into an almost savage degradation. ? 63
As a result of the ebbing and flowing of capital and labour, the state of the dwellings of an industrial town may today be bearable, tomorrow hideous. Or the aedileship of the town may have pulled itself together for the removal of the most shocking abuses. Tomorrow, like a swarm of locusts, come crowding in masses of ragged Irishmen or decayed English agricultural labourers. They are stowed away in cellars and lofts, or the hitherto respectable labourer's dwelling is transformed into a lodging house whose personnel changes as quickly as the billets in the 30 years' war. Example: Bradford (Yorkshire). There the municipal philistine was just busied with urban improvements. Besides, there were still in Bradford, in 1861, 1,751 uninhabited houses. But now comes that revival of trade which the mildly liberal Mr. Forster, the negro's friend, recently crowed over with so much grace. With the revival of trade came of course an overflow from the waves of the ever fluctuating --reserve army? or --relative surplus population. ? The frightful cellar habitations and rooms registered in the list,64 which Dr. Hunter obtained from the agent of an Insurance Company, were for the most part inhabited by well-paid labourers. They declared that they would willingly pay for better dwellings if they were to be had. Meanwhile, they become degraded, they fall ill, one and all, whilst the mildly liberal Forster, M. P. , sheds tears over the blessings of Free Trade, and the profits of the eminent men of Bradford who deal in worsted. In the Report of September, 1865, Dr. Bell, one of the poor law doctors of Bradford, ascribes the frightful mortality of fever-patients in his district to the nature of their dwellings.
? 456
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--In one small cellar measuring 1,500 cubic feet . . . there are ten persons .
? ? ? ? ? 832
? ? ? ? 27,555,313
? ? ? ? 973
? ? ? of these
? ? 8,744,762
? ? ? ? ? 91
? ? 11,077,238
? ? ? 107
? In 1855 there were produced in the United Kingdom 61,453,079 tons of coal, of value ? 16,113,167; in 1864, 92,787,873 tons, of value ? 23,197,968; in 1855, 3,218,154 tons of pig-iron, of value ? 8,045,385; 1864, 4,767,951 tons, of value ? 11,919,877. In 1854 the length of the railroads worked in the United Kingdom was 8,054 miles, with a paid-up capital of ? 286,068,794; in 1864 the length was 12,789 miles, with capital paid up of ? 425,719,613. In 1854 the total sum
? 449 Chapter 25
of the exports and imports of the United Kingdom was ? 268,210,145; in 1865, ? 489,923,285. The following table shows the movement of the exports:
1846 ? 58,842,377 1849 63,596,052 1856 115,826,948 1860 135,842,817 1865 165,862,402 186637 188,917,563
After these few examples one understands the cry of triumph of the Registrar-General of the British people:
--Rapidly as the population has increased, it has not kept pace with the progress of industry and wealth. ? 38
Let us turn now to the direct agents of this industry, or the producers of this wealth, to the working class.
--It is one of the most melancholy features in the social state of this country,? says Gladstone, --that while there was a decrease in the consuming powers of the people, and while there was an increase in the privations and distress of the labouring class and operatives, there was at the same time a constant accumulation of wealth in the upper classes, and a constant increase of capital. ? 39
Thus spake this unctuous minister in the House of Commons of February 13th, 1843. On April 16th, 1863, 20 years later, in the speech in which he introduced his Budget:
--From 1842 to 1852 the taxable income of the country increased by 6 per cent. . . . In the 8 years from 1853 to 1861 it had increased from the basis taken in 1853 by 20 per cent. ! The fact is so astonishing as to be almost incredible . . . this intoxicating augmentation of wealth and power . . . entirely confined to classes of property . . . must be of indirect benefit to the labouring population, because it cheapens the commodities of general consumption. While the rich have been growing richer, the poor have been growing less poor. At any rate, whether the extremes of poverty are less, I do not presume to say. ? 40
How lame an anti-climax! If the working class has remained --poor,? only --less poor? in proportion as it produces for the wealthy class --an intoxicating augmentation of wealth and power,? then it has remained relatively just as poor. If the extremes of poverty have not lessened, they have increased, because the extremes of wealth have. As to the cheapening of the means of subsistence, the official statistics, e. g. , the accounts of the London Orphan Asylum, show an increase in price of 20% for the average of the three years 1860-1862, compared with 1851-1853. In the following three years, 1863-1865, there was a progressive rise in the price of meat, butter, milk, sugar, salt, coals, and a number of other necessary means of subsistence. 41 Gladstone's next Budget speech of April 7th, 1864, is a Pindaric dithyrambus on the advance of surplus value- making and the happiness of the people --tempered by poverty. ? He speaks of masses --on the border? of pauperism, of branches of trade in which --wages have not increased,? and finally sums up the happiness of the working class in the words:
--human life is but, in nine cases out of ten, a struggle for existence. ? 42
Professor Fawcett, not bound like Gladstone by official considerations, declares roundly:
? 450
Chapter 25
--I do not, of course, deny that money wages have been augmented by this increase of capital (in the last ten years), but this apparent advantage is to a great extent lost, because many of the necessaries of life are becoming dearer? (he believes because of the fall in value of the precious metals). . . "the rich grow rapidly richer, whilst there is no perceptible advance in the comfort enjoyed by the industrial classes. . . . They (the labourers) become almost the slaves of the tradesman, to whom they owe money. ? 43
In the chapters on the --working day? and --machinery,? the reader has seen under what circumstances the British working class created an --intoxicating augmentation of wealth and power? for the propertied classes. There we were chiefly concerned with the social functioning of the labourer. But for a full elucidation of the law of accumulation, his condition outside the workshop must also be looked at, his condition as to food and dwelling. The limits of this book compel us to concern ourselves chiefly with the worst paid part of the industrial proletariat, and with the agricultural labourers, who together form the majority of the working class.
But first, one word on official pauperism, or on that part of the working class which has forfeited its condition of existence (the sale of labour power), and vegetates upon public alms. The official list of paupers numbered in England44 851,369 persons; in 1856, 877,767; in 1865, 971,433. In consequence of the cotton famine, it grew in the years 1863 and 1864 to 1,079,382 and 1,014,978. The crisis of 1866, which fell most heavily on London, created in this centre of the world market, more populous than the kingdom of Scotland, an increase of pauperism for the year 1866 of 19. 5% compared with 1865, and of 24. 4% compared with 1864, and a still greater increase for the first months of 1867 as compared with 1866. From the analysis of the statistics of pauperism, two points are to be taken. On the one hand, the fluctuation up and down of the number of paupers, reflects the periodic changes of the industrial cycle. On the other, the official statistics become more and more misleading as to the actual extent of pauperism in proportion as, with the accumulation of capital, the class-struggle, and, therefore, the class consciousness of the working men, develop. E. g. , the barbarity in the treatment of the paupers, at which the English Press (The Times, Pall Mall Gazette, etc. ) have cried out so loudly during the last two years, is of ancient date. F. Engels showed in 1844 exactly the same horrors, exactly the same transient canting outcries of --sensational literature. ? But frightful increase of --deaths by starvation? in London during the last ten years proves beyond doubt the growing horror in which the working-people hold the slavery of the workhouse, that place of punishment for misery. 45
B. The Badly Paid Strata of the British Industrial Class
During the cotton famine of 1862, Dr. Smith was charged by the Privy Council with an inquiry into the conditions of nourishment of the distressed operatives in Lancashire and Cheshire. His observations during many preceding years had led him to the conclusion that --to avert starvation diseases,? the daily food of an average woman ought to contain at least 3,900 grains of carbon with 180 grains of nitrogen; the daily food of an average man, at least 4,300 grains of carbon with 200 grains of nitrogen; for women, about the same quantity of nutritive elements as are contained in 2 lbs. of good wheaten bread, for men 1/9 more; for the weekly average of adult men and women, at least 28,600 grains of carbon and 1,330 grains of nitrogen. His calculation was practically confirmed in a surprising manner by its agreement with the miserable quantity of nourishment to which want had forced down the consumption of the cotton operatives. This was, in December, 1862, 29,211 grains of carbon, and 1,295 grains of nitrogen weekly.
In the year 1863, the Privy Council ordered an inquiry into the state of distress of the worst- nourished part of the English working class. Dr. Simon, medical officer to the Privy Council,
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chose for this work the above-mentioned Dr. Smith. His inquiry ranges on the one hand over the agricultural labourers, on the other, over silk-weavers, needlewomen, kid-glovers, stocking- weavers, glove-weavers, and shoemakers. The latter categories are, with the exception of the stocking-weavers, exclusively town-dwellers. It was made a rule in the inquiry to select in each category the most healthy families, and those comparatively in the best circumstances.
As a general result it was found that
--in only one of the examined classes of in-door operatives did the average nitrogen supply just exceed, while in another it nearly reached, the estimated standard of bare sufficiency [i. e. , sufficient to avert starvation diseases], and that in two classes there was defect - in one, a very large defect - of both nitrogen and carbon. Moreover, as regards the examined families of the agricultural population, it appeared that more than a fifth were with less than the estimated sufficiency of carbonaceous food, that more than one-third were with less than the estimated sufficiency of nitrogenous food, and that in three counties (Berkshire, Oxfordshire, and Somersetshire), insufficiency of nitrogenous food was the average local diet. ? 46
Among the agricultural labourers, those of England, the wealthiest part of the United Kingdom, were the worst fed. 47 The insufficiency of food among the agricultural labourers, fell, as a rule, chiefly on the women and children, for --the man must eat to do his work. ? Still greater penury ravaged the town-workers examined.
--They are so ill fed that assuredly among them there must be many cases of severe and injurious privation. ? 48
(--Privation? of the capitalist all this! i. e. , --abstinence? from paying for the means of subsistence absolutely necessary for the mere vegetation of his --hands. ? ) 49
The following table shows the conditions of nourishment of the above-named categories of purely town-dwelling work-people, as compared with the minimum assumed by Dr. Smith, and with the food-allowance of the cotton operatives during the time of their greatest distress:
? ? Both Sexes
? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? Average weekly carbon
? ? ? ? Average weekly nitrogen
? ? ? Five in-door occupations
? ? ? ? 28,876 grains
? ? 1,192 grains
? ? Unemployed Lancashire Operatives
? ? ? ? ? 28,211 grains
? ? ? ? 1,295 grains
? ? ? Minimum quantity to be allowed to the Lancashire Operatives, equal number of males and females
? ? ? ? 28,600 grains
? ? 1,330 grains
?
One half, or 60/125, of the industrial labour categories investigated, had absolutely no beer, 28% no milk. The weekly average of the liquid means of nourishment in the families varied from seven ounces in the needle-women to 243/4 ounces in the stocking-makers. The majority of those who did not obtain milk were needle-women in London. The quantity of bread-stuffs consumed weekly varied from 73/4 lbs. for the needle-women to 111/2 lbs. for the shoemakers, and gave a total average of 9. 9 lbs. per adult weekly. Sugar (treacle, etc. ) varied from 4 ounces weekly for the kid-glovers to 11 ounces for the stocking-makers; and the total average per week for all categories was 8 ounces per adult weekly. Total weekly average of butter (fat, etc. ) 5 ounces per
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adult. The weekly average of meat (bacon, etc. ) varied from 71/4 ounces for the silk-weavers, to 181/4 ounces for the kid-glovers; total average for the different categories 13. 6 ounces. The weekly cost of food per adult, gave the following average figures; silk-weavers 2s. 21/2d. , needle-women 2s. 7d. , kid-glovers 2s. 91/2d. , shoemakers 2s 73/4d. , stocking-weavers 2s. 61/4d. For the silk- weavers of Macclesfield the average was only 1s. 81/2d. The worst categories were the needle- women, silk-weavers and kid-glovers. 50 Of these facts, Dr. Simon in his General Health Report says:
--That cases are innumerable in which defective diet is the cause or the aggravator of disease, can be affirmed by any one who is conversant with poor law medical practice, or with the wards and out-patient rooms of hospitals. . . . Yet in this point of view, there is, in my opinion, a very important sanitary context to be added. It must be remembered that privation of food is very reluctantly borne, and that as a rule great poorness of diet will only come when other privations have preceded it. Long before insufficiency of diet is a matter of hygienic concern, long before the physiologist would think of counting the grains of nitrogen and carbon which intervene between life and starvation, the household will have been utterly destitute of material comfort; clothing and fuel will have been even scantier than food - against inclemencies of weather there will have been no adequate protection - dwelling space will have been stinted to the degree in which overcrowding produces or increases disease; of household utensils and furniture there will have been scarcely any-even cleanliness will have been found costly or difficult, and if there still be self-respectful endeavours to maintain it, every such endeavour will represent additional pangs of hunger. The home, too, will be where shelter can be cheapest bought; in quarters where commonly there is least fruit of sanitary supervision, least drainage, least scavenging, least suppression of public nuisances, least or worst water supply, and, if in town, least light and air. Such are the sanitary dangers to which poverty is almost certainly exposed, when it is poverty enough to imply scantiness of food. And while the sum of them is of terrible magnitude against life, the mere scantiness of food is in itself of very serious moment. . . . These are painful reflections, especially when it is remembered that the poverty to which they advert is not the deserved poverty of idleness. In all cases it is the poverty of working populations. Indeed, as regards the in-door operatives, the work which obtains the scanty pittance of food, is for the most part excessively prolonged. Yet evidently it is only in a qualified sense that the work can be deemed self-supporting. . . . And on a very large scale the nominal self- support can be only a circuit, longer or shorter, to pauperism. ? 51
The intimate connexion between the pangs of hunger of the most industrious layers of the working class, and the extravagant consumption, coarse or refined, of the rich, for which capitalist accumulation is the basis, reveals itself only when the economic laws are known. It is otherwise with the --housing of the poor. ? Every unprejudiced observer sees that the greater the centralisation of the means of production, the greater is the corresponding heaping together of the labourers, within a given space; that therefore the swifter capitalistic accumulation, the more miserable are the dwellings of the working-people. --Improvements? of towns, accompanying the increase of wealth, by the demolition of badly built quarters, the erection of palaces for banks, warehouses, &c. , the widening of streets for business traffic, for the carriages of luxury, and for the introduction of tramways, &c. , drive away the poor into even worse and more crowded hiding places. On the other hand, every one knows that the dearness of dwellings is in inverse ratio to
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their excellence, and that the mines of misery are exploited by house speculators with more profit or less cost than ever were the mines of Potosi. The antagonistic character of capitalist accumulation, and therefore of the capitalistic relations of property generally,52 is here so evident, that even the official English reports on this subject teem with heterodox onslaughts on --property and its rights. ? With the development of industry, with the accumulation of capital, with the growth and --improvement? of towns, the evil makes such progress that the mere fear of contagious diseases which do not spare even --respectability,? brought into existence from 1847 to 1864 no less than 10 Acts of Parliament on sanitation, and that the frightened bourgeois in some towns, as Liverpool, Glasgow, &c. , took strenuous measures through their municipalities. Nevertheless Dr. Simon, in his report of 1865, says:
--Speaking generally, it may be said that the evils are uncontrolled in England. ?
By order of the Privy Council, in 1864, an inquiry was made into the conditions of the housing of the agricultural labourers, in 1865 of the poorer classes in the towns. The results of the admirable work of Dr. Julian Hunter are to be found in the seventh (1865) and eighth (1866) reports on --Public Health. ? To the agricultural labourers, I shall come later. On the condition of town dwellings, I quote, as preliminary, a general remark of Dr. Simon.
--Although my official point of view,? he says, --is one exclusively physical, common humanity requires that the other aspect of this evil should not be ignored . . . . In its higher degrees it [i. e. , over-crowding] almost necessarily involves such negation of all delicacy, such unclean confusion of bodies and bodily functions, such exposure of animal and sexual nakedness, as is rather bestial than human. To be subject to these influences is a degradation which must become deeper and deeper for those on whom it continues to work. To children who are born under its curse, it must often be a very baptism into infamy. And beyond all measure hopeless is the wish that persons thus circumstanced should ever in other respects aspire to that atmosphere of civilisation which has its essence in physical and moral cleanliness. ? 53
London takes the first place in over-crowded habitations, absolutely unfit for human beings.
--He feels clear,? says Dr. Hunter, --on two points; first, that there are about 20 large colonies in London, of about 10,000 persons each, whose miserable condition exceeds almost anything he has seen elsewhere in England, and is almost entirely the result of their bad house accommodation; and second, that the crowded and dilapidated condition of the houses of these colonies is much worse than was the case 20 years ago. ? 54 --It is not too much to say that life in parts of London and Newcastle is infernal. ? 55
Further, the better-off part of the working class, together with the small shopkeepers and other elements of the lower middle class, falls in London more and more under the curse of these vile conditions of dwelling, in proportion as --improvements,? and with them the demolition of old streets and houses, advance, as factories and the afflux of human beings grow in the metropolis, and finally as house rents rise with the ground-rents.
--Rents have become so heavy that few labouring men can afford more than one room. ? 56
There is almost no house-property in London that is not overburdened with a number of middlemen. For the price of land in London is always very high in comparison with its yearly revenue, and therefore every buyer speculates on getting rid of it again at a jury price (the expropriation valuation fixed by jurymen), or on pocketing an extraordinary increase of value
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arising from the neighbourhood of some large establishment. As a consequence of this there is a regular trade in the purchase of --fag-ends of leases. ?
--Gentlemen in this business may be fairly expected to do as they do - get all they can from the tenants while they have them, and leave as little as they can for their successors. ? 57
The rents are weekly, and these gentlemen run no risk. In consequence of the making of railroads in the City,
--the spectacle has lately been seen in the East of London of a number of families wandering about some Saturday night with their scanty worldly goods on their backs, without any resting place but the workhouse. ? 58
The workhouses are already over-crowded. and the --improvements? already sanctioned by Parliament are only just begun. If labourers are driven away by the demolition of their old houses, they do not leave their old parish, or at most they settle down on its borders, as near as they can get to it.
--They try, of course, to remain as near as possible to their workshops. The inhabitants do not go beyond the same or the next parish, parting their two-room tenements into single rooms, and crowding even those. . . . Even at an advanced rent, the people who are displaced will hardly be able to get an accommodation so good as the meagre one they have left. . . . Half the workmen . . . of the Strand . . . walked two miles to their work. ? 59
This same Strand, a main thoroughfare which gives strangers an imposing idea of the wealth of London, may serve as an example of the packing together of human beings in that town. In one of its parishes, the Officer of Health reckoned 581 persons per acre, although half the width of the Thames was reckoned in. It will be self-understood that every sanitary measure, which, as has been the case hitherto in London, hunts the labourers from one quarter, by demolishing uninhabitable houses, serves only to crowd them together yet more closely in another.
--Either,? says Dr. Hunter, --the whole proceeding will of necessity stop as an absurdity, or the public compassion (! ) be effectually aroused to the obligation which may now be without exaggeration called national, of supplying cover to those who by reason of their having no capital, cannot provide it for themselves, though they can by periodical payments reward those who, will provide it for them. ? 60
Admire this capitalistic justice! The owner of land, of houses, the businessman, when expropriated by --improvements? such as railroads, the building of new streets, &c. , not only receives full indemnity. He must, according to law, human and divine, be comforted for his enforced --abstinence? over and above this by a thumping profit. The labourer, with his wife and child and chattels, is thrown out into the street, and - if he crowds in too large numbers towards quarters of the town where the vestries insist on decency, he is prosecuted in the name of sanitation!
Except London, there was at the beginning of the 19th century no single town in England of 100,000 inhabitants. Only five had more than 50,000. Now there are 28 towns with more than 50,000 inhabitants.
--The result of this change is not only that the class of town people is enormously increased, but the old close-packed little towns are now centres, built round on every side, open nowhere to air, and being no longer agreeable to the rich are abandoned by them for the pleasanter outskirts. The successors of these rich are
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occupying the larger houses at the rate of a family to each room [. . . and find accommodation for two or three lodgers . . . ] and a population, for which the houses were not intended and quite unfit, has been created, whose surroundings are truly degrading to the adults and ruinous to the children. ? 61
The more rapidly capital accumulates in an industrial or commercial town, the more rapidly flows the stream of exploitable human material, the more miserable are the improvised dwellings of the labourers.
Newcastle-on-Tyne, as the centre of a coal and iron district of growing productiveness, takes the next place after London in the housing inferno. Not less than 34,000 persons live there in single rooms. Because of their absolute danger to the community, houses in great numbers have lately been destroyed by the authorities in Newcastle and Gateshead. The building of new houses progresses very slowly, business very quickly. The town was, therefore, in 1865, more full than ever. Scarcely a room was to let. Dr. Embleton, of the Newcastle Fever Hospital, says:
--There can be little doubt that the great cause of the continuance and spread of the typhus has been the over-crowding of human beings, and the uncleanliness of their dwellings. The rooms, in which labourers in many cases live, are situated in confined and unwholesome yards or courts, and for space, light, air, and cleanliness, are models of insufficiency and insalubrity, and a disgrace to any civilised community; in them men, women, and children lie at night huddled together: and as regards the men, the night-shift succeed the day-shift, and the day-shift the night-shift in unbroken series for some time together, the beds having scarcely time to cool; the whole house badly supplied with water and worse with privies; dirty, unventilated, and pestiferous. ? 62
The price per week of such lodgings ranges from 8d. to 3s.
--The town of Newcastle-on-Tyne,? says Dr. Hunter, --contains a sample of the finest tribe of our countrymen, often sunk by external circumstances of house and street into an almost savage degradation. ? 63
As a result of the ebbing and flowing of capital and labour, the state of the dwellings of an industrial town may today be bearable, tomorrow hideous. Or the aedileship of the town may have pulled itself together for the removal of the most shocking abuses. Tomorrow, like a swarm of locusts, come crowding in masses of ragged Irishmen or decayed English agricultural labourers. They are stowed away in cellars and lofts, or the hitherto respectable labourer's dwelling is transformed into a lodging house whose personnel changes as quickly as the billets in the 30 years' war. Example: Bradford (Yorkshire). There the municipal philistine was just busied with urban improvements. Besides, there were still in Bradford, in 1861, 1,751 uninhabited houses. But now comes that revival of trade which the mildly liberal Mr. Forster, the negro's friend, recently crowed over with so much grace. With the revival of trade came of course an overflow from the waves of the ever fluctuating --reserve army? or --relative surplus population. ? The frightful cellar habitations and rooms registered in the list,64 which Dr. Hunter obtained from the agent of an Insurance Company, were for the most part inhabited by well-paid labourers. They declared that they would willingly pay for better dwellings if they were to be had. Meanwhile, they become degraded, they fall ill, one and all, whilst the mildly liberal Forster, M. P. , sheds tears over the blessings of Free Trade, and the profits of the eminent men of Bradford who deal in worsted. In the Report of September, 1865, Dr. Bell, one of the poor law doctors of Bradford, ascribes the frightful mortality of fever-patients in his district to the nature of their dwellings.
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--In one small cellar measuring 1,500 cubic feet . . . there are ten persons .
