No More Learning

" 4 Accordingly, he enrolled a thousand of their young men among his bodyguard; and at the same time incorporated into his army a portion of the auxiliaries, trained after the discipline of the Macedonians. 5 At this proceeding the Macedonians were much dissatisfied, exclaiming that "their enemies were put into their places by their king;" 6 and at length they all went to Alexander in a body, beseeching him with tears "to content himself rather with punishing than ill-treating them. " 7 By this modest forbearance they produced such an effect upon him, that he released eleven thousand veterans more. 8 Of his own friends, too, were sent away the old men, Polysperchon, Cleitus, Gorgias, Polydamas, Amadas, and Antigenes. 9 Of those that were sent home Craterus was appointed leader, and commissioned to take the government of Macedonia instead of Antipater, whom he summoned, with a body of recruits, to take the place of Craterus. 10 Pay was allowed to those that went home, as if they had been still in the service. 11 In the course of those proceedings, Hephaestion, one of his friends, died; a man who was a great favourite with Alexander, at first on account of his personal qualities in youth, and afterwards from his servility. 12 Alexander mourned for him longer than became his dignity as a king, built a monument for him that cost twelve thousand talents, and gave orders that he should be worshipped as a god.

[12. 13] L As he was returning to Babylon, from the distant shores of the ocean, he was acquainted that embassies from the Carthaginians, and other states of Africa, as well as from the Spains, Sicily, Gaul, and Sardinia, and some also from Italy, were waiting his arrival at that city. 2 So powerfully had the terror of his name diffused itself through the world, that all nations were ready to bow to him as their destined monarch. 3 When he was hastening to Babylon, therefore, to hold an assembly, as it were, of the states of the world, one of the Magi warned him "not to enter the city," for that the "place would be fatal to him. " 4 He accordingly avoided Babylon, and turned aside to Borsippa, a city on the other side of the Euphrates, that had been for some time uninhabited. 5 Here again be was persuaded by Anaxarchus the philosopher, to slight the predictions of the Magi as fallacious and uncertain; observing that, "if things were fixed by fate, they were unknown to mortals, and, if they were dependent on the course of nature, were unchangeable. " 6 Returning, therefore, to Babylon, and allowing himself several days for rest, he renewed, in his usual manner, the entertainments which had been for some time discontinued, 7 resigning himself wholly to mirth, and joining in his cups the night to the day. As he was returning, on one occasion, from a banquet, Medius, a Thessalian, proposing to renew their revelling, invited him and his attendants to his house. 8 Taking up a cup, he suddenly uttered a groan while he was drinking, as if he had been stabbed with a dagger, 9 and being carried half dead from the table, he was excruciated with such torture that he called for a sword to put an end to it, and felt pain at the touch of his attendants as if he were all over wounds. 10 His friends reported that the cause of his disease was excess in drinking, but in reality it was a conspiracy, the infamy of which the power of his successors threw into the shade.

[12. 14] L The author of this conspiracy was Antipater, who, seeing that his dearest friends were put to death, that Alexander Lyncestes, his son-in-law, was cut off, 2 and that he himself, after his important services in Greece, was not so much liked by the king as envied by him, 3 and was also persecuted with various charges by his mother Olympias; 4 reflecting, too, on the severe penalties inflicted, a few days before, on the governors of the conquered nations, 5 and hence imagining that he was sent for from Macedonia, not to share in the war, but to suffer punishment, 6 secretly, in order to be beforehand with Alexander, furnished his son Cassander with poison, who, with his brothers Philippus and Iollas, was accustomed to attend on the king at table. 7 The strength of this poison was so great, that it could be contained neither in brass, nor iron, nor shell, nor could be conveyed in any other way than in the hoof of a horse. 8 Cassander had been warned to trust nobody but the Thessalian and his brothers; and hence it was that the banquet was prepared and renewed in the house of the Thessalian. 9 Philippus and Iollas, who used to taste and mix the king's drink, had the poison ready in cold water, which they put into the drink after it had been tasted.

[12. 15] L On the fourth day, Alexander, finding that death was inevitable, observed that "he perceived the approach of the fate of his family, for most of the Aeacidae had died under thirty years of age. " 2 He then pacified the soldiers, who were making a tumult, from suspecting that the king was the victim of a conspiracy, and, after being carried to the highest part of the city, admitted them to his presence, and gave them his right hand to kiss. 3 While they all wept, he not only did not shed a tear, but showed not the least token of sorrow; so that he even comforted some who grieved immoderately, and gave others messages to their parents; 4 and his soul was as undaunted at meeting death, as it had formerly been at meeting an enemy. 5 When the soldiers were gone, he asked his friends that stood about him, "whether they thought they should find a king like him? " 6 All continuing silent, he said that, "although he did not know that, he knew, and could foretell, and almost saw with his eyes, how much blood Macedonia would shed in the disputes that would follow his death, and with what slaughters, and what quantities of gore, she would perform his obsequies. " 7 At last he ordered his body to be buried in the temple of Jupiter Ammon. 8 When his friends saw him dying, they asked him "whom he would appoint as the successor to his throne? " He replied, "The most worthy. " 9 Such was his nobleness of spirit, that though he left a son named Hercules, a brother called Aridaeus, and his wife Roxane with child, yet, forgetting his relations, he named only "the most worthy" as his successor; 10 as though it were unlawful for any but a brave man to succeed a brave man, or for the power of so great an empire to be left to any but approved governors. 11 But as if, by this reply, he had sounded the signal for battle among his friends, or had thrown the apple of discord amongst them, they all rose in emulation against each other, and tried to gain the favour of the army by secretly paying court to the common soldiers. 12 On the sixth day from the commencement of his illness, being unable to speak, he took his ring from his finger, and gave it to Perdiccas; an act which tranquillized the growing dissension among his friends; 13 for though Perdiccas was not expressly named his successor, he seemed intended to be so in Alexander's judgment.

[12. 16] L Alexander, when he died, was thirty-three years and one month old. He was a man endowed with powers of mind far beyond ordinary human capacity. 2 His mother Olympias, the night in which she conceived him, dreamed that she was entwined with a huge serpent; nor was she deceived by her dream; for she certainly bore in her womb a conception superior to mortality; 3 and though her descent from the Aeacidae, a family of the remotest antiquity, and the royal dignity of her father, brother, husband, and indeed of all her ancestors, conferred sufficient splendour upon her, yet by no one's influence was she rendered more illustrious than that of her son. 4 Some omens of his future greatness appeared at his birth. 5 Two eagles sat the whole of the day on which he was born on the top of his father's palace, giving indication of his double empire over Europe and Asia. 6 The very same day, too, his father received the news of two victories, one in the war with the Illyrians, the other in the Olympic games, to which he had sent some four-horse chariots; an omen which portended to the child the conquest of the world. 7 As a boy, he was ably instructed in elementary learning; 8 and, when his boyhood was past, he improved himself, for five years, under his famous instructor Aristotle. 9 On taking possession of the throne, he gave orders that he should be styled "King of all the earth and of the world;" 10 and he inspired his soldiers with such confidence in him, that, when he was present, they feared the arms of no enemy, though they themselves were unarmed. 11 He, in consequence, never engaged with any enemy whom he did not conquer, besieged no city that he did not take, and invaded no nation that he did not subjugate. 12 He was overcome at last, not by the prowess of any enemy, but by a conspiracy of those whom he trusted, and the treachery of his own subjects.

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Justinus: Epitome of Pompeius Trogus' Philippic Histories
- books 13 to 15
Translated by Rev. J. S. Watson (1853). See key to translations for an explanation of the format.


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BOOK 13

[13. 1] L When Alexander was thus cut off in the flower of his age, and at the height of his successes, a mournful silence prevailed among all people throughout Babylon. 2 But the conquered nations could not give credit to the report of his death, because, as they had believed him to be invincible, they had also conceived that he was immortal, 3 reflecting how frequently he had been snatched from imminent destruction, and how often, when he was given up for lost, he had suddenly presented himself to his soldiers, not only safe, but victorious. 4 As soon, however, as the report of his death was confirmed, all the barbarous nations, whom he had shortly before subdued, lamented for him, not as an enemy, but as a father. 5 The mother, too, of King Darius, who, though she had been reduced, after the death of her son, from the summit of royal dignity to the state of a captive, had, till that day, through the kindness of the conqueror, never felt weary of life, committed suicide when she heard of the death of Alexander; 6 not that she felt more for an enemy than she had felt for her son, but because she had experienced the attention of a son from him whom she had feared as an enemy. 7 The Macedonians, on the other hand, did not mourn for him as a countryman, and a prince of such eminence, but rejoiced at his death as at that of an enemy, execrating his excessive severity and the perpetual hardships of war to which he exposed them. 8 The chiefs, moreover, were looking to sovereignty and offices of command; the common soldiers to the treasury and heaps of gold, as a prize unexpectedly presented to their grasp; the one meditating on the possibility of seizing the throne, the other on the means of securing wealth and plenty; 9 for there were in the treasury fifty thousand talents, while the annual tribute produced thirty thousand. 10 Nor did the friends of Alexander look to the throne without reason; for they were men of such ability and authority, that each of them might have been taken for a king. 11 Such was the personal gracefulness, the commanding stature, and the eminent powers of body and mind, apparent in all of them, that whoever did not know them, would have thought that they had been selected, not from one nation, but from the whole earth. 12 Never before, indeed, did Macedonia, or any other country, abound with such a multitude of distinguished men; 13 whom Philippus first, and afterwards Alexander, had selected with such skill, that they seemed to have been chosen, not so much to attend them to war, as to succeed them on the throne. 14 Who then can wonder, that the world was conquered by such officers, when the army of the Macedonians appeared to be commanded, not by generals, but by princes? - 15 men who would never have found antagonists to cope with them, if they had not quarrelled with one another; while Macedonia would have had many Alexanders instead of one, had not Fortune inspired them with mutual emulation for their mutual destruction.

[13. 2] L But, when Alexander was taken off, their feelings of security were not in proportion to their exultation; for they were all competitors for the same dignity; 2 nor did they fear one another more than the soldiery, whose licence was less controllable, and whose favour was more uncertain. 3 Their very equality inflamed their discord, no one being so far superior to the rest, that any other would submit to him. 4 They therefore met in the palace under arms to settle the present state of affairs. 5 Perdiccas gave his opinion that they ought to wait till Roxane was delivered, who was now eight months gone with child by Alexander; and that, if she brought forth a boy, he should be appointed his father's successor. 6 Meleager argued that their proceedings should not be suspended for the result of an uncertain birth; nor ought they to wait till kings were born, when they might choose from such as were already born; 7 for if they wished for a boy, there was at Pergamum a son of Alexander by Barsine, named Heracles; 8 or, if they would rather have a man, there was then in the camp Arrhidaeus, a brother of Alexander, a person of courteous manners, and acceptable to every body, not only on his own account, but on that of his father Philippus. 9 But that Roxane was of Persian origin, and that it was unlawful that kings should be chosen for the Macedonians from the blood of those whose kingdoms they had overthrown; 10 a choice to which Alexander himself would not have consented, who, indeed, when he was dying, made no mention of Roxane's issue. 11 Ptolemy objected to Arrhidaeus as king, not only on account of the meanness of his mother (he being the son of a courtesan of Larissa), but because of the extraordinary weakness with which he was affected, lest, while he had the name of king, another should exercise the authority; 12 and said that it would be better for them to choose from those who were next in merit to the king, and who could govern the provinces and be entrusted with the conduct of wars, than to be subjected to the tyranny of unworthy men under the authority of a king. 13 The opinion of Perdiccas was adopted with the consent of all; 14 and it was resolved to wait for the delivery of Roxane; and, if a boy should be born, they appointed Leonatus, Perdiccas, Craterus, and Antipater, as his guardians, to whom they at once took an oath of obedience.

[13. 3] L When the cavalry had also taken the oath, the infantry, indignant that no share in the deliberation had been granted to them, proclaimed Arrhidaeus, the brother of Alexander, king, chose him guards from their own body, and appointed that he should be called Philippus, after the name of his father. 2 These proceedings being reported to the cavalry, they despatched two of their officers, Attalus and Meleager, to quell the excitement; but they, hoping for power for themselves by flattering the multitude, neglected their commission and took the side of the soldiers. 3 The insurrection soon gathered strength, when it once began to have a head and regular management. 4 The infantry rushed in a body, under arms, to the palace, with a resolution to cut the cavalry to pieces; 5 but the cavalry, hearing of their approach, retreated in haste from the city, and after pitching their camp, began to threaten the infantry in return. 6 Nor did the animosity of the chiefs, meanwhile, abate. 7 Attalus despatched some of his men to assassinate Perdiccas, the leader of the opposite party, 8 but, as he was armed, the assassins did not dare go near him, though he freely invited them to approach; and such was the resolution of Perdiccas, that he went of his own accord to the infantry, and, summoning them to an assembly, represented to them the atrocity of their conduct; 9 admonishing them to consider against whom they had taken arms; that they were not Persians, but Macedonians; not enemies, but their own countrymen; most of them their kinsmen, but certainly all of them their fellow soldiers, sharers of the same camp and of the same dangers; 10 that they would present a striking spectacle to their enemies, who would rejoice at the mutual slaughter of those by whose arms they grieved at having been conquered; and that they would atone with their own blood to the manes of their slaughtered adversaries.

[13. 4] L Perdiccas having enforced these arguments with eloquence peculiar to himself, produced such an effect upon the infantry, that his admonitions were obeyed, and he was unanimously chosen general. 2 The cavalry, soon after, being reconciled with the infantry, agreed to have Arrhidaeus for their king. 3 A portion of the empire was reserved for Alexander's son, if a son should be born. 4 These proceedings they conducted with the body of Alexander placed in the midst of them, that his majesty might be witness to their resolutions. 5 Such an arrangement being made, Antipater was appointed governor of Macedonia and Greece; the charge of the royal treasure was given to Craterus; the management of the camp, the army, and the war, to Meleager and Perdiccas; 6 and king Arrhidaeus was commissioned to convey the body of Alexander to the temple of Zeus Ammon. 7 Perdiccas, who was still enraged at the authors of the late disturbance, suddenly gave notice, without the knowledge of his colleague, that there would be a lustration of the camp on the following day on account of the king's death. 8 Having drawn up the troops under arms in the field, he, with the general consent, gave orders, as he passed along, that the offenders, selected from each company, should be secretly given up to punishment. 9 On his return, he divided the provinces among the chief men, in order both to remove his rivals out of the way, and to make the gift of power appear a favour from himself. 10 In the first place Egypt, with part of Africa and Arabia, fell by lot to Ptolemy, whom Alexander, for his merit, had raised from the condition of a common soldier; 11 and Cleomenes, who had built Alexandria, was directed to put the province into his hands. 12 Laomedon of Mytilene was allotted Syria, which bordered on Ptolemy's province; and Philotas was allotted Cilicia. 13 Philon of Illyria was set over the Greater Media; and Atropatos, the father-in-law of Perdiccas, over the Lesser. 14 Susiana was assigned to Coenus, and the Greater Phrygia to Antigonus, the son of Philippus. 15 Nearchus received Lycia and Pamphylia; Cassander, Caria; and Menander, Lydia. 16 The Lesser Phrygia fell to Leonatus; Thrace, and the coasts of the Pontic sea, to Lysimachus; Cappadocia and Paphlagonia were given to Eumenes. 17 The chief command of the camp fell to Seleucus the son of Antiochus. 18 Cassander, the son of Antipater, was made commander of the king's guards and attendants. 19 In Further Bactria, and the countries of India, the present governors were allowed to retain their office. 20 The region between the rivers Hydaspes and Indus, Taxiles received. 21 To the colonies settled in India, Pithon, the son of Agenor, was sent. Of the Parapameni, on the borders of mount Caucasus, Oxyartes had the command. 22 The Arachosians and Gedrosians were assigned to Sibyrtius; the Drancae and Arei to Stasanor. 23 Amyntas was allotted the Bactrians, (? ) Staganor the Sogdians, Philippus the Parthians, Phrataphernes the Hyrcanians, Tleptolemus the Carmanians, Peucestes the Persians, Archon of Pella the Babylonians, and Arcesilaus Mesopotamia.

24 When this allotment, like a gift from the fates, was made to each, it was to many of them a great occasion for improving their fortunes; 25 for not long after, as if they had divided kingdoms, not governments, among themselves, they became princes instead of governors, and not only secured great power to themselves, but bequeathed it to their descendants.

[13. 5] L While these things were happening in the east, the Athenians and Aetolians proceeded with all their might to prosecute the war which they had begun during the life of Alexander. 2 The cause of the war was, that Alexander, on his return from India, had written certain letters to Greece, according to which the exiles from all the states, except such as had been convicted of murder, were to be recalled. 3 These letters, being read before all Greece, assembled at the Olympic games, had excited a great commotion; 4 because many had been banished, not by legal authority, but by a faction of the leading men, who were afraid that, if they were recalled, they would become more powerful in their states than themselves. 5 Many states therefore at once expressed open discontent, and said that their liberty must be secured by force of arms. 6 The leaders among them all, however, were the Athenians and Aetolians.

7 This being reported to Alexander, he gave orders that a thousand ships of war should be raised among his allies, with which he might carry on war in the west; and he intended to make an expedition, with a powerful force, to level Athens with the ground. 8 The Athenians, in consequence, collecting an army of thirty thousand men and two hundred ships, went to war with Antipater, to whom the government of Greece had been assigned; and when he declined to come to battle, and sheltered himself within the walls of Heracleia, they besieged him there. 9 At that time Demosthenes, the Athenian orator, who had been banished from his country on the charge of taking gold from Harpalus (a man who had fled from Alexander's severity), bribing him to prevail on the city to go to war with Alexander, happened then to be living in exile at Megara, 10 and learning that Hypereides was sent as an ambassador by the Athenians to persuade the Peloponnesians to join in the war, followed him, and, by his eloquence, brought over Sicyon, Argos, Corinth, and other states, to the Athenian interest. 11 In return for this service a ship was sent for Demosthenes by the Athenians, and he was recalled from banishment. 12 Meanwhile Leosthenes, the general of the Athenians, was killed, while he was besieging Antipater, by a missile hurled at him from the wall as he was passing by. 13 This occurrence gave so much encouragement to Antipater, that he ventured to break down the Athenian rampart. 14 He then sought assistance from Leonatus, who was soon reported to be approaching with his army; but the Athenians met him in battle array, and he was severely wounded in an action of the cavalry, and died. 15 Antipater, though he saw his auxiliaries defeated, was yet rejoiced at the death of Leonatus, congratulating himself that his rival was taken off, and his force added to his own. 16 Taking Leonatus's army under his command, therefore, and thinking himself a match for the enemy, even in a regular battle, he immediately released himself from the siege, and marched away to Macedonia. 17 The forces of the Greeks, too, having driven the enemy from the territory of Greece, went off to their several cities.

[13. 6] L Perdiccas, in the meantime, making war upon Ariarathes, king of the Cappadocians, defeated him in a pitched battle, but got no other reward for his efforts but wounds and perils; 2 for the enemy, retreating from the field into the city, killed each his own wife and children, and set fire to his house and all that he possessed; 3 throwing their slaves too into the flames, and afterwards themselves, that the victorious enemy might enjoy nothing belonging to them but the sight of the conflagration that they had kindled. 4 Soon after, that he might secure royal support to his present power, he turned his thoughts to a marriage with Cleopatra, sister of Alexander the Great, and formerly wife of the other Alexander, her mother Olympias showing no dislike to the match. 5 But he wished first to outwit Antipater, by pretending a desire for an alliance with him, 6 and therefore made a feint of asking his daughter in marriage, the more easily to procure from him young recruits from Macedonia. 7 Since Antipater, however, saw through his deceit, he courted two wives at once, but obtained neither.

8 Afterwards a war arose between Antigonus and Perdiccas; 9 Craterus and Antipater (who, having made peace with the Athenians, had appointed Polysperchon to govern Greece and Macedonia) lent their aid to Antigonus. 10 Perdiccas, as the aspect of affairs was unfavourable, called Arrhidaeus, and Alexander the Great's son, then in Cappadocia (the charge of both of whom had been committed to him), to a consultation concerning the management of the war. 11 Some were of opinion that it should be transferred to Macedonia, to the very head and metropolis of the kingdom, 12 where Olympias, the mother of Alexander, was, who would be no small support to their party, while the good will of their countrymen would be with them, from respect to the names of Alexander and Philippus; 13 but it seemed more to the purpose to begin with Egypt, lest, while they were gone into Macedonia, Asia should be seized by Ptolemy. 14 Paphlagonia, Caria, Lycia, and Phrygia were assigned to Eumenes, in addition to the provinces which he had already received; 15 and he was directed to wait in those parts for Craterus and Antipater. Alcetas, the brother of Perdiccas, and Neoptolemus were appointed to support him with their forces. 16 The command of the fleet was given to Cleitus. Cilicia, being taken from Philotas, was given to Philoxenus. Perdiccas himself set out for Egypt with a large army. 17 Thus Macedonia, while its commanders separated into two parties, was armed against its own vitals, and turned the sword from warring against the enemy to the effusion of civil blood, being ready, like people in a fit of madness, to hack its own hands and limbs. 18 But Ptolemy, by his wise exertions in Egypt, was acquiring great power; 19 he had secured the favour of the Egyptians by his extraordinary prudence; he had attached the neighbouring princes by acts of kindness and courtesy; 20 he had extended the boundaries of his kingdom by getting possession of the city Cyrene, and was grown so great that he did not fear his enemies so much as he was feared by them.

[13. 7] L Cyrene was founded by Aristaeus, who, from being tongue-tied, was also called Battus. 2 His father Grinus, king of the isle of Thera, having gone to the oracle at Delphi, to implore the god to remove the ignominy of his son, who was grown up but could not speak, received an answer by which his son Battus was directed to go to Africa, and found the city of Cyrene, where he would gain the use of his tongue. 3 This response appearing but a jest, by reason of the paucity of inhabitants in the island of Thera, from which a colony was desired to go to build a city in a country of such vast extent as Africa, the matter was neglected. 4 Some time after, the Therans, as being guilty of disobedience, were forced by a pestilence to comply with the god's directions. But the number of the colonists was so extremely small that they scarcely filled one ship. 5 Arriving in Africa, they dislodged the inhabitants from a hill named Cyra, and took possession of it for themselves, on account both of the pleasantness of the situation and the abundance of springs in it. 6 Here Battus, their leader, the strings of his tongue being loosed, began to speak; which circumstance, as one part of the god's promises was fulfilled, gave them encouragement to entertain the further hope of building a city. 7 Pitching their camp, accordingly, they received information of an old tradition, that Cyrene, a maiden of extraordinary beauty, was carried off by Apollo from Pelion, a mountain in Thessaly, and brought to that very mountain range on which they had seized a hill, where, becoming pregnant by the god, she brought forth four sons, Nomius, Aristaeus, Autuchus, and Agraeus; 8 and that a party being sent by her father Hypsaeus, king of Thessaly, to seek for the girl, were so attracted by the charms of the place, that they settled there with her. 9 Of her four sons, it was said that three, when they grew up, returned to Thessaly, and inherited their grandfather's kingdom; 10 and that the fourth, Aristaeus, reigned over a great part of Arcadia, and taught mankind the management of bees and honey, and the art of making cheese, and was the first that observed the rising of Sirius at the solstice. 11 On hearing this account, Battus built the city in obedience to the oracle, calling it Cyrene, from the name of the maiden.

[13. 8] L Ptolemy, having increased his strength from the forces of this city, made preparations for war against the coming of Perdiccas. 2 But the hatred which Perdiccas had incurred by his arrogance did him more injury than the power of the enemy; for his allies, detesting his haughtiness, went over in large numbers to Antipater. 3 Neoptolemus, too, who had been left to support Eumenes, intended not only to desert himself, but also to betray the force of his party. 4 Eumenes, understanding his design, thought it a matter of necessity to engage the traitor in the field. 5 Neoptolemus, being worsted, fled to Antipater and Polysperchon, and persuaded them to surprise Eumenes, by marching without intermission, while he was full of joy for his victory, and freed from apprehension by his own flight. 6 But this project did not escape Eumenes; the plot was in consequence turned upon the contrivers of it; and they who expected to attack him unguarded, were attacked themselves when they were on their march, and wearied with watching through the previous night. 7 In this battle, Polysperchon was killed. 8 Neoptolemus, too, engaging hand to hand with Eumenes, and maintaining a long struggle with him, in which both were wounded more than once, was at last overpowered and fell. 9 Eumenes, therefore, being victorious in two successive battles, revived in some degree the spirits of his party, which had been cast down by the desertion of their allies. 10 At last, however, when Perdiccas was killed, Eumenes was declared an enemy by the army, together with Pithon of Illyria, and Alcetas, the brother of Perdiccas; and the conduct of the war against them was committed to Antigonus.

BOOK 14

[14. 1] L When Eumenes found that Perdiccas was slain, that he himself was declared an enemy by the Macedonians, and that the conduct of the war against him was committed to Antigonus, 2 he at once made known the state of affairs to his troops, lest report should either exaggerate matters, or alarm the minds of the men with the unexpected nature of the events; 3 designing at the same time to learn how they were affected towards him, and to take his measures according to the feeling expressed by them as a body. 4 He boldly gave notice, however, that " if anyone of them felt dismayed at the news, he had full liberty to depart. " 5 By this declaration he so strongly attached them to his side, that they all immediately exhorted him to prosecute the war, and protested that " they would annul the decrees of the Macedonians with their swords. " 6 Having then led his army into [? ] Aeolis, he exacted contributions from the different cities. and plundered, like an enemy, such as refused to pay. 7 Next he went to Sardis, to Cleopatra, the sister of Alexander the Great, that with her influence he might encourage his captains and chief officers, who would think that the royal authority was on that side on which the sister of Alexander stood. 8 Such veneration was there for the greatness of Alexander, that the influence of his sacred name was sought even by means of women.

9 When he returned to his camp, letters were found scattered through it, in which great rewards were offered to any that should bring the head of Eumenes to Antigonus. 10 This coming to his knowledge, Eumenes, assembling his men, first offered them his congratulations that " none had been found among them who preferred the expectation of a reward stained with blood to the obligation of his military oath. " 11 He then craftily added that these letters had been forged by himself to sound their feelings; 12 but that his life was in the hands of them all; and that neither Antigonus nor any other general would be willing to conquer by such means as would afford the worst of examples against himself. " 13 By acting thus, he both preserved for the present the attachment of such as were wavering, and made it likely that if anything similar should happen in future, the soldiers would think that they were not tampered with by the enemy, but sounded by their own general. 14 All of them in consequence zealously offered him their services for the guard of his person.

[14. 2] L In the meantime Antigonus came up with his army, and having pitched his camp, offered battle on the following day. 2 Nor did Eumenes delay to engage with him; but, being defeated, he fled to a fortress, 3 where, when he saw that he must submit to the hazard of a siege, he dismissed the greater part of his army, lest he should either be delivered to the enemy by consent of the multitude, or the sufferings of the siege should be aggravated by too great a number. 4 He then sent a deputation to Antipater, who was the only general that seemed a match for the power of Antigonus, to entreat his aid; and Antigonus, hearing that succour was despatched by him to Eumenes, gave up the siege. 5 Eumenes was thus for a time, indeed, relieved from fear of death; but, as so great a portion of his army was sent away, he had no great hope of ultimate safety. 6 After taking everything into consideration, therefore, he thought it best to apply to the Argyraspides of Alexander the Great, a body of men that had never yet been conquered, and, radiant with the glory of so many victories. 7 But the Argyraspides disdained all leaders in comparison with Alexander, and thought service under other generals dishonourable to the memory of so great a monarch. 8 Eumenes had, therefore, to address them with flattery; he spoke to each of them in the language of a suppliant, calling them his "fellow-soldiers," his "patrons," or his "companions in the dangers and exploits of the east; " sometimes styling them "his refuge for protection, and his only security; " 9 saying that "they were the only troops by whose valour the east had been subdued; the only troops that had gone beyond the achievements of Bacchus and the monuments of Hercules; 10 that by them Alexander had become great, by them had attained divine honours and immortal glory; " 11 and he begged them "to receive him, not so much in the character of a general, as in that of a fellow-soldier, and to allow him to be one of their body. " 12 Being received on these terms, he gradually succeeded, first by giving them hints individually, and afterwards by gently correcting whatever was done amiss, in gaining the sole command. Nothing could be done in the camp without him; nothing managed without the aid of his judgement.

[14. 3] L At length, when it was announced that Antigonus was approaching with his army, he obliged them to march into the field; 2 where, slighting the orders of their general, they were defeated by the bravery of the enemy. 3 In this battle they lost, with their wives and children, not only their glory from so many wars, but also the booty obtained in their long service. 4 But Eumenes, who was the cause of their disaster, and had no other hope of safety remaining, encouraged them after their repulse, 5 assuring them that "they had the superiority in courage, as five thousand of the enemy had been slain by them; and that if they persevered in the war, their enemies would gladly sue for peace; " 6 adding, that "the losses, by which they estimated their defeat, were two thousand women, and a few children and slaves, which they might better recover by conquering, than by yielding the victory . " 7 The Argyraspides, on the other hand, declared that "they would neither attempt a retreat, after the loss of their property and wives, nor would they war against their own children," 8 and pursued him with reproaches "for having involved them, when they were returning home after so many years of completed service, and with the fruits of so many enterprises, and when on the point of being disbanded, in fresh efforts and vast struggles in the field; for having deluded them, 9 when they were recalled, as it were, from their own hearths, and from the very threshold of their country, with vain promises; 10 and for not allowing them, after having lost all the gains of their fortunate service, to support quietly under their defeat the burden of a poor and unhappy old age. " 11 Immediately after, without the knowledge of their leaders, they sent deputies to Antigonus, requesting that " he would order what was theirs to be restored to them. " Antigonus promised that " he would restore what they asked, if they would deliver up Eumenes to him. " 12 Hearing of this reply, Eumenes, with a few others, attempted to flee, but being brought back, and finding his condition desperate, he requested, as a great crowd gathered around him, to be allowed to address the army for the last time.

[14. 4] L Being desired by them all to speak, and silence being made, and his chains loosed, he held out his hand, fettered as he was, and said, 2 "Soldiers, ye behold the dress and equipments of your general, which it is not anyone of the enemy that has put upon me; for that would be even a consolation to me; 3 but it is you that have made me of a conqueror conquered, and of a general a prisoner. Four times within the present year have you bound yourselves by oath to obey me; 4 but on that point I shall say nothing, for reproaches do not become the unfortunate. 5 One favour only I entreat, that, if the performance of Antigonus's promises depends on my life, you would allow me to die among yourselves; 6 for to him it signifies nothing how or where I fall, and I shall be delivered from an ignominious end. 7 If I obtain this request, I release you from the oath by which you have so often devoted yourselves to me. 8 Or if you are ashamed to offer violence to me at my entreaty, give me a sword, and permit your general to do for you, without the obligation of an oath, that which you have taken an oath to do for your general". 9 Not being able, however, to obtain his request, he changed his tone of entreaty to that of anger, and exclaimed, 10 "May the gods, then, the avengers of perjury, look down in judgement upon you, ye accursed wretches, and bring upon you such deaths as you have brought upon your leaders. 11 It was you, the same who now stand before me, that were lately sprinkled with the blood of Perdiccas, and that planned a similar end for Antipater.
12 You would even have killed Alexander himself, if it had been possible for him to fall by a mortal hand: what was next to it, you harassed him with your mutinies. 13 I, the last victim of your perfidy, now pronounce on you these curses and imprecations: 14 may you live your whole lives in poverty, far from your country, in this camp where you are exiled; and may your own arms, by which you have killed more generals of your own than of your enemies, sink you in utter destruction. " 15 Then, full of indignation, he began to walk before his guards towards the camp of Antigonus. 16 The army followed, surrendering their general, and being themselves made prisoners ; and, leading up a triumph over themselves to the camp of their conqueror, resigned to him, together with their own persons, 17 all their honour gained under king Alexander, and the palms and laurels of so long a warfare; 18 and, that nothing might be wanting to the procession, the elephants and auxiliaries of the east brought up the rear. 19 This single victory was so far more glorious to Antigonus than so many other victories had been to Alexander, that whereas Alexander subdued the east, Antigonus defeated those by whom the east had been subdued. 20 These conquerors of the world then, Antigonus distributed among his army, restoring to them what he had taken in the victory ; 21 and directed that Eumenes, whom, from regard to their former friendship, he did not allow to come into his presence, should be committed to the care of a guard.

[14. 5] L In the meantime Eurydice, the wife of king Arrhidaeus, when she learned that Polysperchon was returning from Greece into Macedonia, and that Olympias was sent for by him, 2 being prompted by a womanish emulation, and taking advantage of her husband's weakness, whose duties she took upon herself, 3 wrote in the king's name to Polysperchon, desiring him " to deliver up the army to Cassander, on whom the king had conferred the government of the kingdom," She made a similar communication to Antigonus, in a letter which she wrote to him in Asia. 4 Cassander, attached to her by such a favour, managed everything according to the will of that ambitious woman. 5 Marching into Greece, he made war upon several cities; 6 by the calamities of which, as by a fire in the neighbourhood, the Spartans were alarmed, and, distrusting their power in arms, enclosed their city (which they had always defended, not with walls, but with their swords) with works of defence, in disregard both of the predictions of the oracles, and of the ancient glory of their forefathers. 7 Strange, that they should have so far degenerated from their ancestors, that, when the valour of the citizens had been for many ages a wall to the city, the citizens could not now think themselves secure unless they had walls to shelter them. 8 But during the course of these proceedings, the disturbed state of Macedonia obliged Cassander to return home from Greece; 9 for Olympias, the mother of Alexander the Great, coming from Epirus to Macedonia, with Aeacides, king of the Molossians, attending her, and being forbidden to enter the country by Eurydice and king Arrhidaeus, 10 the Macedonians being moved, either by respect for the memory of her husband, or the greatness of her son, or by the indignity with which she was treated, went over to Olympias, by whose order both Eurydice and the king were put to death, he having held the kingdom six years since the decease of Alexander.

[14. 6] L But neither did Olympias reign long; for having committed great slaughter among the nobility throughout the country, like a furious woman rather than a queen, she turned the favour with which she was regarded into hatred. 2 Hearing, therefore, of the approach of Cassander, and distrusting the Macedonians, she retired, with her daughter-in-law Roxane, and her grandson Heracles, to the city of Pydna. 3 Deidameia, the daughter of king Aeacides, and Thessalonice, her step-daughter, rendered illustrious by the name of Philippus, who was her father, and many others, wives of the leading men, a retinue showy rather than serviceable, attended her on her journey. 4 When the news of her retreat was brought to Cassander, he marched immediately, with the utmost expedition, to Pydna, and laid siege to the city. 5 Olympias, distressed with famine and the sword, and the wearisomeness of a long siege, surrendered herself to the conqueror, stipulating only for life. 6 But Cassander, on summoning the people to an assembly, to inquire "what they would wish to be done with Olympias," induced the parents of those whom she had killed to put on mourning apparel, and expose her cruelties; 7 when the Macedonians, exasperated by their statements, decreed, without regard to her former majesty, that she should be put to death ; 8 utterly unmindful that, by the labours of her son and her husband, they had not only lived in security among their neighbours, but had attained to vast power, and even to the conquest of the world. 9 Olympias, seeing armed men advancing towards her, bent upon her destruction, went voluntarily to meet them, dressed in her regal apparel, and leaning on two of her maids. 10 The executioners, on beholding her, struck with the recollection of her former royal dignity, and with the names of so many of their kings, that occurred to their memory in connection with her, stood still, 11 until others were sent by Cassander to despatch her; she, at the same time, not shrinking from the sword or the blow, or crying out like a woman, but submitting to death like the bravest of men, and suitably to the glory of her ancient race, so that you might have perceived the soul of Alexander in his dying mother. 12 As she was expiring, too, she is said to have settled her hair, and to have covered her feet with her robe, that nothing unseemly might appear about her.

13 After these events, Cassander married Thessalonice, the daughter of king Arrhidaeus, and sent the son of Alexander, with his mother, to the citadel of Amphipolis, to be kept under guard.

BOOK 15

[15. 1] L Perdiccas and his brother, with Eumenes and Polysperchon, and other leaders of the opposite party; being killed, the contention among the successors of Alexander seemed to be at an end; when, on a sudden, a dispute arose among the conquerors themselves; 2 for Ptolemy, Cassander, and Lysimachus, demanding that " the money taken amongst the spoil, and the provinces, should be divided," Antigonus said that " he would admit no partners in the advantages of a war of which he alone had undergone the perils. " 3 And that he might seem to engage in an honourable contest with his confederates, he gave out that " his object was to avenge the death of Olympias, who had been murdered by Cassander, and to release the son of Alexander, his king, with his mother, from their confinement at Amphipolis. " 4 On hearing this news, Ptolemy and Cassander, forming an alliance with Lysimachus and Seleucus, made vigorous preparations for war by land and sea. 5 Ptolemy had possession of Egypt, with the greater part of Africa, Cyprus, and Phoenicia. Macedonia and Greece were subject to Cassander. 6 Antigonus had taken possession of Asia and the eastern countries. Demetrius, the son of Antigonus, was defeated in the first engagement by Ptolemy, at [? ] Gamala. 7 In this action, the renown gained by Ptolemy for his moderation was greater than that which he obtained from the victory itself; 8 for he let the friends of Demetrius depart, not only with their baggage, but with presents in addition; and he restored Demetrius himself all his private property, together with his family, making, at the same time, this honourable declaration, 9 that " he had not engaged in the war for plunder, but for the maintenance of his own character, being indignant that when the leaders of the opposite faction were conquered, Antigonus claimed the fruits of their common victory for himself. "

[15. 2] L During these transactions, Cassander, returning from Apollonia, fell in with the Antariatae, who, having abandoned their country on account of the vast number of frogs and mice that infested it, were seeking a settlement. 2 Fearing that they might possess themselves of Macedonia, he made a compact with them, received them as allies, and assigned them lands at the extremity of the country. 3 Afterwards, lest Heracles, the son of Alexander, who had nearly completed his fourteenth year, should be called to the throne of Macedonia through the influence of his father's name, he sent secret orders that he should be put to death, together with his mother Barsine, and that their bodies should be privately buried in the earth lest the murder should be betrayed by a regular funeral. 4 As if, too, he had previously incurred but small guilt, first in the case of the king himself, and afterwards in that of his mother Olympias and her son, 5 he cut off his other son, and his mother Roxane, with similar treachery; as though he could not obtain the throne of Macedonia, to which he aspired, otherwise than by crime.

6 Ptolemy meanwhile engaged a second time with Demetrius at sea; and, having lost his fleet, and left the victory to the enemy, fled back to Egypt, 7 whither Demetrius sent Leontiscus, the son of Ptolemy, his brother Menelaus, and his friends, with all their baggage, being induced to this act by like kindness previously shown to himself; 8 and that it might appear that they were stimulated, not by hatred, but by desire of glory and honour, they vied with one another, even amidst war itself, in kindnesses and services. 9 So much more honourably were wars then conducted than private friendships are now maintained!

10 Antigonus, being elated with this victory, gave orders that he himself, as well as his son Demetrius, should be styled king by the people. 11 Ptolemy also, that he might not appear of less authority among his subjects, was called king by his army. 12 Cassander and Lysimachus, too, when they heard of these proceedings, assumed regal dignity themselves. 13 They all abstained, however, from taking the insignia of royalty, as long as any sons of their king survived. 14 Such forbearance was there in them, that, though they had the power, they yet contentedly remained without the distinction of kings, while Alexander had a proper heir. 15 But Ptolemy and Cassander, and the other leaders of the opposite faction, perceiving that they were individually weakened by Antigonus, while each regarded the war, not as the common concern of all, but as merely affecting himself, and all were unwilling to give assistance to one another, as if victory would be only for one, and not for all of them, 16 appointed, after encouraging each other by letters, a time and place for an interview, and prepared for the contest with united strength. 17 Cassander, being unable to join in it, because of a war near home, despatched Lysimachus to the support of his allies with a large force.

[15. 3] L Lysimachus was of a noble family in Macedonia, but was exalted far above any nobility of birth by the proofs which he had given of personal merit, 2 which was so great, that he excelled all those by whom the east was conquered, in greatness of mind, in philosophy, and in reputation for prowess. 3 For when Alexander the Great, in his anger, had pretended that Callisthenes the philosopher, for his opposition to the Persian mode of doing obeisance, was concerned in a plot that had been formed against him, 4 and, by cruelly mangling all his limbs, and cutting off his ears, nose, and lips, had rendered him a shocking and miserable spectacle, 5 and had had him carried about, also, shut up in a cage with a dog, for a terror to others, 6 Lysimachus, who was accustomed to listen to Callisthenes, and to receive precepts of virtue from him, took pity on so great a man, undergoing punishment, not for any crime, but for freedom of speech, and furnished him with poison to relieve him from his misery. 7 At this act A1exander was so displeased, that he ordered Lysimachus to be exposed to a fierce lion; 8 but when the beast, furious at the sight of him, had made a spring towards him, Lysimachus plunged his hand, wrapped in his cloak, into the lion's mouth, and, seizing fast hold of his tongue, killed him. 9 This exploit being related to the king, his wonder at it ended in pleasure, and he regarded Lysimachus with more affection than before, on account of his extraordinary bravery. 10 Lysimachus, likewise, endured the ill treatment of the king with magnanimity, as that of a parent. 11 At last, when all recollection of this affair was effaced from the king's mind, Lysimachus was his only attendant in an excursion through vast heaps of sand, when he was in pursuit of some flying enemies, and had left his guards behind him in consequence of the swiftness of his horse. 12 His brother Philippus, having previously attempted to do him the same service, had expired in the king's arms. 13 Alexander, however, as he alighted from his horse, happened to wound Lysimachus in the forehead with the point of his spear, so severely that the blood could not by any means be stopped, till the king, taking off his diadem, placed it on his head by way of closing the wound; 14 an act which was the first omen of royal dignity to Lysimachus. 15 And after the death of Alexander, when the provinces were divided among his successors, the most warlike nations were assigned to Lysimachus as the bravest of them all; 16 so far, by general consent, had he the pre-eminence over the rest in military merit.

[15. 4] L Before the war with Antigonus was commenced by Ptolemy and his allies, Seleucus, on a sudden, leaving the Greater Asia, came forward as a fresh enemy to Antigonus. 2 The merit of Seleucus was well known, and his birth had been attended with extraordinary circumstances. 3 His mother Laodice, being married to Antiochus, a man of eminence among Philippus' generals, seemed to herself, in a dream, to have conceived from a union with Apollo, 4 and, after becoming pregnant, to have received from him, as a reward for her compliance, a ring, on the stone of which was engraved an anchor, and which she was desired to give to the child that she should bring forth. 5 A ring similarly engraved, which was found the next day in the bed, and the figure of an anchor, which was visible on the thigh of Seleucus when he was born, made this dream extremely remarkable. 6 This ring Laodice gave to Seleucus, when he was going with Alexander to the Persian. war, informing him, at the same time, of his paternity. 7 After the death of Alexander, having secured dominion in the east, he built a city, where he established a memorial of his two-fold origin; 8 for he called the city Antioch from the name of his father Antiochus, and consecrated the plains near the city to Apollo. 9 This mark of his paternity continued also among his descendants; for his sons and grandsons had an anchor on their thigh, as a natural proof or their extraction.

10 After the division of the Macedonian empire among the followers of Alexander, he carried on several wars in the east. 11 He first took Babylon, and then, his strength being increased by this success, subdued the Bactrians. 12 He next made an expedition into India, which, after the death of Alexander, had shaken, as it were, the yoke of servitude from its neck, and put his governors to death. 13 The author of this liberation was Sandrocottus, who afterwards however, turned their semblance of liberty into slavery; 14 for, making himself king, he oppressed the people whom he had delivered from a foreign power, with a cruel tyranny. 15 This man was of mean origin, but was stimulated to aspire to regal power by supernatural encouragement; 16 for, having offended Alexander by his boldness of speech, and orders being given to kill him, he saved himself by swiftness of foot; 17 and while he was lying asleep after his fatigue, a lion of great size having come up to him, licked off with his tongue the sweat that was running from him, and after gently waking him, left him. 18 Being first prompted by this prodigy to conceive hopes or royal dignity, he drew together a band of robbers, and solicited the Indians to support his new sovereignty. 19 Some time after, as he was going to war with the generals of Alexander, a wild elephant of great bulk presented itself before him of its own accord, and, as if tamed down to gentleness, took him on its back, and became his guide in the war, and conspicuous in fields of battle. 20 Sandrocottus, having thus acquired a throne, was in possession of India, when Seleucus was laying the foundations of his future greatness; 21 who, after making a league with him, and settling his affairs in the east, proceeded to join in the war against Antigonus. 22 As soon as the forces, therefore, of all the confederates were united, a battle was fought, in which Antigonus was slain, and his son Demetrius put to flight.

23 But the allied generals, after thus terminating the war with the enemy, turned their arms again upon each other; and, as they could not agree about the spoil, were divided into two parties. 24 Seleucus joined Demetrius, and Ptolemy Lysimachus. Cassander dying, Philippus, his son, succeeded him. 25 Thus new wars arose, as it were, from a fresh source, for Macedonia.

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Justinus: Epitome of Pompeius Trogus' Philippic Histories
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Translated by Rev. J. S. Watson (1853). See key to translations for an explanation of the format.

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BOOK 16

[16. 1] L After the deaths, in rapid succession, of Cassander and Philippus, queen Thessalonice, the wife of Cassander, was soon killed by her son Antipater, though she conjured him by the bosom of a mother to spare her life. 2 The cause of this matricide was that, in the division of the kingdom between the brothers, she seemed to have favoured Alexander. 3 This deed appeared the more atrocious to everyone, as there was no proof of injustice on the part of the mother; 4 although, indeed, in a case of matricide, no reason can be alleged sufficient to justify the crime. 5 Alexander, in consequence, resolving to go to war with his brother, to avenge his mother's death, solicited aid from Demetrius; 6 and Demetrius, in hopes of seizing the throne of Macedonia, made no delay in complying with his request. 7 Lysimachus, alarmed at his approach, persuaded Antipater, his son-in-law, rather to be reconciled to his brother than to allow his father's enemy to enter Macedonia. 8 Demetrius, therefore, finding that a reconciliation was commenced between the brothers, removed Alexander by treachery, 9 and, having seized on the throne of Macedonia, called an assembly of the army, to defend himself before them for the murder. 10 He alleged that "his life had been first attempted by Alexander, and that he had not contrived treachery , but prevented it; 11 and that he himself was the more rightful king of Macedonia, both from experience attendant on greater age, and from other considerations; 12 for that his father had been a follower of king Philippus, and of Alexander the Great, in the whole of their wars, 13 and afterwards an attendant on the children of Alexander, and a leader in the punishment of the revolters. 14 That Antipater, on the other hand, the grandfather of these young men, had always been more cruel as the governor of the kingdom than the kings themselves; 15 and that Cassander, their father, had been the extirpator of the king's family, sparing neither women nor children, and not resting till he had cut off the whole of the royal house. 16 That vengeance for these crimes, as he could not exact it from Cassander himself, had been inflicted on his children; 17 and that accordingly Philippus and Alexander, if the dead have any knowledge of human affairs, would not wish the murderers of them and their issue, but their avengers, to win the throne of Macedonia. " 18 The people being pacified by these arguments, he was saluted king of Macedonia. 19 Lysimachus, too, being pressed with a war with Doricetes, king of Thrace, and not wishing to have to fight with Demetrius at the same time, made peace with him, resigning into his hands the other half of Macedonia, which had fallen to the share of his son-in-law Antipater.

[16. 2] L When Demetrius, therefore, supported by the whole strength of Macedonia, was preparing to invade Asia, Ptolemy, Seleucus, and Lysimachus, having experienced in the former contest how great the power of unanimity was, formed an alliance a second time, and having joined their forces, carried the war against Demetrius, into Europe. 2 With these leaders Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, united himself, as a friend and sharer in the war, hoping that Demetrius might lose Macedonia not less easily than he had obtained it. 3 Nor were his expectations vain; for he himself, having corrupted Demetrius's army, and put him to flight, seized on the throne of Macedonia.

4 During the course of these transactions, Lysimachus put to death his son-in-law Antipater, who complained that he had been deprived of the throne of Macedonia by the treachery of his father-in-law, and put his daughter Eurydice, who had joined with him in his complaints, into prison; 5 and thus the whole house of Cassander made atonement to Alexander the Great, whether for killing himself or destroying his offspring. partly by violent deaths, partly by other sufferings, and partly by shedding the blood of one another.

6 Demetrius, surrounded by so many armies, preferred, when he might have fallen honourably to make an ignominious surrender to Seleucus. 7 At the termination of the war died Ptolemy, after having attained great glory by his military exploits. Contrary to the custom among nations, he had resigned his kingdom, before his illness, to the youngest of his sons, and had stated his reasons for that proceeding to the people, 8 who showed themselves no less indulgent in accepting the son for their king than the father had proved himself in delivering the kingdom to him. 9 Among other instances of mutual affection between the father and the son, the following had procured the young man favour from the people, that the father, having publicly resigned the throne to him, had done duty as a private soldier among his guards, thinking it more honour to be the father of a king than to possess any kingdom whatsoever.

[16. 3] L But the evil of discord, constantly arising among equals, had produced a war between Lysimachus and King Pyrrhus, who had just before been allies against Demetrius. 2 Lysimachus, gaining the advantage, had expelled Pyrrhus, and made himself master of Macedonia. 3 He then made war on Thrace, and afterwards on Heracleia, a city of which the origin and the subsequent fortunes were objects of wonder ; 4 for when the Boeotians were suffering from a pestilence, the oracle at Delphi had told them, that "they must plant a colony in the country of Pontus, dedicated to Hercules. 5 But as, through dread of a long and dangerous voyage, and all the people preferring death in their own country, the matter was neglected, 6 the Phocians made war upon them; and after suffering from unsuccessful struggles with that people, they had recourse to the oracle a second time. The answer which they received was, that "what was a remedy for the pestilence would also be a remedy for the war. " 7 Raising therefore a body of colonists, and sailing to Pontus, they built the city Heracleia ; and as they had been led to that settlement by the guidance of fate, they soon acquired great power. 8 In process of time the city had many wars with its neighbours, and many dissensions among its own people. Among other noble acts that they performed, the following is one of the most remarkable. 9 When the Athenians were at the height of power, and, after the overthrow of the Persians, had imposed a tax on Greece and Asia for the support of a fleet, and when all were promptly contributing to the maintenance of their safety, the Heracleans alone, from friendship for the kings of Persia, refused to pay. 10 Lamachus was accordingly despatched by the Athenians with an army to exact from them what was withheld; but leaving his ships on the coast, and going to ravage the lands of the Heracleans, he lost his fleet, with the greater part of his army, by shipwreck, in a tempest that came on suddenly. 11 As he was not able, therefore, to return by sea, from having lost his ships, and did not dare, with so small a body of men, to return by land through so many warlike nations, the Heracleans, thinking this a more honourable opportunity for kindness than for revenge, sent the invaders away with a supply of provisions and troops to protect them; 12 deeming the devastation of their lands no loss, if they could but make those their friends who had formerly been their enemies.

[16. 4] L Among many other evils they endured also that of tyranny; 2 for when, on the populace violently clamouring for an abolition of debts, and a division of the lands of the rich, the subject was long discussed in the senate, and no settlement of it was devised, 3 they at last sought assistance against the commons, who were grown riotous by too long idleness, from Timotheus general of the Athenians, and afterwards from Epaminondas general of the Thebans. 4 As both, however, refused their request, they had recourse to Clearchus, whom they themselves had exiled; 5 such being the urgency of their distresses, that they recalled to the guardianship of his country him whom they had forbidden to enter his country. 6 But Clearchus, being rendered more desperate by his banishment, and regarding the dissension among the people as a means of securing to himself the government, 7 first sought a secret interview with Mithridates, the enemy of his countrymen, and made a league with him on the understanding that when he was re-established in his country, he should, on betraying the city into his hands, be made lieutenant-governor of it. 8 But the treachery which he had conceived against his countrymen, he afterwards turned against Mithridates himself; 9 for on returning from banishment, to be as it were the arbiter of the disputes in the city, he, at the time appointed for delivering the town to Mithridates, made Mithridates himself prisoner, with a party of his friends, and released him from captivity only on the receipt of a large sum of money. 10 And as, in this case, he suddenly changed himself from a friend into an enemy, so, in regard to his countrymen, he soon, from a supporter of the senate's cause, became a patron of the common people, 11 and not only inflamed the populace against those who had conferred his power upon him, and by whom he had been recalled into his country and established in the citadel, but even exercised upon his benefactors the most atrocious inflictions of tyrannic cruelty. 12 Summoning the people to an assembly, he declared that "he would no longer support the senate in their proceedings against the populace, but would even interpose his authority, if they persisted in their former severities; 13 and that, if the people thought themselves able to check the tyranny of the senate, he would retire with his soldiers, and take no further part in their dissensions; 14 but that, if they distrusted their ability to make resistance, he would not be wanting to aid them in taking revenge. 15 They might therefore," he added, "determine among themselves; they might bid him withdraw, if they pleased, or might request him to stay as a sharer in the popular cause. " 16 The people, induced by these fair speeches, conferred on him the supreme authority, and, while they were incensed at the power of the senate, surrendered themselves, with their wives and children, as slaves to the power of a single tyrant. 17 Clearchus then apprehended sixty senators (the rest had taken flight), and threw them into prison. 18 The people rejoiced that the senate was overthrown, and especially that it had fallen by means of a leader among the senators, and that, by a reverse of fortune, their support was turned to their destruction. 19 Clearchus, by threatening all his prisoners with death, made the price offered for their ransom the higher; 20 and, after receiving from them large sums of money, as if he would secretly withdraw them from the violence threatened by the people, despoiled those of their lives whom he had previously despoiled of their fortunes.

[16. 5] L Learning, soon after, that war was prepared against him by those who had made their escape (several cities being moved by pity to espouse their cause), he gave freedom to their slaves; 2 and that no affliction might be wanting to distress the most honourable families, he obliged their wives and daughters to marry their slaves, threatening death to such as refused, that he might thus render the slaves more attached to himself, and less reconcileable to their masters. 3 But such marriages were more intolerable to the women than immediate death; 4 and many, in consequence, killed themselves before the nuptial rites were celebrated, and many in the midst of them, first killing their new husbands, and delivering themselves from dishonourable sufferings by a spirit of noble virtue. 5 A battle was then fought, in which the tyrant, being victorious, dragged such of the senators as he took prisoners before the faces of their countrymen in triumph. 6 Returning into the city, he threw some into prison, stretched others on the rack, and put others to death; and not a place in the city was unvisited by the tyrant's cruelty. 7 Arrogance was added to severity, insolence to inhumanity. 8 From a course of continued good fortune, he sometimes forgot that he was a man, sometimes called himself the son of Jupiter. 9 When he appeared in public, a golden eagle, as a token of his parentage, was carried before him; 10 he wore a purple robe, buskins like kings in tragedies, and a crown of gold. 11 His son he named Ceraunos, to mock the gods, not only with false statements, but with impious names. 12 Two noble youths, Chion and Leonides, incensed that he should dare to commit such outrages, and desiring to deliver their country, formed a conspiracy to put him to death. 13 They were disciples of Plato the philosopher, and being desirous to exhibit to their country the virtue in which they were daily instructed by the precepts of their master, placed fifty of their relations, as if they were their attendants, in ambush; 14 while they themselves, in the character of men who had a dispute to be settled, went into the citadel to the tyrant. 15 Gaining admission, as being well known, the tyrant, while he was listening attentively to the one that spoke first, was killed by the other. 16 But as their accomplices were too late in coming to their support, they were overpowered by the guards; 17 and hence it happened that though the tyrant was killed, their country was not liberated. 18 Satyrus, the brother of Clearchus, made himself tyrant in a similar way; and for many years, with various successive changes, the Heracleans continued under the yoke of tyrants.

BOOK 17

[17. 1] L About the same time there was an earthquake in the regions round the Hellespont and the Chersonese; 2 but the chief effect of it was, that the city of Lysimachia, founded two and twenty years before by king Lysimachus, was sunk in ruins; 3 a prodigy which portended disasters to Lysimachus and his family, destruction to his kingdom, and calamity to the disturbed provinces. 4 Nor was fulfilment wanting to these omens; for, in a short time after, conceiving towards his son Agathocles ( whom he had appointed to succeed him on the throne, and through whose exertions he had managed several wars with success), a hatred unnatural in him not only as a father but as a man, he took him off by poison, using as his agent in the affair his step-mother Arsinoe. 5 This was the first commencement of his calamities, the prelude to approaching ruin; 6 for executions of several great men were added to the murder of his son, who were put to death for expressing concern at the young prince's fate; 7 and, in consequence, both those about the court who escaped this cruelty, and those who were in command of the troops, 8 began at once to desert to Seleucus, and incite him to make war upon Lysimachus; an enterprise to which he was already inclined from a desire to emulate his glory. 9 This was the last contest between the fellow soldiers of Alexander; and the two combatants were reserved, as it were, for an example of the influence of fortune. 10 Lysimachus was seventy-four years old; Seleucus seventy-seven. 11 But at this age they both had the fire of youth, and an insatiable desire of power; 12 for though they alone possessed the whole world, they yet thought themselves confined within narrow limits, and measured their course of life, not by their length of years, but by the extent to which they carried their dominion.

[17. 2] L In this war, Lysimachus (who had previously lost, by various chances of fortune, fifteen children) died, with no small bravery, and crowned the ruin of his family. 2 Seleucus, overjoyed at such a triumph, and what he thought greater than the triumph, that he alone survived of all Alexander's staff, the conqueror of conquerors, boasted that " this was not the work of man, but a favour from the gods," 3 little thinking that he himself was shortly after to be an instance of human instability; 4 for in the course of about seven months, he was treacherously surprised by Ptolemy, whose sister Lysimachus had married, and put to death, 5 losing the kingdom of Macedonia, which he had taken from Lysimachus, together with his life.

6 Ptolemy, being ambitious to please his subjects, both for the honour of the memory of the great Ptolemy his father, and for the sake of palliating the revenge which he had taken on behalf of Lysimachus, 7 resolved, in the first place, to conciliate the sons of Lysimachus, and sought a marriage with their mother Arsinoe, his sister, promising to adopt the young men, 8 so that, when he should succeed to the throne of their father, they might not venture, through respect for their mother, or the influence of the name of father, to attempt anything against him. 9 He solicited, too, by letter, the friendship of his brother the king of Egypt, professing that " he laid aside all feelings of resentment at being deprived of his father's kingdom, and that he would no longer ask that from a brother which he had more honourably obtained from his father's enemy. " 10 He also in every way flattered Nicomedes, that as he was about to have a war with Antigonus, the son of Demetrius, and Antiochus the son of Seleucus, he might not come upon him as a third enemy. 11 Nor was Pyrrhus of Epirus neglected by him, a king who would be of great assistance to whichsoever side he attached himself, 12 and who, while he desired to spoil them one by one, sought the favour of all. 13 On going to assist the Tarentines, therefore, against the Romans, he desired of Antigonus the loan of vessels to transport his army into Italy; of Antiochus, who was better provided with wealth than with men, a sum of money; and of Ptolemy, some troops of Macedonian soldiers. 14 Ptolemy, who had no excuse for holding back for want of forces, supplied him with five thousand infantry, four thousand cavalry, and fifty elephants, but for not more than two years' service. 15 In return for this favour, Pyrrhus, after marrying the daughter of Ptolemy, appointed him guardian of his kingdom in his absence; lest, on carrying the flower of his army into Italy, he should leave his dominions a prey to his enemies.

[17. 3] L But since I have come to speak of Epirus, a few particulars should be premised concerning the rise of that kingdom. 2 The first rulers of this country were the Molossians. 3 Afterwards Pyrrhus, the son of Achilles, having been deprived of his father's dominions during his absence in the Trojan war, settled in these parts; the inhabitants of which were first called Pyrrhidae, and afterwards Epirots. 4 This Pyrrhus, going to the temple of Jupiter at Dodona to consult the oracle, seized there by force Lanassa, the grand-daughter of Hercules, and by a marriage with her had eight children. 5 Of his daughters he gave some in marriage to the neighbouring princes, and by means of these alliances acquired great power. 6 He gave to Helenus, the son of King Priamus, for his eminent services, the kingdom of the Chaonians, and Andromache the widow of Hector in marriage, after she had been his own wife, he having received her at the division of the Trojan spoil. 7 Shortly after he was slain at Delphi, at the very altar of Apollo, by the treachery of Orestes the son of Agamemnon. 8 His successor was his son Piales. 9 The throne afterwards passed in regular descent to Tharybas, 10 over whom, as he was an orphan, and the only survivor of a noble family, guardians were publicly appointed, the concern of all being so much the greater to preserve and educate him. 11 He was also sent to Athens for the sake of instruction; and, as he was more learned than his predecessors, so he became more popular with his subjects. 12 He was the first, accordingly, that established laws, a senate, annual magistrates, and a regular form of government; 13 and as a settlement was found for the people by Pyrrhus, so a more civilized way of life was introduced by Tharybas. 14 A son of this king was Neoptolemus; the father of Olympias (mother of Alexander the great), 15 and of Alexander, who occupied the throne of Epirus after him, and died in Italy in a war with the Bruttii. 16 On the death of Alexander his brother Aeacides became king, who, by wearying his people with constant wars against the Macedonians, incurred their dislike, 17 and was in consequence driven into exile, leaving his little son Pyrrhus, about two years old, in the kingdom. 18 The child, too, being sought for by the populace to be put to death, through their hatred to the father, was concealed and carried off into Illyricum, 19 and delivered to Beroe, who was the wife of king Glaucias, and of the family of the Aeacidae, to be brought up. 20 This king, moved either by pity for the boy's misfortunes, or by his infantine caresses, protected him for a long time against Cassander, king of Macedonia, who demanded him with menaces of war, having the kindness also to adopt him for his better security. 21 The Epirots, being moved by these acts, and turning their hatred into pity, brought him back, when he was eleven years old, into the kingdom, appointing him guardians to keep the throne for him till he became of age. 22 When he grew up he engaged in many wars, and, by a train of success, attained such eminence as a leader, that he was the only man who was thought capable of defending the Tarentines against the Romans.

BOOK 18

[18. 1] L Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, therefore, being solicited by a second embassy from the Tarentines, to which were added the entreaties of the Samnites and Lucanians, who likewise needed assistance against the Romans, was induced to comply, not so much by the prayers of the suitors, as by the hope of making himself master of Italy, and promised to come to them with an army. 2 When his thoughts, indeed, were once directed to that enterprise, the examples of his predecessors began to impel him violently towards it, in order that he might not appear inferior to his uncle Alexander, whom the Tarentines had had for a defender against the Bruttii, or to have less spirit than Alexander the Great, who had subdued the east in so distant an expedition from his native country. 3 Having left his son Ptolemaeus, therefore, who was but fifteen years old, as guardian of his kingdom, he landed his army in the harbour of Tarentum, taking with him his two younger sons, Alexander and Helenus, as a comfort to him in so long a voyage. 4 The Roman consul, Valerius Laevinus, hearing of his arrival, and hastening to come to battle with him before the forces of his allies were assembled, led forth his army into the field. 5 Nor did the king, although he was inferior in number of forces, hesitate to engage. 6 But as the Romans were getting the advantage, the appearance of the elephants, previously unknown to them, made them at first stand amazed, and afterwards quit the field; and the strange monsters of the Macedonians at once conquered the conquerors. 7 The triumph of the enemy, however, was not bloodless; for Pyrrhus himself was severely wounded, and a great number of his soldiers killed; and he had more glory from his victory than pleasure. 8 Many cities of Italy, moved by the result of this battle, surrendered to Pyrrhus; 9 among others also Locri, betraying the Roman garrison, revolted to him. 10 Of the prisoners, Pyrrhus sent back two hundred to Rome without ransom, that the Romans, after experiencing his valour, might experience also his generosity. 11 Some days after, when the forces of his allies had come up, he fought a second battle with the Romans, of which the event was similar to that of the former.

[18. 2] L In the meantime, Mago, general of the Carthaginians, being sent to the aid of the Romans with a hundred and twenty ships, went to the senate, saying that " the Carthaginians were much concerned that they should be distressed by war in Italy from a foreign prince; 2 and that for this reason he had been despatched to assist them; that, as they were attacked by a foreign enemy, they might be supported by foreign aid. " 3 The thanks of the senate were given to the Carthaginians, and the succours sent back. 4 But Mago, with the cunning of a Carthaginian, went privately, a few days after, to Pyrrhus, as if to be a peacemaker from the people of Carthage, but in reality to discover the king's views with regard to Sicily, to which island it was reported that he was sent for; 5 since the Carthaginians had the same reason for sending assistance to the Romans, namely that Pyrrhus might be detained by a war with that people in Italy, and prevented from crossing over into Sicily. 6 During the course of these transactions, Fabricius Luscinus, being commissioned by the senate of Rome, had made peace with Pyrrhus. 7 To ratify the treaty, Cineas was sent to Rome by Pyrrhus with valuable presents, but found nobody's house open for their reception. 8 To this instance of Roman incorruptibility, another, very similar, happened about the same time. 9 Certain ambassadors, who were sent by the senate into Egypt, haying refused some costly presents offered them by Ptolemy, and being invited to supper some days after, golden crowns were sent to them, which, from respect to the king, they accepted, but placed them the next day on the king's statues.