No More Learning

A. in 1628, he was, despite Davenant's recommendations,
disappointed of a fellowship there, as well as later at Sidney
Sussex, which college he had also entered. He took orders,
however, and obtained the curacy of St Bene't's, where he buried
Hobson, Milton's carrier. His first publication consisted of some
inferior verse entitled Davids Heinous Sin 1631; in the same year,
his uncle gave him the prebend of Netherbury in the diocese of


## p. 245 (#261) ############################################

Thomas Fuller
245
Salisbury, following it, two years later, with the living of
Broadwindsor in that of Bristol. Between the two appointments,
in 1632, Fuller's father died; but he was already provided for,
and had begun the process of making friends with persons of
quality which afterwards stood him in good stead. In 1635, he
took the degree of B. D. , and, before 1638, he married. Up to this
time, he seems to have been—as, indeed, would have been usual
enough-chiefly or frequently absent from his prebend and his
rectory, for he speaks of himself, later, as being ‘seventeen years
[apparently 1621-38]resident in Cambridge. ' But Fuller's language
is so much subdued to special antithetic and other quips that it
does not do to take it too literally. Indeed, the context stating
that his seventeen weeks in Oxford cost him more than these
seventeen years at the other university shows, almost certainly,
that he is speaking figuratively-of his prosperity during the one
period, and of the loss of his benefices during, or about, the
other.
However this may be, the quiet part of his life was over, or
nearly so, by 1638. In 1640, the year after he had published his
first important book, The Holy War, he became a member of
convocation and, though already taking the moderate line for
which he was afterwards famous, he signed the much contested
canons of that year; and, if the House of Commons could have
had its way, would have been fined £200. In 1641, a son was born
to him, but his wife died; and in this year he published The Holy
and Profane State. When the struggle actually broke out, he
further illustrated that rather willowy policy of his by voluntarily
abandoning—though, of course, not formally resigning-his pre-
ferments in the west; he went, at first, not to the royalist
camp but to London, where, for some time, he was preacher at
the Savoy. However, he could not stay there, and retired to
Oxford (Lincoln college) and then to Hopton's army, where he
became chaplain, and, fixing himself for a time in Exeter, was
also titular of the same office to the baby princess Henrietta-the
ill-fated “Madame' of the next generation. Good Thoughts in Bad
Times was published here (1645). When Exeter had to surrender,
he went once more to London; and the protection of divers
powerful friends who were members of the other party, or had
made their peace with it, not only saved him from molestation,
but enabled him, with certain breaks and difficulties, to continue
his ministration. In 1651, he married Mary Roper, daughter of
viscount Baltinglas. He wrote, as well as preached, busily during


## p. 246 (#262) ############################################

246
Antiquaries
this time; but was rather harassed by members of his own party,
such as South and Heylyn, who disliked his moderation, objected
to his fantastic style and made some fun of him personally. He
seems, however, to have been reconciled to Heylyn, if not to the
far greater and more formidable South.
The restoration (which he had advocated by a pamphlet for
'a free parliament') seemed likely to do him much good. He
proceeded D. D. by king's letters; he recovered his prebend and
his rectory, in which latter, however, he characteristically left
the intruder as curate; and he was made chaplain extraordinary
to the king. But he caught a fever, died of it at his lodgings
in Covent Garden on 15 August 1661 and was buried at Cranford.
His great collection The Worthies of England was posthumously
published.
Nothing that has been said about Fuller's moderation must
be construed into a charge against him of truckling or time-
serving. It is true that, if not exactly (what some have called him)
a puritan, he was probably more definitely anti-Roman than was
usual on the cavalier side. But he not only saw active service
in the non-combatant way at Basing, at Oxford with Hopton and a
at Exeter; his London residence in 1643 gave opportunity for
hardly less active exercise in the royalist cause, for several of his
sermons at the Savoy were strong, and, in the circumstances, not
very safe, advocacies of that cause, and of the indissolubly allied
cause of prelacy. He publicly and, for him, pretty sharply rebuked
Milton's anonymous tractate Of Reformation . . . in England; was
in his turn sharply taken to task by a Yorkshire puritan divine,
John Saltmarsh; and was actually stopped (i. e. arrested) for a
time by the Commons' orders, when proceeding to Oxford with
a safe conduct from the Lords. And his later Appeal of Injured
Innocence, when Heylyn had attacked his Church History, though
much too long and hampered by its scholastic arrangement of
regularly scheduled objection and reply, is an effective vindication
of his general position! As a man, he seems to have been perfectly
honest and sincere; a better Christian than most men on either
side; not quite destitute, perhaps, of a certain innocent vanity
and busybodiness; but without a drop of bad blood in his
1 It is, perhaps, not quite so effective as an actual defence of the book; he was, as
will be pointed out again, an early user of the document' in history, but his wandering
life and bis habit of subordinating everything to sallies of wit made him rather an
inaccurate one. Still, the concluding letter to Heylyn (which was taken in a manner
highly creditable to its recipient) is a model of courtesy, dignity and good feeling.


## p. 247 (#263) ############################################

Fuller's Wit'
247
composition. It is, however, as a man of letters that we are
here principally concerned with him.
His verse is quite negligible and, fortunately, there is little
of it; of the very large and never yet collectively edited body of
his prose, certain features are pretty generally known. They have
been characterised concisely (but with something of that want of
accuracy and adequacy combined which conciseness often carries
with it) in Coleridge's famous dictum that 'wit was the stuff and
substance of Fuller's intellect. ' Hairsplitting criticism may ask
whether wit is not rather a form, a habit, a bent of the intellect,
than, in any case, its stuff and substance. But, undoubtedly, in the
wide and contemporary, as well as in the more modern and narrow
sense, 'wit' is the most prominent characteristic of Fuller's writing.
Although it was apparently the subject of an acrid rebuke from South
as a feature of our author's sermons, it cannot, since the collected
presentation of these by Bailey and Axon, be said to be specially
prevalent there. Indeed, he seems to have been conscious of his
foible and to have tried to avoid giving way to it in the pulpit.
But, in all his other work, from The Holy War (1639) to the
posthumous Worthies of England, even in definitely 'divine'
examples like Good Thoughts in Bad Times and its sequels, he
either does not make any attempt at resistance or fails entirely
to resist. St Monica's maid is 'her partner in potting'; in the case
of another (crippled) saint 'God, who denied her legs, gave her
wings. These things please some of us well enough; but, in times
when there is a straitlaced notion of dignity and decency, or when
(neither of these being specially attended to) the sense of humour
is sterilised and specialised, they have been, and are, looked on
with little favour.
It is said, though statements of the kind are very difficult to
check or control, that The Holy and Profane State has been
Fuller's most popular work. If it be so, popular taste has not gone
far wrong in this instance. The book does not, indeed, give so
much room as others for the exhibition of one very creditable
quality which was by no means common in Fuller's time—attention
to documents and appreciation of their comparative value. Part
of the cause of Heylyn's attack on The Church History (1655)
is supposed to be Fuller's observation that 'no Historian hath
avouched' a certain anecdote of Henry VI, though both Brian
Twyne and Heylyn himself had given it. Fuller was by no means
incapable of mischief; but it is more than probable that, by ‘his-
torian,' he meant contemporary historian, and, of course, Twyne


## p. 248 (#264) ############################################

248
Antiquaries
a
6
and Heylyn did not stand in that relation to the times of
Henry VI. The fact, of course, is that, to the present day, both
in history and literature, it is the most difficult thing in the world
to get people to attend to this simple distinction of evidence.
Fuller, with slips and errors, no doubt, did try to attend to it,
especially in his Church History and the Worthies, but, everywhere,
more or less. It is, however, not a popular attempt; and, though he
did not fail to make it to some extent in The Holy and Profane
State itself, as well as in The Holy War earlier and in the
biographies he contributed to Abel Redivivus, these three works
gave scope for a far more popular talent, and one in which he was
to take and give one of his own ‘Pisgah Sights' of a yet unexploited
and almost unexplored province of English literature. In all",
but in The Holy and Profane State especially, the narrative
faculty is specially in evidence. This curious book is a sort of
blend of the abstract character' popular at the time, and of
examples which are practically short stories with real heroes and
heroines, Monica or Joan of Naples, Andronicus Comnenus or Drake.
Andronicus was actually published separately; and one can see
that Fuller's fingers unwittingly itched (as Gibbon's did afterwards)
to make the not yet born historical novel out of it. Even in the
enormous miscellanies or collectanea of the Church History, of
its part conclusion part sequel The History of the University of
Cambridge and of The Worthies of England the narrative impetus
is no more to be checked than witticisms or antiquarian details.
Lists of sheriffs, of heads of colleges, of country gentlemen at
the last visitation, alternate with stories about some of them (or
about somebody or something else) and with dry observations as
to wax, being yellow by nature [it] is by art made white, red and
green-which I take to be the clearest colours especially when
appendant on parchment.
Undoubtedly, however, it is the witticisms themselves which,
for the most part, delight or disgust readers of Fuller, and, though
they take the benefit of the above quoted dictum as to the purpose
of 'wit' at this time being not merely comical, they require more
'benefit of clergy' in this kind than those of most other writers.
He has been called epigrammatic, even 'the father of English
epigram'; but this does not seem very appropriate either to the
Greek or to the modern sense of the term. The famous idea of
'images of God cut by him in ebony not ivory' is not an epigram,
d
1 Heylyn makes this (and the introduction of verse) a general objection to the
Church History-- rather like a Church romance,' quoth he, disdainfully.
a


## p. 249 (#265) ############################################

Fuller's Style
249
but it is very much of an emblem ; and, perhaps because of the
immense abundance of emblem literature in those days, Fuller's
conceits were constantly emblematic. “The soldier at the same
"
time shoot[ing] out his prayer to God and his pistol at his enemy';
the question 'Who hath sailed about the world of his own heart,
sounded each creek, surveyed each corner, but that there still remains
much terra incognita to himself ? ' both appeal vividly to the mind's
eye. Indeed, the conceit almost necessarily, even in similes of the
most solemn cast, leads to witticism intended or unintentional;
for each is intimately concerned with the discovery, elaborate or
spontaneous, of similarity or dissimilarity. Even the serious
Browne, in his most serious work, has become almost Fullerian
in his remark on the deluge that 'fishes could not wholly have
escaped, except the salt ocean were handsomely contempered by a
mixture of the fresh element. ' But Fuller himself positively
aims at these things; or, at least, certainly in his less professional
work, and sometimes elsewhere, never spares a jest when it
presents itself to him.
It is almost unavoidable that such a style should incline less to
the continuous harmonic cadence than to shorter moulds and
measures. Fuller is by no means jerky, and he would not have
been of his time if he had never used long sentences. But he
does not incline to them; and his paragraphs are apt to be even
shorter proportionally than their constituents. He has all the
love of his day for an aphoristic and apophthegmatic delivery;
though an occasional cause of lengthening in his sentences is his
habit of shading or tailing off a serious statement of fact or axiom
of opinion into a jest.
Fuller invites selection and has had his share of it. Hardly
any book of his has so formal a plan or such consecutiveness of
argument that piecemeal citation injures it; and it may well seem
that the process of 'creaming' can be justly and safely applied to
a writer who is both desultory and jocular. But it may be doubted
whether such selections give the reader a fair idea of his author,
even if that reader be well disposed towards both the mid-
seventeenth century and its characteristic quaintness. For, we
must once more remember that the conceits and the quips were
by no means intended merely to amuse; they were meant, partly,
to act as sugarplums for the serious passages, and, partly, to
drive these passages closer home by humorous application or
illustration. To expect all or many readers to read all Fuller's
books would be unreasonable; but nobody should think that he
a


## p. 250 (#266) ############################################

250
Antiquaries
understands Fuller until he has read at least one of them as
a book.
>
Except in regard to Reliquiae Wottonianae, and, perhaps,
even to this in most points beyond its title, the work of Izaak
Walton, by which he is almost universally known, may not seem to
'intrude him upon antiquaries' as Browne has it; but he was no
mean example of the temperament, then common, which creates
the antiquarian tendency. Born in East Gate street, Stafford, on
9 August 1593, he represented, through his father James, a family
of yeomen; but he was early sent to London to be apprenticed
to Thomas Grinsell and became a freeman of the Ironmongers'
company on 12 November 1618, having previously settled down
in the neighbourhood of Fleet street and Chancery lane. His
residence near St Dunstan's brought him into contact with Donne.
Jonson, Drayton, bishops Hall and King, Sir Henry Wotton and
others were, also, his friends; and, by 1619, his connection with
literature is, to some extent, shown by the dedication to him of
the poems of a certain ‘S. B. ' For a long time, we hear nothing
of him ; but, in 1640, he published his life of Donne, and, four
years later, left London, though he was back at the time of Laud's
execution. In 1650, he is found living at Clerkenwell, and, next
year, published Reliquiae. In an unobtrusive way, he seems to
have been a trusted member of the royalist party; and he had
Charles II's 'lesser George' confided to his care after Worcester.
In 1653, The Compleat Angler (not yet complete) appeared ; five
years later, he wrote his name on Casaubon's tablet in West-
minster abbey; and, in 1662, took up his abode, after the
hospitable fashion of great households in those days, with his
friend bishop Morley of Winchester. His other Lives followed
의 ​at intervals. In 1682, he published Chalkhill's Thealma and
Clearchus, and he died at the house of his son-in-law Hawkins
(a Winchester prebendary who had married his daughter Anne)
on 15 December 1683. He had been twice married : first, in 1626,
to Rachel Floud (a collateral descendant of archbishop Cranmer),
who died in 1640; then, in 1646, to Anne Ken, half and elder
sister to the future bishop who wrote Walton's epitaph. His
second wife died twenty years before him.
Walton's long life was thus divided into two periods; and it was
only in the later of these that he had full leisure. But this was a
leisure of forty unbroken years; and it is not likely that the work
i See ante, chap. iv.


## p. 251 (#267) ############################################

Izaak Walton
251
2
of the earlier time was very severe or strenuous. That his tastes,
his avocations, his associations were thoroughly literary, there is
no doubt; but they do not seem to have prompted him to any ex-
tensive or frequent literary exercise. The world-famous Compleat
Angler and the widely known Lives go together in one moderate
sized volume (even with Cotton's part of the firstnamed). There
is no valid reason whatever for crediting bim with the authorship
of Thealma and Clearchus. And the minor works and anecdota,
which the diligence of R. H. Shepherd collected some thirty years
ago, are of little importance and less bulk.
It has generally been conceded that the absence of quantity is
more than made up by the presence of quality, but the quantity
of that quality itself has been made the subject of dispute, some-
times unnecessarily (and, in reference to Walton, most inappro-
priately) ill-tempered. In The Compleat Angler, it has been
pronounced by some to be the result of consummate literary
art; while, to others, it seems to be—there almost exclusively,
and, in the Lives, to no small extent-purely natural and unpre-
meditated, the spontaneous utterance of a 'happy old man' (as
Flatman, with complete felicity, if not complete originality, called
him), who has lived with men of letters, and is familiar with
letters themselves, but who no more thinks of picking words and
turning phrases than a nurse does in telling tales to a child. But
this dispute could hardly be settled without settling what 'literary
art' is, and that would be a long process. Nor is the settlement
of the actual quarrel a matter of absorbing interest. The fact
remains that the singular and golden simplicity of Walton's style
-in The Compleat Angler more especially but, except when the
occasion seems to insist on more ceremony, also in the Lives
is matter of common ground and of no dispute whatever. Walton
was a man of no inconsiderable reading; and he could not have
been a man of his time if he had been shy of showing it, however
completely his character might lack pretension. But not Bunyan
himself can use a plainer and purer vernacular than Walton when
he chooses, as he generally does choose. On the much rarer
occasions when he talks book' a little (as in the passage about
the silver stream gliding towards the tempestuous sea,' which
preludes the scene with Maudlin and 'Come live with me and be
my love'), he may, possibly, be aiming higher, but he goes much
wider of his mark.
If this naturalness of style be duly considered, it will, perhaps,
be found to diminish, if not to remove altogether, any surprise
a


## p. 252 (#268) ############################################

252
Antiquaries
that might otherwise be felt at the production of so little work in
so long a life; at the remarkable excellence of the product; and
at its curious variety. Personal interest, and nothing else, appears
to have been the sole starting influence, so far as matter goes, in
every case, even in that of the life of Hooker? ; and personal quality,
and nothing else, to have been the fashioner of the style. Anything
-country, scenery, old-fashioned manners, piety, the strange com-
plexity of Donne, the simplicity (patient in life, massive and
independent in letters) of Hooker, the various characteristics of
Wotton and Herbert and Sanderson, the pastoral-romantic fairy-
land of Chalkhill-all these things, in one way or another, were
brought directly home to him, and he made them at home without
parade, and, with perfect homeliness and ease, as Philemon and
Baucis did the gods who visited them, to speak in the manner of
his own time.
The result was what ease generally brings with it-charm.
There have been, from his own time downwards, fishermen who
were contemptuous of his fishing; and recent biographers have
been contemptuous of anyone who should be content with the
facts of his biographies. The competent orbis terrarum of readers
has always been careless of either contempt. In his case, as in
almost all, the charm is not really to be analysed, or, rather, it is
possible to distinguish the parts, but necessary to recognise that
the whole is much greater than these parts put together. The
angling directions might fail to interest, and the angling erudition
succeed in boring; as to the subjects of the Lives, though they
were all remarkable men in their different ways, only Donne can
be said to have an intense interest of personality. The source
of attraction is Walton, not the 'chub or chavender,' or the
Hertfordshire meadows and streams, or Maudlin and 'red cow,'
or the decent joviality of my brother Peter, or Hooker's mis-
fortunes in marriage, or Sir Henry Wotton's scholarly urbanity,
but these things, as Walton shows them to us, with art so un-
premeditated, that, as has been said, some would deny it to be
art at all, yet with the effect of consummate mimesis of
presentation of nature with something of the individual presenter
added. But it will hardly be denied that his grace is positively
enhanced by the characteristic which he shares with the other
subjects of this chapter—the quaint, and, in him, almost un-
expected seasoning of learning. He has it, no doubt, least of the
1 Walton quotes from Hooker the words 'as discernible as a natural from an
artificial beauty. They were not without application in his own case.


## p. 253 (#269) ############################################

The Compleat Angler 253
four; and what he has he neither obtrudes and caricatures like
Urquhart, nor makes his main canvas like Browne, nor associates
pell-mell with play of conceit and purpose of instruction, as does
Fuller. With him, it is a sort of silver or gold lacing to the sober
grey garment of his thought and diction, though it should always
be remembered that grey is capable of almost more fascinating
shades than any other colour, and sets off the most delicate
textures admirably.
To dwell at any length on the fashion in which this sober grace
is brought out in The Compleat Angler would be superfluous; but
a word or two may be permitted. No book so well deserves as
a motto that stanza of The Palace of Art which describes the
'English home,' 'a haunt of ancient Peace,' with 'dewy pas-
tures, dewy trees. ' There is no dulness and no stagnation ; the
characters walk briskly, talk vigorously and argumentatively, fish,
eat, drink like men of this world, and like cheerful and active
men of a world that is going pretty well after all. But there is
also no worry; nothing ugly, vulgar or jarring. It is the landscape
and the company of The Faerie Queene passed through a slight
sieve of realism, and crimeless; only, in the distance, perhaps, an
erring gentleman, who reprehensibly derives his jests from Scripture
or from want of decency. A land of Beulah in short—with a
somewhat less disquieting atmosphere of lack of permanence, which
the land of Beulah itself must have carried with it.
!
The birth-year of Thomas, afterwards Sir Thomas, Urquhart,
or Urchard1_the best Scottish representative of the peculiar
seventeenth century character which was exhibited in different
ways in England by Burton earlier, and by Browne and Fuller in his
own time-used to be assigned to the same date as Browne's, 1605.
But this date has now, on good evidence, been shifted six years
later, to 1611. His father, another Sir Thomas, represented the
Urquharts of Cromarty, a family whose pedigree has been verified
to the year 1300, while it may reasonably be extended to Adam,
though the acceptance of the particulars (supplied, with character-
istic pedantry and humour mingled, by the subject of this notice)
may be facultative. The younger Thomas's mother was Christian
Livingstone of the noble family of that name. His father suc-
ceeded to considerable estates; but was either a determined
spendthrift or a very bad manager; and, in his later years (1637 to
1 He sometimes, if not always, signed himself so; using, as well, the initials 'C. P. ',
i. e. Christianus Presbyteromastix. '
6


## p. 254 (#270) ############################################

2 54
Antiquaries
his death in 1641), appears to have been subjected to rather
peremptory treatment, including personal restraint, by his eldest
son and other members of a self-constituted family council. It
is certain that, all his life, our Sir Thomas himself was the victim
of creditors; though, perhaps—when one considers his foreign
travels, and the fact that, at Worcester, he lost four trunks of
fine clothes besides three of MSS-not entirely without his own
contribution to the difficulties. He entered King's college,
Aberdeen, in 1622, and must have studied there vigorously; while,
after completing his course, he travelled much abroad, learnt
more, acquired accomplishments of various kinds and, according
to his own account, displayed martial and patriotic prowess re-
sembling that of the Admirable Crichton (whose chief celebrator
he himself was), and of 'Squire Meldrum' still earlier. He
emerges into public life at the time of the at first successful but
soon suppressed royalist rising in the north of Scotland which is
known as the Trot of Turriff (1639).
After the failure of this, he went to England, was knighted by
Charles I at Whitehall in 1641, but took no part in the civil
war proper, making another excursion to the continent in 1642–5.
In the last named year, he returned and settled at Cromarty. Three
years later, he was made officer of horse and foot’and, after the
king's execution in 1649, shared in the abortive rising at Inverness,
was declared a traitor, but, in 1650, was dismissed by the General
Assembly after examination. He joined Charles II in the ex-
pedition to England, fought at Worcester, lost the seven trunks
above mentioned, was taken and thrown into the Tower, but
leniently treated, transferred to Windsor and, finally, liberated by
Cromwell. Then he returned to Scotland and, in 1653, published
his great translation of the earlier part of Rabelais. From this
time, we know nothing whatever about him. That he died abroad
of rapture or laughter on hearing of the restoration is a legend.
But, in August 1660, his brother Alexander laid claim to the
hereditary office of sheriff of Cromarty, which practically implies
Sir Thomas's death.
For people who like a clear and consistent character, classi-
fiable under ordinary conventions, Urquhart must be a hopeless
puzzle ; indeed, most of his critics have got out of their difficulties
by the easy suggestion-door of a little mad,' which may be allowed,
but is insufficient. From his portraits-one exhibiting a gentleman
in cavalier dress, spruce, mustachioed, beribboned to the very
“nines' of the irresistible vernacular, and suggesting, in one of his


## p. 255 (#271) ############################################

Sir Thomas Urquhart 255
own admirable phrases, ‘one of the quaintest Romancealists' of the
time; the other, the same gentleman enthroned and crowned by
muses and other mythological personages—the enquirer turns to the
works they adorn, where the coxcomb, though he remains, shows
quite a different kind of coxcombry, and blends it with a pedantry
which is gigantesque and almost incredible. His Epigrams (1642)
are not specially remarkable for this, being mostly sensible enough
commonplaces expressed in hopelessly prosaic verse. But, in the
series of elaborately Greek-named treatises which followed, the
characteristics are quite different. Mathematicians do not seem
quite agreed as to Trissotetras (1645), but at least some competent
authorities are said to have allowed it possible merit, if only it
had been written in a saner lingo. As it is, it informs us that
The axioms of plane triangles are four viz. Rulerst, Eproso,
Grediftal and Bagrediffiu,' while Rulerst branches into Gradesso
and Eradetul, and is under the directory of Uphechet. This mania
for jargonic nomenclature pursues Urquhart throughout, and
seems sometimes to have been the very mainspring or exciting
cause of his lucubrations. The indulgence of it must have counted
for something in his famous and (even in his own time) much
ridiculed genealogy of the Urquharts (Pantochronocanon, 1652)
from Adam, with invented names for all the fathers and mothers
from Seth's wife downwards, whom history does not mention or
whom he cannot borrow from it. It dictated more than the titles
of Logopandecteision (1653), a scheme for a universal language,
and Ekskubalauron (1652), a treatise of his own rescued from
the gutter after the dispersal of his property at Worcester. When
it descends from proper names, it dictates, in its severer moods,
remarks about 'disergetic loxogonosphericals'; in its lighter,
intimations that he will 'proceed to the catheteuretic operation'
of something, and sneers at the ministerian philoplutaries' who
deprived a friend of his of a living for what Urquhart thought
insufficient cause.
Yet he is not mad all round the compass. The best known
passage of his work outside Rabelais, the account of the Ad-
mirable Crichton, though it may somewhat embroider the plain
canvas of truth, is vigorously and effectively written. Intensely
patriotic as he is a very 'bur-thistle’ in his aggressive proclama-
tion of Scottish merits and virtues—he, in the mid-seventeenth
century and in mid-war-time between England and Scotland,
argues stoutly and sensibly for a union parliament, representing
both divisions of the island. When his coxcomb-familiar is not


## p. 256 (#272) ############################################

256
Antiquaries
a
playing tricks with him on the one side, or his pedant-familiar on
the other, or both together-sometimes, in flashes, even when they
are doing their worst—he shows himself not merely, what he
always is, a scholar and a gentleman, but a man of most excellent
differences, acute, fanciful, stocked with pregnant ideas and
possessed of a very noteworthy faculty of expression for them,
whenever the fiend of jargon does not simply possess and speak
through him.
It may be questioned, however, whether his most glaring faults
and foibles did not stand him in almost as good stead as his gifts
and graces, when he took it into his head to give an English version
of Gargantua and Pantagruel. It is true that they led him to
exaggerate the peculiarities of his original; and that this exag-
geration has undoubtedly passed into the usual English estimate
of Rabelais himself. But only a man who had practised jargon, ,
largely combined with learning, for years could, even by exag-
gerating it, have excogitated a lingo capable of reproducing the
wonderful genius-galimatias of Master Francis. Urquhart could
coin words as easily as he could write, blenched at no extravagance,
would have scorned to rationalise any apparent nonsense, sym-
pathised thoroughly with, and could understand, his author's
undoubted learning, and had quite enough shrewdness, good
feeling and even exaltation of thought and sentiment to interpret
these qualities when they met him in that author.
The result, as is pretty generally granted, is an almost ideal
translation, perhaps enlarging slightly, as has been said, the moles
and warts of his subject—the gibberish, the 'broad' language, the
torrents of grotesque synonyms (in this last respect, Sir Thomas
was especially lavish) but reproducing the general effect amazingly.
Very often, scholars in originals are the harshest critics of trans-
lations. It may be said with confidence that those who have
known their Rabelais best in his own shape and language have
been the heartiest admirers of his English presenter. Motteux,
Urquhart's successor, did his work very well, but something has
departed in it; and Sir Thomas remains the last and greatest of
the great translators of the larger Elizabethan period.
These four royalist writers--Urquhart, to some extent, but by
no means wholly, being what Browne calls a 'monstrous draught
and caricatured representation’ of what Browne himself presents
magnificently, Fuller ingeniously and Walton in the simplest and
least pretentious fashion-agree in something more than in their


## p. 257 (#273) ############################################

Summary
257
a
royalism and in that determined attention to the past which un-
doubtedly they all display. They represent their own age, not
merely in the learning which attracted and rewarded that attention,
and in which the earlier seventeenth century probably surpassed
every other period, not merely in the obstinate quaintness which
was also characteristic of it, but in a peculiar command of prose
style which is likely to remain inimitable and unique. To set this
down to something like an accident of time, the dying down or
approaching extinction of the moreʻinsolent and passionate' spirit of
poetry and its temporary taking refuge in prose, is not irrational
and is probably correct, but it is not quite sufficient. More went
to the making of the group—and especially of Browne—than this ;
even if we leave to the idiosyncrasy of the individuals its first and
incalculable value. Perhaps not a little should be allowed for the
.
existence of a body of readers, not very large, perhaps, but not
inconsiderable, interested in learning and thought and not yet
accustomed to 'light' reading of the more modern type. Some-
thing more may be set down to the absence of the restrictions
of conventional grammar, conventional vocabulary, conventional
propriety of various kinds. The revolt of the plain style, the
demand for 'a naked natural way of speaking' and the like may
have been justified even by Browne and Fuller to a certain extent
and more than amply by Urquhart in his serious work. Even
Walton, though he speaks ‘naturally' enough, might be thought
by a man like Sprat not to speak sufficiently nakedly—to dress his
thought with too many tags of learning and flights of fancy.
But,
if there was any sin, there was mighty and manifold solace.
Without the liberty of syntax, to some extent; without the un-
restrained abundance and variegated colour of vocabulary to a
much greater; without the endless decoration of learning, and
arabesque of imagination and conceit, the quaint flashing wit of
Fuller would find itself miserably hampered and (which is of far
greater importance) the magnificence of Browne could not exist.
The wit may tease some and the magnificence appear too solemn
and cumbrous, too much a matter of apparatus and circumstantial
peroration to others. If so, these authors are not for those
readers. But, fortunately, there are others for whom they are,
and who should be able to perceive that without what, from
some points of view, may seem their defects, their qualities could
hardly exist. Walton's simplicity would not be what it is without
the contrast of its mannerism; and, though a little of the original
writing of Urquhart may go a very long way, and to read too
17
E. L. VII.
CH. X.


## p. 258 (#274) ############################################

258
Antiquaries
much, even of Fuller consecutively, is not well, the parenthetic
and metaphysical wit of Broadwindsor can be returned to again
and again with satisfaction, and a moderate dose even of Logo-
pandecteision and Ekskubalauron has no unwelcome gust. On
the other hand, the charm of Walton is unfailing and unfading;
and the Rabelais of Sir Thomas of Cromarty has not merely a
borrowed, but an earned and contributory, place in the utterances
of the comic spirit of the world. While, as for those of the graver
genius, the work of Sir Thomas of Norwich, its scepticism tem-
pered by imagination and its style incrusted with the rarest gems
of phrase and rhythm, stands practically alone, even in its own
time—some things in Donne excepted—and without anything
similar or second at any other.


## p. 259 (#275) ############################################

CHAPTER XI
JACOBEAN AND CAROLINE CRITICISM
THE great names of Jonson and Bacon meet us at the threshold
of the seventeenth century, and the names of Milton and Hobbes
are soon added to theirs; but disappointment awaits the scholar
who expects to find their achievement in poetry and philosophy
matched by a similar achievement in the field of criticism. It is
doubtful whether any of these four justified one of the most
significant of the critic's functions by interpreting a poet to his
contemporaries, or by making an unknown name a real possession
of English literature: not a single author was better understood
because of any light shed by them. The utterances of Jonson con-
cerning Shakespeare impressed themselves upon his countrymen,
and, in a sense, increased Shakespeare's vogue and prestige ; but,
for the most part, they understated rather than illuminated the
contemporary taste which they confirmed. Yet, it would be untrue
to say that these critics did not accomplish anything, for they
changed the attitude of men toward literature and the criticism
of literature; and, by modifying the literary outlook of Englishmen,
they so transformed the spirit of criticism that the transition from
the age of Sidney to the age of Dryden seems not only intelligible
but inevitable.
At the outset, we are met by Bacon, and it is no less true of
him than of the others that his services to contemporary thought
are not the measure of his services to criticism. But he, too,
helped to transform the theory of literature, or, at least, to bring
order out of the chaos of theory; and he created a new conception
of literary history, which served as a touchstone to scholars from
the moment he enunciated it, though its real significance was not
apprehended for many generations to come. It was he who first
defined the relation of poetry to the imagination, and attempted a
classification of the arts and sciences based on the divisions of the
mind, according to which poetry bears the same relation to the
imaginative faculty that history and philosophy bear, respectively,
17-2


## p. 260 (#276) ############################################

260 Jacobean and Caroline Criticism
to memory and reason. The Spaniard Huarte, in his Examen de
Ingenios, had already classified sciences and arts in a similar way,
and Bacon adopted this foreign system. But, in elaborating it, he
gave it a significance for criticism as well as for philosophy; and
his classification became a more or less permanent possession of
English thought and taste. Within the scope of the imagination,
he included allegorical poetry; and, to his rationalising mind, this
seemed the highest expression of poetic genius. He finds no
difficulty in justifying this inclusion, though his conception of the
imagination as a transformation of the realities of life into forms
more sympathetic to the human mind, as external nature idealised,
forces him to separate the lyric from truly imaginative poetry
and to place it with rhetoric and philosophy.
All this may seem to have little to do with the actual progress
of criticism ; but it must be remembered that the critics of the
preceding age had not thus definitely connected literature with
the mental faculty that creates it, and that Bacon, in doing
this, is a herald of the attitude of Hobbes and his successors.
It is by his conception of literary history, however, that he has
made his most important contribution. Just as literature was
regarded as a product of the imagination, and not merely as
something interesting in itself and by itself separate from the
mind of man, so, here, he conceives of it as baving certain external
relations with the age in which it is produced, not a thing in vacuo
but something expressive of the Zeitgeist, of which he was the first
to have a fairly adequate conception. Yet, with all these ideas
about the place of poetry in the scheme of the sciences and the
meaning and function of literary history, Bacon has given us very
few concrete judgments in respect to literature that are of any
considerable value. His method of interpreting poetry is either
through allegory, as in The Wisdom of the Ancients and elsewhere,
where poetic truth becomes merely a symbol of moral truth, or
through history, where a record of external changes in style and
in manner passes for criticism, without for a moment grappling
with the secret of an author's power or charm. His influence, both
by his specific achievements and by his general theory, was in the
direction of rationalism and science; yet he was an Elizabethan, and
touched by the romantic longings of his time. His statement that
art becomes more delightful when 'strangeness is added to beauty'
foreshadows Pater's definition of romanticism, and his assertion
that art works by felicity not by rule' places him in opposition to
the whole tendency of criticism in the century that was to follow.
>
6


## p. 261 (#277) ############################################

Jonson as a Critic
261
It was his contemporary Jonson, in fact, who first made this
conception of 'rule' native to English thought. In the prologue
of Volpone, he boasts that he has followed all the laws of refined
comedy,
As best Criticks have designed;
The lawes of time, place, persons he observeth,
From no needfull rule he swerveth;
and it was his critical function throughout his life to make
Englishmen realise that literary creation is not determined by
individual whim, but by an external and ideal order given by
literary tradition, and not to be swerved from without the sacrifice
of art. This was the chief influence which he exerted on his
younger contemporaries; and, in Jonsonus Virbius, the monument
of verse reared to his memory, John Cleiveland could say that it
was Jonson
Who first reform'd our Stage with justest Lawes,
And was the first best Judge in your own Cause;
Who, when his Actors trembled for Applause,
Could with a noble Confidence preferre
His own, by right, to a whole Theater,
From Principles which he knew could not erre.
‘Laws' and 'principles which could not err' first entered English
criticism through the agency of Jonson. It is true that Sidney, in
his Defence of Poesie, had espoused the three unities, on the
authority both of Aristotle and of 'common reason,' and it was
from Sidney that Jonson may have derived his original impetus
toward the acceptance of the classical tradition. Sidney's con-
ception of the high dignity of poetry, of dramatic form and of
humours in comedy are all to be found in the early writings of
Jonson; and, though this early glow of Elizabethan fervour cooled
with age, in the prefaces, prologues and epilogues of his plays,
in epigrams and poems, he continued to expound the message of
order in literature, of classical form, of the tempered spirit as
opposed to boisterous energy and emphasis. He took counsel
with the Latin rhetoricians, with Cicero, Quintilian, Seneca, Pliny,
Petronius and, later, with the humanists of the continent, Erasmus,
Daniel Heinsius, Justus Lipsius and Julius Caesar Scaliger. The
star of scholarship in criticism was passing northward from Italy to
Holland; and the deliberate and moderate classicism of the Dutch
Latinists, their reasonableness and common sense, made a deep
appeal to Jonson. Though his own classicism became more and more
rigid, he never failed to echo their assertion of the ‘liberty of poets
and their conception of the classics as 'guides, not commanders. '


## p. 262 (#278) ############################################

262 Jacobean and Caroline Criticism
The chief result of these studies, and the chief monument of
Jonson as a critic, is to be found in his Timber or Discoveries,
published, posthumously, in 1641. It is a commonplace book,
certainly not intended for publication in its present form, and,
possibly, never intended for publication at all. Certainly, not one
of the utterances which it contains in respect to poetry and poetic
criticism is the result of Jonson's own thought. Recent scholarship
has been able to trace nearly every one of its famous passages to
some contemporary or classical origin, and it is fair to assume that
the slight remnant is equally unoriginal'.
If it were our purpose to judge Jonson as a literary artist, this
would be of slight consequence, for the artist may consider the
world as all before him where to choose, and may demand that we
consider not whence he has borrowed his materials but what he
has done with them. The critic's case is different. We have a
right to expect of him that he shall have reflected on literature;
that, out of the ideas of others, he shall mould ideas which shall
seem as if they were his own. Jonson has translated his originals
verbatim, and has not added a single idea that was not already
full-grown in them. If we were merely studying the taste of the
dramatist Jonson, all this would have high interest for us; but
it would be idle to dispute that Jonson the critic suffers from
the discovery. The 'constant good sense, occasional felicity of
expression, conscientious and logical intensity of application or
devotion to every point of the subject handled or attempted,'
which Swinburne found in the critical portions of Discoveries, are
virtues that must be credited to Jonson's originals rather than to
Jonson himself.
Yet, though Dryden's statement that 'there are few serious
thoughts which are new in’ Jonson has proved truer with time,
this did not affect the influence of his selective translation on the
age that was to follow; and Dryden himself could say that, in
Discoveries, 'we have as many and profitable rules for perfecting
the stage as any wherewith the French can furnish us. As an
influence, Jonson remains what he was ; as an original critic, he
indubitably loses in prestige. His influence was immediately
exerted on the younger men about him; some of its results may
be observed, for example, in the comments on poets and prosemen
in Bolton's Hypercritica; and, even now, the tremendous effects of
this influence on restoration poetry and criticism are only partly
comprehended. It was due to him that the pregnant utterances
1 See ante, vols. iv, pp. 348, 524, and vi, pp. 8, 9.
6


## p. 263 (#279) ############################################

New Elements
263
of post-classic rhetoricians and the lucid and rational classicism of
Dutch scholars became part and parcel of English thought.
Despite changes of taste, a number of Elizabethan survivals
may be found in the very heart of this period. The chapter on
poetry in Peacham’s Compleat Gentleman (1622) forms a kind of
text-book borrowed from Puttenham and Scaliger. The chapter
begins with a long and enthusiastic defence of poetry and a
rhapsody on its history, quite in the Elizabethan manner, and this
is followed by a brief survey of Latin and English poetry; but
Peacham has nothing to say concerning the Latin poets that had
not already been uttered by Scaliger, and nothing concerning the
English poets that had not been said by Puttenham. In similar
manner, Sir William Alexander, in his Anacrisis (1634 ? ), reverts to
the tradition of Sidney's Defence of Poesie, and summarises the
taste begun with Arcadia and culminating, after his own day, in
the heroic romances. Yet, even here, the new ideals of Caroline
taste are beginning to assert themselves. Not only is modern poetry
summed up in the prose romances, not only are Tasso and Sidney,
Vergil and Lucan, his idols, but a comparison of poetry to a formal
garden stands side by side with an attack on Scaliger and a defence
of poetic freedom. Balzac's letters and the writings of other men
of the new French school furnish us with the models of his style,
and we are here on the threshold of D'Avenant's preface to
Gondibert in manner and feeling. A new and tentative classicism
was struggling through the ordeal of preciosité. To this period,
too, belongs Suckling's Sessions of the Poets, with its casual and
ironical judgments of some of his contemporaries; and a few minor
essays of like character illustrate similar tendencies of the time.
In the next decade or two, the results of contact with France
appear, also, in the new theory and practice of translation and in
the critical trend toward simplicity in style. In France, a number
of brilliant translators were adapting the classics to the taste of
their countrymen. Of these, Perrot d'Ablancourt was the chief
exemplar, and the prefaces of his numerous translations enunciate
most clearly this new philosophy of paraphrase. 'I do not always
limit myself to the words or even to the thoughts of this author'
he
says,
in his version of Lucian, 'but, mindful solely of his purpose,
I accommodate it to the French air and manner'; and, in his
complete version of Tacitus, he goes so far as to say that an
injustice is done to a translation by comparing it with its original.
When this theory reached England, it came into contact with the
Jonsonian tradition of literal translation, and, for some time, these


## p. 264 (#280) ############################################

264 Jacobean and Caroline Criticism
two schools existed side by side. Cowley, in the preface to his
Pindaric Odes, claims for himself the credit of having introduced
the new way into England; his biographer Sprat assumes that
Cowley was not the first to recommend it, but insists that he was
one of the first to practise it. The acknowledged herald of the
new method was Sir John Denham, in the well known verses
prefixed to Fansbawe's version of Il Pastor Fido (1647):
That servile path thou nobly dost decline
Of tracing word by word and line by line . . .
A new and nobler way thou dost pursue
To make Translations and Translators too;
They but preserve the Ashes, Thou the Flame,
True to his sense but truer to his fame.
Nine years later, Denham restated the argument in the prose
preface to his Essay on Translation, which had been begun much
earlier and which is one of the first English, attempts to put the
theory of loose paraphrase into practice.
The critical trend toward simplicity, which, also, received an
impetus from French influence, was especially directed to the
elimination of the conceits of the metaphysical school and the
current perversions of poetry and prose. That school had not had
any adequate expression in English criticism, just as the Eliza-
bethan drama was really without its true critical expounders and
defenders; but Henry Reynolds's Mythomystes (1632) illustrates
the perverse effect of the school in the realms of criticism. In this
work, the friend of Drayton and translator of Tasso's Aminta has
systematically applied Neoplatonism to the interpretation of
poetry. Bacon had already indicated the road, but Reynolds
follows it into a tropical forest of strange fancies. The cabalists
and neoplatonists, Philo and Reuchlin, but especially Pico della
Mirandola and Alessandro Farra, here find an English voice.
Mythomystes has another historical interest in its relation to the con-
troversy respecting ancients and moderns. It professes to contain
a brief for the ancients; but it argues their claims on grounds
utterly repugnant to neo-classicism, not their superior portrayal of
the fundamentals of human nature, but their defter manipulation
of the cabalistic mysteries. For Bacon, allegorical interpretation
seemed to furnish an opportunity for the scientific explanation of
poetry ; Reynolds's method implies the negation of science. It was
against such perversities of taste as these that the new exponents
of simplicity now directed sporadic attacks; but no systematic
expression of this new movement is to be found at this period, and
it did not gain real headway until the age of Dryden.


## p. 265 (#281) ############################################

Milton and Hobbes
265
6
The critical position of Milton, who began to write about this
time, has been defined by himself. In the treatise Of Education
(1644), he commits himself unequivocally to the tradition of 'that
sublime art' which is taught 'in Aristotle's Poetics, in Horace,
and the Italian commentaries of Castelvetro, Tasso, Mazzoni, and
others'; and to the tradition of renascence criticism he remained
faithful throughout his life. In the preface to Samson Agonistes
(1671), this attitude remains unmodified except by an occasional
touch of puritan conscience; even the somewhat earlier attack
on rime he inherited from Trissino and Tolomei. In the judgment
of literature, he has little to offer save a venomous onslaught on
Hall's satires (referring, especially, to the cacophonous 'pace of the
verse' and to the 'poorness and frigidity' of the imagery), and
contemptuous allusions to Sidney's Arcadia and Shakespeare's
Richard III. But his conception of the imagination as that which
alone makes literature vital, his veneration for the poet's con-
secrated office, his passionate defence of literary freedom, his ideas
concerning the spiritual unity of poetry and religion, were heritages
which he passed on to the critics of the following age; and, in-
directly at least, he helped to fructify not only poetry but criticism
as well, through the agency of such men as Edward Phillips,
Dennis and the two Wartons.
Bacon, as we have seen, gave poetry a definite place in a
scheme of the arts and sciences; he referred it to the imagination,
and used this term to explain the idealising process by which
poetry transforms the materials of life into forms of art. But he
did not attempt to analyse this process, or to explain the sources
and mutual relations of the various functions of the mind. This
is the peculiar work of Hobbes. The critics of the sixteenth
century had dealt with literature as an external phenomenon ;
they isolated the work of art from its position in space and time,
and from its relation to the mind which created it. This generalisa-
tion does not imply that the historical sense did not make itself
felt in some literary controversies, or that such words as 'wit,
'fancy,' 'imagination and the like do not occasionally and casually
occur in criticism; the Spanish critic Rengifo, for example, asserts
a vehement imagination, furor poeticus and agudeza de ingenio
to be essentials of the poet. But such words as these are casual
and unreasoned; they are not analysed; they remain, one might
say, abstract virtues of the poet, and are not brought into funda-
mental relation with the work of art itself. The concrete work
is tested in vacuo, and the critic is concerned with its unity,
>


## p. 266 (#282) ############################################

266 Jacobean and Caroline Criticism
6
a
probability, regularity, harmony and the like. The seventeenth
century first attempted to deal accurately with the relation between
the creative mind and the work of art; it began to analyse the
content of such terms as 'wit,''fancy' and 'taste. ' Hobbes is here
a pioneer; he left an impress on critical terminology, and his
psychology became the groundwork of restoration criticism.
The relation of Descartes to French classicism suggests the
position of Hobbes in Stewart England.
Hobbes's theory of poetry is a logical result of his philosophy
of mind. For him, a mechanical universe continues to make itself
felt on the tabula rasa of the human mind; these impressions the
mind retains, arranges and combines. "Time and Education' (as
he puts it briefly, in popular fashion, in the letter to D'Avenant pre-
fixed to Gondibert) 'begets experience; Experience begets Memory;
Memory begets Judgement and Fancy; Judgement begets the
strength and structure, and Fancy begets the ornaments of a Poem. '
Here, ‘fancy' and 'judgment,' like Bacon’s ‘imagination,' are mental
processes which re-arrange the materials of experience into forms
of art; but, for Hobbes, the imaginative process is no longer
sufficient or even vital; fancy furnishes the 'ornaments,' and
judgment the strength and structure of poetry. His distinction
between the two became a commonplace of criticism in the period
of classicism : 'wit,' the current term for fancy, denotes quickness
of mind in seeing the resemblances between disparate objects;
judgment, or reason, finds differences in objects apparently similar.
This distinction had been suggested by the Italians of the later
renascence, and had been more clearly indicated, as a difference
in human temperament, by Bacon; but, with Hobbes, who first
gave it precision, it became part and parcel of English thought,
and was adopted by Robert Boyle, Locke, Temple, Addison and
others, until Harris pointed out that a distinction of this sort
would place Euclid's Geometry among the supreme works of fancy.
The French had realised the critical significance of the antithesis
for some time, but they never formulated it so clearly as this.
Throughout the second half of the century, in both countries, the
terms wit' and `judgment' were placed in a sort of conventional
opposition, like the doctrina and eloquentia of the humanists, and
the clash resounds through neo-classical criticism.
Hobbes's distinction of the poetic genres is the logical outcome
of his philosophy. He conceives of them as conditioned by the
divisions of the external world-heroic, comic and pastoral, corre-
sponding to court, city and country-and man simply arranges


## p. 267 (#283) ############################################

The New Aesthetic
267
>
9
what nature gives in forms of his own speech, narrative or dramatic.
The poetry of the court thus assumes the form of epic or tragedy;
the poetry of the city, satire or comedy; the poetry of the country,
bucolics or pastoral comedy. Here, there is no place for lyrical
forms; they are 'but essayes and parts of an entire poem. Bacon
had set the example for this indifference, and, later, Temple followed
in the path of Hobbes. Nor is there any place for didactic or
descriptive verse, for the subject of poetry is not natural science
or moral theory, but the manners of men,' presented in the guise
of lifelike fiction. The exclusion of didactic verse is Aristotelian,
and had furnished the subject for infinite controversy in the
renascence; but the seventeenth century tended more and more
to follow Roman practice rather than Aristotelian precept in this
respect. Yet Hobbes's 'manners of men' fails to suggest that the
whole content of human life (in its inner as well as its outer
manifestations) is the theme of poetry, and is Horatian rather than
Aristotelian.
The theme of poetry, then, is the manners of men ; its method
is that of verisimilitude, or resemblance to the actual conditions
of life; and Hobbes's scorn for ghosts and magic is the natural
outcome of this insistence on vraisemblance. From acquaintance
with the manners of men, rather than from books, the poet is to
obtain the elements of style, or 'expression. ' To know human
nature well, to retain images of it in the memory that are distinct
and clear, are the sources of perspicuity and propriety of style, and
of 'decorum’ in character-drawing; to know much of it is the
source of variety and novelty of expression. Hobbes's aesthetic is
consistent and logical throughout, the first of its kind in English
literature.
When he wields this body of theory in the concrete field of
criticism, his discretion fails.
A quarter of a century intervened
between the publication of his letter to D'Avenant (1650) and the
preface to his translation of Homer (1675), but the theory has not
fundamentally changed. Edward Phillips preferred the latter
because of the bias and friendly compliment of the former, and,
certainly, Hobbes's judgment of Gondibert and of Howard's British
Princes must be approached with at least as much caution as the
flattering dedications of the period. In the later preface, he
justifies his taste by the preference of Homer to both Vergil and
Lucan. He formulates seven 'virtues of the epic-in diction,
style, imagery, plot, elevation of fancy (which, he says, is usually
overestimated as a virtue of poetry), the amplitude of the subject
6


## p. 268 (#284) ############################################

268 Jacobean and Caroline Criticism
and the justice and impartiality of the poet—and he then compares
Homer with Vergil and Lucan in respect to these essential quali-
ties. Dryden complains that Hobbes 'begins the praise of Homer
where he should have ended it,' meaning that Hobbes first considers
the choice of words and the harmony of numbers instead of the
design, the manners and the thoughts; and it is true that he also
fails to express several of the other main tendencies of neo-
classicism. Unlike his more orthodox contemporaries, he does
not give to the logical structure of a poem the same sort of exagge-
rated importance that the theorists of art for art's sake have given
to the externals of style ; he cares nothing for the rules which the
French had inherited from the Italians; he has serious doubts
about a fixed standard of taste. The method of comparison which
he urges was to have an important bearing on the progress of
criticism. This was a conventional exercise from the time of
Scaliger to that of Rapin, but Hobbes's way of basing his judg-
ments on general qualities of style and content is an advance
on theirs. The method was adopted by Rymer in his preface to
Rapin (1674); and it was from Hobbes, also, that Rymer acquired,
especially later, something of the same external and mechanical
outlook on life, the same political philosophy and spirit of con-
formity, the same clangour of style, the same magisterial attitude,
and that intellectual arrogance which made Dryden compare the
sage of Malmesbury with Lucretius.
D'Avenant's long preface to Gondibert (1650) is a dilution of the
aesthetic theory of Hobbes, but Tasso's discourses on the epic and
Chapelain's preface to Marino's Adone, doubtless, served as his
models. Nothing could differ more widely than the prose styles
of the two men; the style of Hobbes foreshadows Rymer, while
Cowley and D'Avenant prepare the way for Dryden and Temple.
Of the four men who associated themselves with the composition of
Gondibert in Paris, Hobbes was sixty-two years of age, D'Avenant
and Waller forty-four and Cowley thirty-two; obviously, the eldest
of these was less likely than the others to succumb to the influences
of French taste. The heroic poem (like the pastoral, an artificial
product of the later renascence) was in the air in Paris at that
time. Chapelain had been at work on La Pucelle for nearly
fifteen years, Lemoyne on his Saint Louis somewhat less; and
D'Avenant's preface bears a remarkable resemblance to those which
were soon to precede these and many other French epics in the
dozen years that followed. The spirit with which they worked
explains that of D'Avenant. It explains his conception of epic
a


## p. 269 (#285) ############################################

D'Avenant and Cowley
269
>
>
6
practice as a merely mechanical consequence of epic theory; it
explains how experience of human nature, which Hobbes con-
sidered essential to the writing of great poetry, tends to limit
itself to 'conversation’; it explains the talk about nature,' which
was to be more and more fundamental for English criticism, and
the attack on 'conceits,' one of the first of its kind in our language.
The concetti of the Italians had lost ground in France for some
time; D'Avenant was a pioneer in a campaign that, thenceforth,
was sustained without a break in England. In both countries, there
had been a metaphysical school of poetry; but only in Italy did the
principles of the school receive a critical formulation; and neither
England nor France had any contemporary equivalent for such im-
portant works as Tesauro's Cannocchiale Aristotelico or Pellegrini's
Fonti dell Ingegno. D'Avenant himself shows his natural leanings
toward the older school in his conception of poetry as a presenta-
tion of truth 'through unfrequented and new ways, and from the
most remote Shades, by representing Nature, though not in an
affected, yet in an unusual dress. ' This is Bacon’s ‘strangeness
added to beauty,' and is far from the principle of Pope's 'what oft
was thought but ne'er so well expressed. ' The defence of the
stanza form, the confused conception of 'wit;' the insistence on
religion as well as nature and reason as the basis of poetry, all
suggest D'Avenant's place in this transitional period of English
criticism.
Cowley, the junior of D'Avenant by a dozen years, occupies
a similar position. The influence of his poetry on contemporary
taste was powerful; but taste does not become criticism until it
has received reasoned expression. His keenest intellectual powers
expressed themselves, however, in his verse; in his prose, he aimed
rather at charm and clarity, after the fashion of the new standards
of France: here, his critical opinions are casual and fragmentary,
and, unlike Milton's, they explain the externals rather than the
essence of his own poetic practice. His chief critical utterances
are contained in the 1656 edition of his poems, both in the general
preface and in the notes to Davideis. This preface contains a
passage acknowledging the triumph of the commonwealth which
he omitted from later editions, and for which his first biographer
apologises at some length. The spirit of the commonwealth ex-
hibits itself in the insistence that poets should avoid obscenity
and profaneness, and in the impassioned defence of Biblical material
for modern poetry. In the decade which opens with D'Avenant's
preface to Gondibert (in which the Christian epic had been


## p. 270 (#286) ############################################

270 Jacobean and Caroline Criticism
defended), heroic poems, sacred and profane, were coming forth
from French presses with the speed of the modern novel; Mambrun
had published his treatise De Poemate Epico; and Desmarets
de Saint-Sorlin inaugurated his long campaign in favour of the
merveilleux chrétien. Cowley does not accept
Cowley does not accept their moralistic
theory; for him, as for Waller, 'to communicate delight to others
is the main end of Poesie,' and a soul 'filled with bright and
delightful Idæas' the fountain of poetic creation. In charming
prose, he has paraphrased Ovid's complaint that poetry will not
bear fruit in a troubled mind or body, and he has extended the
principle to the influence of climate and of a 'warlike, various,
and a tragical age,' which is best to write of, but worst to write
in': this is the logical outcome of Hobbes's psychology. His later
work connects itself largely with the foundation and progress of
the Royal Society, and, through it, with the Baconian tradition;
and he played so important a part (if we may believe Evelyn) in
the attempt of the Society to organise a literary academy for the
refinement of English, that, at his death, the whole scheme was
dropped.
The influence of Hobbes's political philosophy on Restoration
thought and conduct is well known; his outlook on life, and, more
especially, the psychology by which it is explained, were scarcely
less influential in the domain of letters. Tempered and refined by
the social and literary influences proceeding from France, they
became, in the hands of younger men (not least of all in Cowley's
Odes), instruments of power. No member of this group accepts
an absolute standard of taste; they do not yield a complete sub-
servience to classical authority or to the pseudo-classical rules;
the rationalistic temper has not, as yet, flooded criticism to the
exclusion of all imaginative elements. They logically connect the
critical activity of the first and the second Caroline periods; and
Dryden begins his work at the point where D'Avenant and Cowley
leave off.
It will be noticed that most of these critics concern themselves
with literary principles, and only on occasion (and with doubtful
success) enter the field of critical judgment. But, even here, some
progress may be observed. In the censure' of authors, the
Elizabethans had seldom gone beyond the repetition of a few
traditional phrases. Impassioned on the subject of poetry in
general, its antiquity, its dignity, its beauty, they became timid
and reserved so soon as they faced the concrete problem which
every critic must face in the individual poet or the individual
6


## p. 271 (#287) ############################################

The Roll-Call
271
a
poem. Their method, for the most part, was the method of the
'roll-call,' a catalogue of poets, in which one name follows another,
each with its tag of critical comment. These comments are limited
by a narrow range of critical terminology, a few words of praise or
blame, some commonplace, some more highly coloured, and the
judgments that they express are those of a well established literary
tradition or of the common opinion of their time. The first ex-
tended critique in English seems to be that which Sidney, in his
Defence of Poesie, devotes to the tragedy of Gorboduc; here, for
the first time, critical principles are applied systematically to a
work of English literature. Yet, Sidney has little to say of Gorboduc
except that it has ignored the dramatic unities; he has few terms
with which to express its positive qualities, its special beauties or
defects, and no method of summing up the general effect in the
form of literary portraiture or appreciation. In the case of other
works, he adheres to the method of the roll-call. 'I account the
Mirrour of Magistrates meetely furnished of beautiful parts; and
in the Earle of Surries Liricks many things tasting of a noble birth,
and worthy of a noble minde. '
This is the staple of his judgment of authors. Nor do his
contemporaries and his successors stray beyond the range of the
roll-call. Of the seventy-four chapters of Puttenham's Arte of
English Poesie, which attempts to cover the whole field of poetical
criticism, a single chapter is devoted to a 'censure' of the English
poets; and here we are told that ‘for dittie and amourous ode
I finde Sir Walter Rawleyghs vayne most loftie, insolent, and
passionate; Maister Edward Dyar, for elegy most sweet, solempne,
and of high conceit; Gascon, for a good meeter and for a plentifull
vayne,’ etc. This is a typical example of roll-call criticism, the
most primitive form of literary characterisation ; literary history,
unguided by any organic principle, is as yet unable to express
itself save by adding name to name and epithet to epithet.
Harington, it is true, argues against the charge that 'Ariosto
wanteth art,' and repeats some of the commonplaces of Italian
criticism; but, for the rest, he is limited to disjointed and in-
temperate eulogy, the same incense that Sidney burnt at the
altar of Vergil. It is tradition and not criticism which speaks in
both. As they approach the poets of their own tongue, even more
as they approach their own time, they lose their certainty of
utterance; they have no terminology to give precision to their
vague impressions; they have no form or method which gives
unity or logic to their disjointed thoughts. It is at this point that
>
6


## p. 272 (#288) ############################################

272
Jacobean and Caroline Criticism
Jonson enters the field. It is not merely that he makes Quintilian
and Scaliger native to English criticism, by translating or para-
phrasing their ideas in a language both sane and robust; but,
under their guidance, he attempts the literary ‘portrait. ' Yet,
note how cautiously he works this new vein. The brief note on
Shakespeare in Discoveries is made up of classical echoes; and
the masterly portrait of Bacon as an orator follows, almost word
for word, the elder Seneca's description of Severus Cassius. Such
a portrait was as yet impossible in English, and, not unwisely,
Jonson leans heavily on Roman crutches. But it is in the famous
lines to Shakespeare that he is at his best, for the uplift of verse
has helped him to sureness and swiftness of speech. This is the
first adequate tribute to a great English poet; this, and the portrait
of Bacon, are the first of their kind in English.
The first training in adequate characterisation of the poets
seems, then, to have been given (however tentatively) by Jonson,
and it was certainly among his own disciples that literary por-
traiture first began to flourish. Verse rather than prose was
the surer vehicle, and the chief training ground seems to have
been the commendatory verses prefixed to plays and poems.
Those, for example, that appeared in Jonsonus Virbius (1638),
or in the 1647 folio of Beaumont and Fletcher, contain some
of the most acute criticism of the first half of the seventeenth
century, amid much that is the merest distortion of ingenious
eulogy.