No More Learning

The Sequani, still loyal, defeat Sabinus and Lingones.

The Remi, also loyal, summon a Gallic Council, which votes for
peace, but the Treviri and Lingones hold out under Classicus,
Tutor, and Valentinus.

The Roman mutineers return to their allegiance.

_Summer_

Sextilius Felix routs Tutor near Bingen. Cerialis defeats
Valentinus and occupies Trier.

The Germans surprise the Romans in Trier, but Cerialis drives
them out and storms their camp.

Massacre of Germans at Cologne. Cohort of Chauci and Frisii
entrapped and burnt.

Leg. XIV Gemina arrives from Britain and receives submission of
Nervii and Tungri.

Legs. I Adjutrix and VI Victrix arrive from Spain.

_Autumn_

Civilis defeats Cerialis near Vetera, but is routed on the next
day and retires into The Island.

Hard fighting on the Waal.

Germans capture Roman flotilla.

Civilis retires northwards over the Rhine.

Cerialis occupies The Island.

Civilis makes overtures of peace.



NOTE

The text followed is that of C. D. Fisher _(Oxford Classical Texts)_.
Departures from it are mentioned in the notes.




BOOK III


ANTONIUS' ADVANCE

On the Flavian side the generals concerted their plans for the war 1
with greater loyalty and greater success. They had met at Poetovio[1]
at the head-quarters of the Third legion, where they debated whether
they should block the passage of the Pannonian Alps and wait until
their whole strength came up to reinforce them, or whether they should
take a bolder line, assume the offensive, and strike for Italy. Those
who were in favour of waiting for reinforcements and prolonging the
war dwelt on the strength and reputation of the German legions, and
pointed out that the flower of the British army had lately arrived in
Rome with Vitellius;[2] their own forces were numerically inferior and
had recently suffered defeat; moreover, conquered troops, however bold
their language, never show the same courage. On the other hand, if
they occupied the Alps, Mucianus would soon arrive with the forces
from the East. Besides, Vespasian still[3] commanded the sea, and
could count on the support of the fleets[4] and of the provinces,
where he could still raise material for a sort of second war. A
salutary delay would bring them fresh forces without in any way
prejudicing their present position.

In answer to these arguments Antonius Primus,[5] who had done more 2
than any one else to stir up the war, stoutly maintained that prompt
action would save them and ruin Vitellius. 'Their victory,' he said,
'has not served to inspirit but to enervate them. The men are not held
in readiness in camp, but are loitering in towns all over Italy. No
one but their hosts has any call to fear them. The more unruly and
ferocious they showed themselves before, the greater the greed with
which they now indulge in unwonted draughts of pleasure. The circus,
the theatre, and the charms of the capital have ruined their hardness
and their health. But if we give them time to train for war they will
regain their energy. It is not far to Germany, whence they draw their
main strength. Britain is only separated by a narrow channel. Close at
hand they have Gaul and Spain, from the provinces of which they can
get men, horses, and subsidies. Then again, they can rely on Italy
itself and all the resources of the capital, while, if they want to
take the offensive, they have two fleets[6] and full command of the
Illyrian Sea. [7] Besides, what good to us are the ramparts of the
mountains? Why should we drag on the war into another summer? Where
can we get funds and supplies in the meanwhile? No, let us seize our
opportunity. The Pannonian legions are burning to rise in revenge.
They were not defeated but deceived. [8] The Moesian army has not yet
lost a man. If you count not legions but men, our forces are superior
both in numbers and in character. The very shame of our defeat[9]
makes for good discipline. And even then our cavalry was not beaten.
For though we lost the day, they shattered the enemy's line. [10] And
what was the force that broke through the Vitellians? Two regiments of
cavalry from Pannonia and Moesia. What have we now? Sixteen regiments.
Will not their combined forces, as they roar and thunder down upon the
enemy, burying them in clouds of dust, overwhelm these horses and
horsemen that have forgotten how to fight? I have given you my plan,
and, unless I am stopped, I will put it in operation. Some of you have
not yet burnt your boats. [11] Well, you can keep back the legions.
Give me the auxiliaries in light marching order. They will be enough
for me. You will soon hear that the door of Italy is open and the
power of Vitellius shaken. You will be glad enough to follow in the
footsteps of my victory. '

All this and much else of the same tenor Antonius poured out with 3
flashing eyes, raising his voice so as to reach the centurions and
some of the soldiers, who had gathered round to share in their
deliberations. [12] His truculent tone carried away even the more
cautious and far-seeing, while the rest of the crowd were filled with
contempt for the cowardice of the other generals, and cheered their
one and only leader to the echo. He had already established his
reputation at the original meeting, when Vespasian's letter[13] was
read. Most of the generals had then taken an ambiguous line, intending
to interpret their language in the light of subsequent events. But
Antonius seemed to have taken the field without any disguise, and this
carried more weight with the men, who saw that he must share their
disgrace or their glory.

Next to Antonius in influence stood Cornelius Fuscus, the imperial 4
agent. [14] He, too, always attacked Vitellius in no mild terms, and
had left himself no hope in case of failure. Tampius Flavianus[15] was
a man whose disposition and advanced years inclined him to dilatory
measures, and he soon began to earn the dislike and suspicion of the
soldiers, who felt he had not forgotten his kinship with Vitellius.
Besides this, when the legions first rose, he had fled to Italy and
subsequently returned of his own free will, which looked like
meditating treachery. [16] Having once given up his province and
returned to Italy, he was out of the reach of danger, but the passion
for revolution had induced him to resume his title and meddle in the
civil war. It was Cornelius Fuscus who had persuaded him to this--not
that he needed his assistance, but because he felt that, especially at
the outset of the rising, the prestige of an ex-consul would be a
valuable asset to the party.

In order to make their march across into Italy safe and effective, 5
letters were sent to Aponius Saturninus[17] to bring the Moesian army
up as quickly as possible. To prevent the exposure of the defenceless
provinces to the attacks of foreign tribes, the chiefs of the
Sarmatian Iazyges,[18] who formed the government of the tribe, were
enlisted in the service. They also offered their tribal force,
consisting entirely of cavalry, but were excused from this
contribution for fear that the civil war might give opportunity for a
foreign invasion, or that an offer of higher pay from the enemy might
tempt them to sacrifice their duty and their honour. [19] Sido and
Italicus, two princes of the Suebi,[20] were allowed to join
Vespasian's side. They had long acknowledged Roman sovereignty, and
companionship in arms[21] was likely to strengthen the loyalty of the
tribe. Some auxiliaries were stationed on the flank towards Raetia,
where hostilities were expected, since the imperial agent Porcius
Septiminus,[22] remained incorruptibly loyal to Vitellius. Sextilius
Felix was therefore dispatched with Aurius' Horse[23] and eight
cohorts of auxiliary infantry, together with the native levies of
Noricum, to hold the line of the river Aenus,[24] which forms the
frontier of Raetia and Noricum. Neither side provoked a battle: the
fortune of the rival parties was decided elsewhere.

Meanwhile, at the head of a picked band of auxiliaries and part of 6
the cavalry, Antonius hurried off to invade Italy. He took with him an
energetic soldier named Arrius Varus, who had made his reputation
while serving under Corbulo in his Armenian victories. He was supposed
to have sought a private interview with Nero, at which he maligned
Corbulo's character. His infamous treachery brought him the emperor's
favour and a post as senior centurion. This ill-gotten prize delighted
him now, but ultimately proved his ruin. [25]

After occupying Aquileia,[26] Antonius and Varus found a ready welcome
at Opitergium and Altinum[27] and all the other towns in the
neighbourhood. At Altinum a garrison was left behind to guard their
communications against the fleet at Ravenna, for the news of its
desertion had not as yet arrived. Pressing forward, they won Patavium
and Ateste[28] for the party. At the latter place they learnt that
three cohorts of Vitellius' auxiliary infantry and a regiment of
cavalry, known as Sebosus' Horse,[29] were established at Forum
Alieni,[30] where they had constructed a bridge. [31] The report added
that they were off their guard, so this seemed a good opportunity to
attack them. They accordingly rushed the position at dawn, and cut
down many of the men without their weapons. Orders had been given
that, after a few had been killed, the rest should be terrorized into
desertion. Some surrendered at once, but the majority succeeded in
destroying the bridge, and thus checked the enemy's pursuit. The first
bout had gone in the Flavians' favour.

When the news spread to Poetovio, the Seventh Galbian and the 7
Thirteenth Gemina hurried in high spirits to Patavium under the
command of Vedius Aquila. At Patavium they were given a few days'
rest, during which Minicius Justus, the camp-prefect of the Seventh
legion, who endeavoured to enforce a standard of discipline too severe
for civil war, had to be rescued from the fury of his troops and sent
to Vespasian. Antonius conceived that his party would gain in
prestige, if they showed approval of Galba's government, and stood for
the revival of his cause. So he gave orders that all the statues of
Galba, which had been thrown down during the civil war, should be
replaced for worship throughout the country towns. This was a thing
that had long been desired, and in their ambitious imaginations it
assumed an undue importance.


The question then arose where they should choose their seat of war. 8
The best place seemed to be Verona. The open country round it was
suited for the manoeuvres of the cavalry, in which their strength
lay: and they would gain both prestige and profit by wresting from
Vitellius a strongly garrisoned town. On the road they occupied
Vicetia. [32] In itself this was a very small matter, since there was
only a moderate force in the town, but it gained considerable
importance from the reflection that it was Caecina's birthplace: the
enemy's general had thus lost his native town. But Verona was well
worth while. The inhabitants could aid the party with encouragement
and funds: the army was thrust midway between Raetia and the Julian
Alps,[33] and had thus blocked all passages by that route for the
German armies.

This move had been made either without the knowledge or against the
orders of Vespasian. His instructions were to suspend operations at
Aquileia and wait for the arrival of Mucianus. He had further added
this consideration, that so long as he held Egypt and the key to the
corn-supply,[34] as well as the revenue of the richest provinces,[35]
he could reduce Vitellius' army to submission from sheer lack of money
and provisions. Mucianus had sent letter after letter with the same
advice, pointing to the prospect of a victory without bloodshed or
bereavement, and using other similar pretexts to conceal his real
motive. This was ambition. He wanted to keep all the glory of the war
to himself. However, the distance was so great that events outran his
instructions.

Antonius accordingly made a sudden sally against the enemy's 9
outposts, and after a slight skirmish, in which they tested each
other's temper, both sides withdrew without advantage. Soon after,
Caecina entrenched a strong position between a Veronese village called
Hostilia[36] and the marshes of the river Tartaro. Here he was safe,
with the river in his rear and the marsh to guard his flanks. Had he
added loyalty to his other advantages, he might have employed the full
strength of the Vitellian forces to crush the enemy's two legions,
before they were reinforced by the Moesian army, or, at least, have
forced them to retire in ignominious flight and abandon Italy. But
Caecina used various pretexts for delay, and at the outset of the war
treacherously yielded all his advantages to the enemy. While it was
open to him to rout them by force of arms, he preferred to pester them
with letters and to wait until his intermediaries had settled the
terms of his treason. In the meantime, Aponius Saturninus arrived with
the Seventh Claudian legion,[37] commanded by the tribune[38]
Vipstanus Messala, a distinguished member of a famous family, and the
only man who brought any honesty to this war. [39] To these forces,
still only three legions and no match for the Vitellians, Caecina
addressed his letters. He criticized their rash attempt to sustain a
lost cause, and at the same time praised the courage of the German
army in the highest terms. His allusions to Vitellius were few and
casual, and he refrained from insulting Vespasian. In fact he used no
language calculated either to seduce or to terrorize the enemy. The
Flavian generals made no attempt to explain away their former defeat.
They proudly championed Vespasian, showing their loyalty to the cause,
their confidence in the army, and their hostile prejudice[40] against
Vitellius. To the tribunes and centurions they held out the hope of
retaining all the favours they had won from Vitellius, and they urged
Caecina himself in plain terms to desert. These letters were both
read before a meeting of the Flavian army, and served to increase
their confidence, for while Caecina wrote mildly and seemed afraid of
offending Vespasian, their own generals had answered contemptuously
and scoffed at Vitellius.

When the two other legions arrived, the Third[41] commanded by 10
Dillius Aponianus, and the Eighth by Numisius Lupus, Antonius decided
to entrench Verona and make a demonstration in force. It so happened
that the Galbian legion, who had been told off to work in the trenches
facing the enemy, catching sight of some of their allies' cavalry in
the distance, took them for the enemy, and fell into a groundless
panic. Suspecting treachery, they seized their arms and visited their
fury on Tampius Flavianus. [42] They could prove no charge against him,
but he had long been unpopular, and a blind impulse made them clamour
for his head. He was Vitellius' kinsman, they howled; he had betrayed
Otho; he had embezzled their donative. They would listen to no
defence, although he implored them with outstretched hands, grovelling
for the most part flat upon the ground, his clothes all torn, his face
and chest shaken with sobs. This only served to inflame the soldiers'
anger. His very excess of terror seemed to prove his guilt.
Aponius[43] tried to address them, but his voice was drowned in their
shouts. The others, too, were contemptuously howled down. They would
give no one a hearing except Antonius, who had the power of authority
as well as the arts of eloquence necessary to quiet a mob. When the
riot grew worse, and they began to pass from insulting speeches to
murderous violence, he gave orders that Flavianus should be put in
chains. Feeling that this was a farce,[44] the soldiers broke through
the guards round the general's quarters, prepared to resort to
extremities. Whereupon Antonius, drawing his sword, bared his breast
and vowed that he would die either by their hands or his own. Whenever
he saw a soldier whom he knew or could recognize by his decorations,
he called on him by name to come to the rescue. At last he turned
towards the standards and the gods of war,[45] and prayed incessantly
that they would rather inspire the enemy's army with this mad spirit
of mutiny. At last the riot died away and at nightfall they all
dispersed to their tents. Flavianus left that same night, and on his
way met letters from Vespasian, which delivered him from danger.

The infection seemed to spread among the legions. They next 11
attacked Aponius Saturninus, who was in command of the Moesian army.
This fresh disturbance was caused by the circulation of a letter,
which Saturninus was supposed to have written to Vitellius, and it was
the more alarming since it broke out not when they were tired by their
labours but in the middle of the day. Once the soldiers had vied with
each other in courage and discipline: now they were rivals in ribaldry
and riot. They were determined that the fury with which they denounced
Aponius should not fall short of their outcry against Flavianus. The
Moesian legions remembered that they had helped the Pannonian army to
take their revenge; while the Pannonian troops, feeling that their
comrades' mutiny acquitted them of blame, were glad enough to repeat
the crime. They invaded the country house in which Saturninus was
living. He escaped, however, aided not so much by the efforts of
Antonius, Aponianus, and Messala, who did everything in their power to
rescue him, but rather by the security of his hiding-place, for he
concealed himself in the furnace of some disused baths. Eventually he
gave up his lictors and retired to Patavium. The departure of both the
consular governors left Antonius in supreme command of the two armies.
His colleagues[46] deferred to him and the men gave him enthusiastic
support. It was even supposed by some that he had cunningly promoted
both outbreaks, to secure for himself the full profit of the war.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Petau.

[2] i. e. the detachments 8,000 strong from the army in
Britain (see ii. 57).

[3] i. e. still, after parting with the force which he had
sent forward under Mucianus (see ii. 82, 83).

[4] Of Pontus, Syria, and Egypt.

[5] See ii. 86.

[6] Of Misenum and Ravenna.

[7] Adriatic.

[8] See ii. 42.

[9] At Bedriacum.

[10] See ii. 41.

[11] i. e. not yet declared finally against Vitellius.

[12] These were usually confined to the legates,
camp-prefects, tribunes, and senior centurions.

[13] See ii. 82.

[14] In Pannonia (see ii. 86).

[15] Military governor of Pannonia (see ii. 86).

[16] i. e. they suspected that he wanted to alienate the
troops from Vespasian.

[17] Military governor of Moesia (see i. 79, &c. ).

[18] They occupied part of Hungary between the Danube and the
Theiss.

[19] They took the chiefs as a pledge of peace and kept them
safely apart from their tribal force.

[20] Tiberius' son, Drusus, had in A. D. 19 settled the Suebi
north of the Danube between the rivers March and Waag.

[21] Reading _commilitio_ (Meiser).
The word _commissior_ in
the Medicean manuscript gives no sense.

[22] This being a small province the procurator was sole
governor.

[23] A squadron of Spanish horse, called after some governor
of the province where it was raised.

[24] The Inn.

[25] Probably under Domitian, who married Corbulo's daughter.

[26] See ii. 46.

[27] Oderzo and Altino.

[28] Este.

[29] A Gallic troop called after some unknown governor.

[30] (? ) Legnago.

[31] Over the Adige.

[32] Vicenza.

[33] The Brenner.

[34] i. e. Alexandria.

[35] i. e. Egypt, Syria, Asia.

[36] Ostiglia.

[37] From Moesia (cp. chap. 5).

[38] The legate Tettius Julianus had fled (see ii. 85).

[39] He also wrote a history of the period, which Tacitus
found useful (see ii. 101, note 459). He is one of the
characters in the _Dialogue on Oratory_, and many passages
show that Tacitus admired him greatly, both for his character
and his eloquence.

[40] The text here is doubtful. There seems to be no exact
parallel to the absolute use of _praesumpsere_. In the
Medicean MS. the whole passage, from _revirescere_ at the end
of chap. 7 down to _inimici_ here, has been transposed to the
beginning of chap. 5, where it stands between the second and
third syllables of the word _Saturnino_. Thus in M.
_praesumpsere_ stands immediately after _partes_. It is
possible that the word _partes_ may belong to this passage as
well as to the end of chap. 7. _Praesumpsere partes_ would
mean 'they took their own cause for granted' (cp. Quintilian
xi. 1. 27). The addition of _ut inimici_ would add the sense
of 'hostile prejudice'.

[41] Gallica.

[42] See chap. 4, note 15.

[43] Saturninus.

[44] We have seen this trick before (cp. i. 45).

[45] Mars, Bellona, Victoria, Pavor, &c. , whose images were
wrought in medallion on the shafts of the standards, which
themselves too were held sacred.

[46] i. e. Vedius, Dillius, Numisius, Vipstanus Messala.


DISSENSION IN VITELLIUS' CAMP

[47]Vitellius' party was equally a prey to disquiet, and there the 12
dissension was the more fatal, since it was aroused not by the men's
suspicions but by the treachery of the generals. The sailors of the
fleet at Ravenna were mostly drawn from the provinces of Dalmatia and
Pannonia, which were both held for Vespasian, and while they were
still wavering, the admiral, Lucilius Bassus, decided them in favour
of the Flavian party. Choosing the night-time for their treason, the
conspirators assembled at head-quarters without the knowledge of the
other sailors. Bassus, who was either ashamed or uncertain of their
success, awaited developments in his house. Amid great disturbance the
ships' captains attacked the images of Vitellius and cut down the few
men who offered any resistance. The rest of the fleet were glad enough
of a change, and their sympathies soon came round to Vespasian. Then
Lucilius appeared and publicly claimed responsibility. The fleet
appointed Cornelius Fuscus[48] as their admiral, and he came hurrying
on to the scene. Bassus was put under honourable arrest and conveyed
with an escort of Liburnian cruisers[49] to Atria,[50] where he was
imprisoned by Vibennius Rufinus, who commanded a regiment of auxiliary
horse in garrison there. However, he was soon set free on the
intervention of Hormus, one of the emperor's freedmen. For he, too,
ranked as a general.

When the news that the navy had gone over became known, Caecina, 13
carefully selecting a moment when the camp was deserted, and the men
had all gone to their various duties, summoned to head-quarters the
senior centurions and a few of the soldiers. He then proceeded to
praise the spirit and the strength of Vespasian's party: 'they
themselves had been deserted by the fleet; they were cramped for
supplies; Spain and Gaul were against them; Rome could not be
trusted. ' In every way he exaggerated the weakness of Vitellius'
position. Eventually, when some of his accomplices had given the cue
and the rest were dumbfoundered by his change of front, he made them
all swear allegiance to Vespasian. Immediately the portraits[51] of
Vitellius were torn down and messengers dispatched to Antonius.
However, when the treason got abroad in the camp, and the men
returning to head-quarters saw Vespasian's name on the standards and
Vitellius' portraits scattered on the ground, at first there was an
ominous silence: then with one voice they all vented their feelings.
Had the pride of the German army sunk so low that without a battle and
without a blow they should let their hands be shackled and render up
their arms? What had they against them? None but defeated troops. The
only sound legions of Otho's army, the First and the Fourteenth,
Vespasian had not got, and even those they had routed and cut to
pieces on that same field. And all for what? That these thousands of
fighting men should be handed over like a drove of slaves to Antonius,
the convict! [52] 'Eight legions, forsooth, are to follow the lead of
one miserable fleet. Such is the pleasure of Bassus and Caecina. They
have robbed the emperor of his home, his estate, and all his wealth,
and now they want to take away his troops. We have never lost a man
nor shed a drop of blood. The very Flavians will despise us. What
answer can we give when they question us about our victory or our
defeat? '

Thus they shouted one and all as their indignation urged them. Led 14
by the Fifth legion, they replaced the portraits of Vitellius and put
Caecina in irons. They selected Fabius Fabullus, commanding the Fifth
legion, and the camp-prefect, Cassius Longus, to lead them. Some
marines who arrived at this point from three Liburnian cruisers,[53]
quite innocent and unaware of what had happened, were promptly
butchered. Then the men deserted their camp, broke down the
bridge,[54] and marched back to Hostilia, and thence to Cremona to
join the two legions, the First Italian and Twenty-first Rapax, which
Caecina had sent ahead[55] with some of the cavalry to occupy Cremona.

FOOTNOTES:

[47] The narrative is now resumed from the end of Book II.

[48] See ii. 86.

[49] See ii. 16, note 247.

[50] Atri.

[51] i. e. the medallions on the standards.

[52] See ii. 86.

[53] See ii. 16, note 247.

[54] Over the Tartaro (chap. 9).

[55] See ii. 100.


THE ENGAGEMENT NEAR CREMONA

When Antonius heard of this he determined to attack the enemy 15
while they were still at variance and their forces divided. The
Vitellian generals would soon recover their authority and the troops
their discipline, and confidence would come if the two divisions were
allowed to join. He guessed also that Fabius Valens had already
started from Rome and would hasten his march when he heard of
Caecina's treachery. Valens was loyal to Vitellius and an experienced
soldier. There was good reason, besides, to fear an attack on the side
of Raetia from an immense force of German irregulars. Vitellius had
already summoned auxiliaries from Britain, Gaul, and Spain in
sufficient numbers to blight their chances utterly, had not Antonius
in fear of this very prospect forestalled the victory by hurriedly
forcing an engagement. In two days he marched his whole force from
Verona to Bedriacum. [56] On the next day[57] he left his legions
behind to fortify the camp, and sent out his auxiliary infantry into
territory belonging to Cremona, to taste the joys of plundering their
compatriots under pretext of collecting supplies. To secure greater
freedom for their depredations, he himself advanced at the head of
four thousand cavalry eight miles along the road from Bedriacum. The
scouts, as is usual, turned their attention further afield.

About eleven in the morning a mounted scout galloped up with the 16
news that the enemy were at hand; there was a small body in advance of
the rest, but the noise of an army in movement could be heard over the
country-side. While Antonius was debating what he ought to do, Arrius
Varus, who was greedy to distinguish himself, galloped out with the
keenest of the troopers and charged the Vitellians, inflicting only
slight loss; for, on the arrival of reinforcements, the tables were
turned and those who had been hottest in pursuit were now hindmost in
the rout. Their haste had no sanction from Antonius, who had foreseen
what would happen. Encouraging his men to engage with brave hearts, he
drew off the cavalry on to each flank and left a free passage in the
centre to receive Varus and his troopers. Orders were sent to the
legions to arm and signals were displayed to the foraging party,
summoning them to cease plundering and join the battle by the quickest
possible path. Meanwhile Varus came plunging in terror into the middle
of their ranks, spreading confusion among them. The fresh troops were
swept back along with the wounded, themselves sharing the panic and
sorely embarrassed by the narrowness of the road.

In all the confusion of the rout Antonius never for a moment 17
forgot what befitted a determined general and a brave soldier. Staying
the panic-stricken, checking the fugitives, wherever the fight was
thickest, wherever he saw a gleam of hope, he schemed, he fought, he
shouted, always conspicuous to his own men and a mark for the enemy.
At last, in the heat of his impatience, he thrust through with a lance
a standard-bearer, who was in full flight, then seized the standard
and turned it against the enemy. Whereupon for very shame a few of his
troopers, not more than a hundred, made a stand. The nature of the
ground helped them. The road there was narrower; a stream barred their
way, and the bridge was broken; its depth was uncertain and the steep
banks checked their flight. Thus necessity or chance restored their
fallen fortunes. Forming in close order, they received the
Vitellians' reckless and disordered charge, and at once flung them
into confusion. Antonius pressed hard on the fugitives and cut down
all who blocked his path. The others followed each his inclination,
rifling the dead, capturing prisoners, seizing arms and horses.
Meanwhile, summoned by their shouts of triumph, those who had just now
been in full flight across the fields came hurrying back to share the
victory.

Four miles from Cremona they saw the standards of the Rapax and 18
Italian legions gleaming in the sun. They had marched out thus far
under cover of their cavalry's original success. When fortune turned
against them, they neither opened their ranks to receive the routed
troops nor marched out to attack the enemy, who were wearied with
fighting and their long pursuit. While all went well the Vitellians
did not miss their general, but in the hour of danger they realized
their loss. The victorious cavalry came charging into their wavering
line, and at the same time Vipstanus Messala arrived with the Moesian
auxiliaries and a good number of men from the legions, who had kept up
with the pace of their forced march. [58] These combined forces broke
the opposing column, and the proximity of Cremona's sheltering walls
gave the Vitellians more hope of refuge and less stomach for
resistance.

FOOTNOTES:

[56] About thirty-three miles.

[57] October 27.

[58] They would be more heavily laden than the Moesian
auxiliaries.


THE FATE OF CREMONA

Antonius did not follow up his advantage. He realized that, although
the issue had been successful, the battle had long been doubtful, and
had cost the troopers and their horses many wounds and much hard
fighting. As evening fell, the whole strength of the Flavian army 19
arrived. They had marched among heaps of corpses, and the still
reeking traces of slaughter, and now, feeling that the war was over,
they clamoured to advance at once on Cremona and either receive its
submission or take it by storm. This sounded well for public
utterance, but each man in his heart was thinking, 'We could easily
rush a city on the plain. In a night-assault men are just as brave and
have a better chance of plunder. If we wait for day it will be all
peace and petitions, and what shall we get for our wounds and our
labours? A reputation for mercy! There's no money in that. All the
wealth of Cremona will find its way into the officers' pockets. Storm
a city, and the plunder goes to the soldiers: if it surrenders, the
generals get it. ' They refused to listen to their centurions and
tribunes and drowned their voices in a rattle of arms, swearing they
would break their orders unless they were led out. Antonius then 20
went round among the companies, where his authoritative bearing
obtained silence. He assured them that he had no wish to rob them of
the glory and the reward they so well deserved. 'But,' he said, 'an
army and a general have different functions. It is right that soldiers
should be greedy for battle, but the general often does more good not
by temerity but by foresight, deliberation and delay. I have done all
I could to aid your victory with my sword: now I will serve you by the
general's proper arts of calculation and strategy. The risks that face
us are obvious. It is night; we know nothing of the lie of the city;
the enemy are behind the walls; everything favours an ambush. Even if
the gates were open, we cannot safely enter except by day and after
due reconnoitring. Are you going to begin storming the town when you
cannot possibly see where the ground is level and how high the walls
are? How do you know whether to assault it with engines and showers of
missiles, or with penthouses and shelters? '[59] Then he turned to
individuals, asking one after another whether they had brought
hatchets and pick-axes and other implements for storming a town. When
they answered no, 'Well,' he said, 'could any troops possibly break
through walls or undermine them with nothing but swords and javelins?
Suppose it proves necessary to construct a mound and to shelter
ourselves with mantlets and fascines,[59] are we going to stand idle
like a lot of helpless idiots, gaping at the height of the enemy's
towers and ramparts? Why not rather wait one night till our
siege-train arrives and then carry the victory by force? ' So saying,
he sent the camp-followers and servants with the freshest of the
troopers back to Bedriacum to bring up supplies and whatever else was
wanted.

The soldiers indeed chafed at this and mutiny seemed imminent, 21
when some of the mounted scouts, who had ridden right up to the walls,
captured a few stragglers from Cremona, and learnt from them that six
Vitellian legions and the whole Hostilia army had that very day
covered thirty miles, and, hearing of their comrades' defeat, were
already arming for battle and would be on them immediately. This
alarming news cured their obstinate deafness to the general's advice.
He ordered the Thirteenth legion to take up their position on the
raised Postumian high-road. In touch with them on the left wing in the
open country were the Seventh Galbian, beside whom stood the Seventh
Claudian, so placed that their front was protected by a ditch. On the
right wing were the Eighth, drawn up along an open cross-road, and
next to them the Third, distributed among some thick clumps of trees.
Such, at any rate, was the order of the eagles and standards. In the
darkness the soldiers were confused and took their places at random.
The band of Guards[60] was next to the Third, and the auxiliaries on
the wings, while the cavalry were disposed in support round the flanks
and the rear. Sido and Italicus with their picked band of Suebi[61]
fought in the front line.

For the Vitellians the right course was to rest at Cremona and 22
recuperate their strength with food and a night's rest, and then on
the next day to crush and rout the Flavians when they were stiff with
cold and weak from hunger. But they had no general;[62] they had no
plan. Though it was nearly nine at night they flung themselves upon
the Flavians, who were standing steady in their places to receive
them. In their fury and the darkness the Vitellian line was so
disordered that one can hardly venture to describe the disposition of
their troops. However, it has been stated that the Fourth Macedonian
legion were on the right flank; in the centre were the Fifth and
Fifteenth with the detachments of the Ninth, the Second and the
Twentieth from Britain; the Sixteenth, the Twenty-second, and the
First formed the left wing. The men of the Rapax and Italian
legions[63] were distributed among all the companies. [64] The cavalry
and auxiliaries picked their own position. All night the battle raged
with varying fortune, never decided, always savagely contested.
Disaster threatened now one side, now the other. Courage, strength
were of little use: their eyes could not even see in front of them.
Both sides were armed alike; the watchwords, constantly demanded, soon
became known; the standards were all in confusion, as they were
captured and carried off from one band to another. The Seventh legion,
raised recently by Galba, suffered most severely. Six of the senior
centurions fell and several standards were lost. They nearly lost
their eagle too, but it was rescued by the bravery of the senior
centurion, named Atilius Verus, who after great slaughter of the enemy
fell finally himself.

Antonius had meanwhile called up the Guards to reinforce his 23
wavering line. Taking up the fight, they repulsed the enemy, only to
be repulsed in their turn. For the Vitellian artillery, which had at
first been scattered all along the line, and had been discharged upon
the bushes without hurting the enemy, was now massed upon the
high-road, and swept the open space in front. One immense engine in
particular, which belonged to the Fifteenth, mowed down the Flavian
line with huge stones. The slaughter thus caused would have been
enormous, had not two of the Flavian soldiers performed a memorable
exploit. Concealing their identity by snatching up shields from among
the enemy's dead,[65] they cut the ropes which suspended the weights
of the engine.