No More Learning

Yung-li and his followers were helpless fugitives who only wished
to be left in peace. But the court believed them to be implicated in
the Chinese ravages, and summoned the followers to the Tupayon
pagoda at Sagaing intending to split them into small parties and
scatter them in distant villages. When they were being led away
from the pagoda, the Chinese grew frightened and, though unarmed,
resisted; they were slain to a man. Yung-li apologised pitifully
saying he was sure they were wrong.
In time, the Chinese freebooters wore themselves out and the iron
hand of the Manchu dynasty fell on the remnants. In 1662 the Yünnan
viceroy came with 20,000 men and, halting at Aungbinle in Mandalay
district, he sent a herald summoning the king to surrender Yung-li
or take the consequences. This was the pass to which things had come
through lack of judgment in admitting Yung-li and lack of manhood
in repelling the Chinese. The king called a council. He pointed out
that there were precedents to show that fugitives ought to be sur-
rendered and accordingly Yung-li must be given up. The ministers
agreed and, disregarding the solemn fact that Yung-li had been
admitted to allegiance, they delivered him up to meet his doom.
The reigns of Narawara (1672–73), Minrekyawdin (1673-98), Sane
(1698-1714), and Taninganwe (1714-33), were uneventful save for
the usual rebellions and frontier raids. When the Ava palace was
rebuilt in 1676, human victims were buried as a foundation sacrifice. "
In 1721 two Italian priests came to Ava and founded the Catholic
1 For the taboo on shedding royal blood, and the convention whereby princes
were drowned, see Harvey, History of Burma, p. 339.
2 S. Smith, History of Siam, 1657-1767, pp. 22-30.
3 See p. 494, vol. III, . 547, and vol. v, p. 558.
4 Hmannan, ni, 261-82; Warry, Précis; Parker, Précis; and his "Letters from
a Chinese Empress", in Contemporary Review, 1912; Anderson, Expedition to
western Yünnan, pp. 19-20; Cordier, Histoire générale de la Chine, III, 240-4.
* See also vol. II, p. 551, and p. 509 below and Harvey, History of Burma, p. 320.
3


## p. 500 (#540) ############################################

500
BURMA (1531-1782)
Mission;' hitherto the only clergy in the country had been the
Goanese chaplains of the feringhi villages (p. 495), whose character
may be inferred from the fact that it was largely at their instigation
that two devoted priests of the Société des Missions Etrangères de
Paris were martyred in 1693. The Jatapon, a collection of royal
horoscopes, was compiled about 1680; it is of high chronolgical
value as its dates are more reliable than those of the chronicles. In
1724 Nga Kala compiled the Yazawwingyi chronicle; it is an im-
portant work, based on earlier sources, and similarly large portions of
its text are incorporated in the Hmannan chronicle. European trade
centred in Siam and Malaya at places such as Tenasserim 2 (p. 488)
which, save under Bayinnaung (1551-81), was in Siamese hands till
1760. The Portuguese ceased to count after 1641, when they were
expelled from Malacca by the Dutch, but there is still a colony of
their descendants, with high-sounding names they cannot pronounce,
round the Catholic church at Mergui. The merchants of Golconda
carried the India trade thither; the king of Siam and his minister,
Phaulkon, a Greek, wishing to oust them and get the carrying trade
for their own ships, employed English interlopers. Thus Burneby
figures as governor of Mergui among the seven commissioners ap-
pointed by the king of Siam in 1686 to administer the port and pro-
vince, and Samuel White, another of the commissioners, was port
officer 1683–87. But the East India Company depended for its security
on the king of Golconda, and persuaded its principal shareholder,
James II, to claim Mergui in 1687. White outwardly professed com-
pliance while secretly preparing to resist, but he had betrayed his
Siamese employers as well as the East India Company, and the
townsfolk now rose against him as well as against James II's frigate,
drove them both out and massacred sixty other English who were
ashore. James II was also actuated by a desire to forestall Louis XIV.
Four companies of French infantry built a fort and garrisoned Mergui
during 1688 by arrangement with the king of Siam, who played off
the European nations against each other. The name French Bay,
on the eastern side of King Island, the largest island in the Mergui
group, commemorates the fact that it was for a few years about this
time the rendezvous of French warships. With the death of the
Siamese king and the murder of Phaulkon in 1688, the Siamese ceased
to favour the French, and in any case the French before long had no
energy to spare for the farther east. 3
Alter 1687 the English continued to trade in Mergui. The Dutch
remained predominant; they had the tin monopoly but based their
1 Purchas his Pilgrimage or Relations of the world, p. 507; Herbert, Some
years travels into Africa and Asia, p. 318; Launay, Mémorial de la Société des
Missions Etrangères, II, 274, 332; Hamilton, New Account of East Indies, II, 63;
Bigandet, History of the Catholic Burmese Mission. 2 See vol. II, p. 556.
3 Furnivall, From China to Peru; and his "Samuel White, Port Omicer of
Mergui", in Journal Burma Research Society, 1917; Anderson, English Inter-
course with Siam; Collis, Siamese White.


## p. 501 (#541) ############################################

MARINERS ENSLAVED
601
trade on Malacca, and Mergui declined. Sea piracy was rife every-
where, some of the worst rogues being renegade Dutchmen.
The French Compagnie des Indes had a branch at Syriam in 1688;
its existence continued intermittently for nearly a century. The
Burmese tried to make the English re-establish the branches which
had been closed for many years (p. 495); as their efforts failed, they
seized St Antony and St Nicholas, a ship affiliated to the English,
which put into Syriam for wood and water in 1692. Thereupon gov-
ernor Higginson of Madras consented to re-establish private trade,
but a resident chief was not appointed to Syriam till 1722. The imports
were firearms for the Burmese government, piece-goods, hats and
other European wares, areca, and coconuts from the Nicobars; the
exports were ivory, lac, pepper, cardamum, beeswax, fur, cutch, large
quantities of raw cotton and silk, together with such jewels, silver,
lead, copper, iron, tin and earth-oil as could be got in spite of the
highly protectionist system of the Burmese, which prohibited the
export of precious metal, jewels, rice, and indeed of most commodities.
Moreover, they were allowed to use as much teak as they liked for
building ships at Syriam, and they built many, the favourite type
being brigantines of 40-50 tons.
The seizure of a ship was in accordance with Burmese customary
law, which gave the king absolute rights over everything in his
dominions. Seafaring men avoided Burmese ports. Although a ship-
master never pays his crew all the wages due to them before letting
them go ashore in a foreign port, and naval regulations forbid it,
the governor of Syriam would insist on crews being paid in full before
landing, in order that he might encourage them to desert. If a sailor
married a woman of the country, the governor would claim him as
a Burmese subject, alleging that the husband takes the wife's
nationality. If a ship was driven onto the coast by weather, the
Burmese confiscated her and enslaved the crew, arguing that under
their law anyone who saved another from drowning had the right
to possess him as a slave. Nay, if a ship merely touched at a Burmese
port for water, without being expressly consigned there, she was
enslaved on the same reasoning. But here, as in so much else, the
harshness of the rulers was mitigated by the humanity of the monks :
if the distressed mariner wandered into a monastery, he was safe,
for the monks would tend his wounds, feed and clothe him, and send
him as if in sanctuary with letters of commendation from monastery
to monastery till he could reach Syriam, there to await the chance
of some passing ship. 3
Ruling a poor and thinly populated country, the king regarded
1 Sonnerat, Voyage aux Indes (1782), II, 43-53; (1806), m, 40-43; Cordier,
Le France en Chine, 1, p. xviii, and Historique abrégé, p. 6.
2 Year 1755, Dalrymple, Oriental Repertory, I, 191; year 1781, Sonneral,
Voyage aux Indes (1806), III, 49; year 1782, Cordier, "Les Français en Birma-
nie", in T'oung Pao (1890), pp. 199, 205; year 1808, Sangermano, Burmese
Empire, p. 61. 8 Year 1727, Hamilton, New Account of East Indies, 0, 62.


## p. 502 (#542) ############################################

502
BURMA (1531-1782)
.
captives as a form of wealth. Any foreigner residing in the country
was not merely allowed but publicly encouraged to take a temporary
wife for the period of his stay; he had to pay her off before leaving,
and never under any circumstances could he take his female children
out of the country, though he might, on heavy payment, take his
male children (p. 480); every ship on arrival was carefully searched
for women, and if, on leaving, it contained one woman more than
it did on arrival, that ship was seized and the crew enslaved : women
could breed subjects for the king and they were not allowed to
emigrate.
Mahadammayaza-dipati (1733–52). Manipur had sent propitiatory
tribute to Bayinnaung (1551–81) but thereafter went her own way,
and occasionally made raids. The country bred famous ponies; in
;
those days every man had two or three, and polo, played forty a side
throughout the villages, produced a race of horsemen. Under their
raja, Gharib Nawaz (1714—54), the Manipuri raiders became a terror;
from 1724 till his death they came nearly every other year sweeping
the country up to Ava and carrying off loot, cattle and thousands of
people. Once they massacred two-thirds of a royal army including
the commander, who was drunk. In 1738 they burnt every house and
monastery under the walls of Ava and stormed the stockade built to
protect the Kaunghmudaw pagoda, slaughtering the garrison like
cattle in a pen and killing a minister of the Hluttaw council. They
had recently been converted to Hinduism by preachers who said that
if they bathed in the Irrawaddy river at Sagaing all blessedness would
attend them. In 1744 their chief Brahman actually came to Ava to
convert the Golden Palace, but after staying a month he fell ill and
died, whereupon his suite of Brahmans returned home. 3
Mahadammayaza-dipati, king of Burma, angered at his commanders'
failure to repel the Manipuris, used to expose them in the sun with a
sword on their necks, saying: "If a failure like this comes to my
golden ears again I will chastise you with my sword. ” Neither he nor
his predecessors since 1648 ever took the field in person. In short, the
kingdom was doomed. Unlike the mass of their subjects, the kings
were polygamous and although, to preserve the fiction of an undiluted
succession, the chief queen had to be the reigning king's half-sister,
the heir was often not her son, or even the son of a queen, but any
son who could intrigue or massacre his way to power. No dynasty
lasted three centuries or preserved its vigour for three generations.
1 Year 1592, Linschoten, Voyage to East Indies, I, 98; year 1727, Hamilton,
New Account of East Indies, II, 51-3; year 1782, Cordier, "Les Français en
Birmanie”, in Toung Pao (1890), p. 190 and (1891), p. 25; year 1795, Symes,
Embassy to Ava, p. 329. Foreigners objected, but even in the 1826 treaty the
victorious English could not get the restriction removed, Crawfurd, Embassy
to Ava, 11, Appendix, p. 14.
2 Pemberton, Report on Eastern Frontier, p. 81.
8 Hmannan, m, 380, 386.


## p. 503 (#543) ############################################

603
END OF AVA
The kingship was now like overripe fruit, ready to fall at the first
touch. A crop of minlaung (pretenders) sprang up. Dacoity was
rampant. A colony of Gwel (i. e. Wa tribesmen) at Okpo, Mandalay
district, were joined by captives at Madaya near by, built a stockade,
and lorded it over the district, plundering whom they pleased. People
took to migrating in hundreds to Arakan, complaining of drunkenness
in the palace and famine in the villages.
For a century the delta had given little trouble because the Talaings
took time to recover from the depopulation caused by Bayinnaung's
wars. But now that they had recovered, and repeopled the wilder-
ness, trouble began. Provoked by grinding taxation-even the looms
of old women were taxed3—they massacred the Burmese at Pegu,
Syriam and Martaban and set up as king Smim Htaw Buddhaketi
(1740-47), a monk who was a poor relation of the king of Ava. It
was necessary for him to have a white elephant in order to prove
himself a proper king, but as he spent too long in the jungles searching
for one and would not attend to state affairs, he was replaced by his
father-in-law Binnya Dala (1747–57). The Talaings held Prome and
Toungoo and all the country to the south, and for years used to go
raiding up the river to Ava with many thousands of men. They
could not take Ava as it was a walled town,
The Burmese troops did little but run away. A few years later
the same men were carrying all before them because they had found
leaders; those leaders were there now, waiting to be used, but an
effete despotism had not the means of selecting them.
As the years passed, the raids resulted in the ruin of agriculture
in upper Burma. Feeling unsafe, men deserted their fields, and
Talaings or dacoits burnt what little crop was left. The last hope of
replenishing the royal granaries vanished when the Talaings occupied
the Kyaukse canals. They then surrounded Ava; after a siege of
some months, it starved; the Talaings were on the point of going
home when they learnt this from deserters, and in April, 1752, they
forced their way into the outer city. Two days later the inner city
(p. 513) opened its gates; the Talaing yuvaraja (crown prince) rode
to the palace in state, dismounted and entered barefoot; he found
the king in a great hall surrounded by his women, and greeted him
courteously; 4 the king replied : "In this mortal life there are happi.
ness and woe. This is the hour of my woe. Take me and do with me
as thou wilt, but spare my people. " The Talaings seized the regalia,
the royal treasures and the list of citizens, burnt the city to the
ground, left a strong garrison, and returned with the captive king,
court and people to Pegu.
They returned for fear of a Siamese attack on Martaban. They
1 Harvey, “Gwe", in Journal Burma Research Society, 1925.
2 Dinnyawadi Yazawinthit, pp. 230-4.
8 Sayadaw Athwa, II, 139.
· Wood, Précis.


## p. 504 (#544) ############################################

501
BURMA (1531-1782)
did not penetrate north of Ava, as they had not enough men; they
had overthrown the dynasty which, founded by Tabinshwehti, and
known as the Toungoo dynasty, had lasted 221 years, but they had
not subjected the Burmese people.
>
THE ALAUNGPAYA DYNASTY (1752-1885)
Alaungpaya (1752-60) was born in 1714 at Shwebo (Moksobomyo,
"Town of the Hunter Chief''), a village of 300 houses. Many of his
followers were hunters, but he himself belonged to a better class, the
landed gentry as it were; for generations his family had been
myothugyis (major village headmen), and in later days he even
claimed descent from the fifteenth-century Ava chiefs. The anarchy
of the last few years led him and many another jungle chief to
stockade their villages. Forty-six villages joined him, and between
them they raised a few rusty muskets.
When Ava fell he was ready. The Talaings sent small detachments
to administer thissa-ye, the holy water of allegiance. One of these
came towards Shwebo. Alaungpaya's father made ready to pay
homage and offer half his property, saying: "We can do nothing.
The Talaing army is too strong. We shall simply be overwhelmed.
We may as well give in. ” “No,” said Alaungpaya, “when fighting
for your country it matters little whether you are few or many. What
does matter is that your comrades have true hearts and strong arms. "
He went out and met those Talaings in the scrub jungle south of
Halin. They got no homage; only such as were lucky got away with
their lives.
They came back in a large detachment with orders to spare not
even infants in the cradle. Alaungpaya built a state hut and sent
ten horsemen to conduct them respectfully to it. But they were
conducted along a hollow road and in the bushes on each side lay
his musket men. The Talaings never reached that hut. A bare half
dozen reached Ava alive to tell the tale.
Again they came back, several thousand strong this time, to extir-
pate Shwebo once and for all; but as they came without cannon the
assault naturally failed and they had to undertake a siege. One night
Alaungpaya burst out at the head of a general sortie. It was not a
defeat but a rout. Word passed along the Burmese pursuers that men
had seen Myinbyushin Nat, the spirit rider of the White Horse,?
fighting on their side. The Talaings jumped into boats and, without
stopping to report at Ava, fled straight home down the river.
The news spread. A dozen legends gathered round his name.
Officers and men from the disbanded palace guard joined him with
1 For thissa-ye, see Harvey, History of Burma, p. 339.
2 Grant Brown, “Lady of the Weir", in Journal Royal Asiatic Society, 1916,
pp. 492-3; Gazetteer of Upper Burma and the Shan States, part a, vol. I, p. 518.
2


## p. 505 (#545) ############################################

THE GREAT PRETENDER
505
such muskets as they had managed to keep. From half the villages
of upper Burma lads of spirit came trooping in to take service under
the new leader. Even the greater men, some of whom could trace
royal blood and themselves had hopes as minlaungs (pretenders),
decided to serve under him.
By the end of 1753 he had massacred the Gwes of Madaya-Okpo
(p. 503), the survivors fleeing into the Shan States, and so harried
the Talaings that they evacuated Ava. In 1754 the Talaings, having
discovered a plot at Pegu, executed the captive Ava king; this so
infuriated the Burmese deportees in the delta that they rose wholesale
and seized Prome. Alaungpaya wrote telling them to hold out and
promising the governorship of a district to any Burman who could
make that district revolt against the Talaings. Finally he drove the
Talaing besiegers away from Prome, and by 1755 he had annexed
the country down to Lunhse (Kudut) in Henzada district, and to
Rangoon; Lunhse he named Myanaung, "Speedy Victory”, and Dagon
Rangoon, "End of Strife”. He went in procession with his great officers
and returned solemn thanks at the Shwedagon for his victories.
In the fighting of a decade previously, when the Talaings were
expelling the Burmese from the delta, the East India Company's
buildings at Rangoon had been burnt to the ground. Thereupon the
English avoided the mainland and in 1753 occupied Negrais Island,
which was uninhabited save by fishermen, erecting a factory, with
moat, glacis, walls and cannon. The French remained at Syriam and
declared for the Talaings. The English were inclining towards the
Burmese when Alaungpaya captured Rangoon; finding three English
ships in the port, he seized their cannon as a matter of course but,
hoping to enter into an agrement with them and thus secure more
numerous cannon, he allowed the protest of Jackson, the captain of
the ships, H. E. I. CE's snow Arcot, and released the cannon. He then
left for Shwebo, and the Talaings tried to recapture Rangoon. They
bombarded it with the help of French ships, and finding Jackson ill
ashore they put a prize crew on the Arcot and made her take part
in the bombardment. Their attack failed and they would not let
Jackson sail away till he had surrendered five of his cannon, pro-
bably nine pounders. The news of this reached Alaungpaya just
when he was receiving the Company's envoy, Captain Baker, at
Shwebo; he accepted Baker's repudiation, without believing it, and
continued the negotiations, which ended in 1757 with an agreement
whereby, in return for 700 lb. of powder, and one twelve pounder,
annually, he ceded Negrais and a site at Bassein, in perpetuity, with
the right to erect fortifications. 1
Alaungpaya's advances in the delta involved heavy fighting not
only on land but also on water; both sides had hundreds of great
1 Dalrymple, Oriental Repertory, I, 133-226.


## p. 506 (#546) ############################################

506
BURMA (1531-1782)
war-canoes, and these, driven by sixty paddles, would ram with
terrific effect. On land his hardest task was yet to come, for his men
were only a semi-armed mass levy, and so far he had not been con-
fronted with a walled town. Moreover, Dupleix had regarded Syriam
as his chief shipbuilding depot, and French ships lay in the river,
defending the town. Alaungpaya invested it in 1755 but had to wait
a year for starvation to do its work. In July, 1756, finding the de-
fenders weak with hunger, he called for volunteers, fed them for
days in his presence, and gave them leather helmets and lacquer
armour.
They numbered ninety-three and are known as the Golden
Company. On the appointed night, the Burmese camp held a festival
with drums and music. The sound, floating up to the Talaing city
on the hill, induced the watchers to relax their vigilance. The Golden
Company found their way over the walls, cut down the guards, and
opened the gates. The Burmese poured in, and the town was theirs.
To Alaungpaya's men from upper Burma it was a veritable Eldorado,
and they glutted themselves with mirrors, candlesticks, lamps, chairs,
clocks, and other European wonders. He made a heap of silver and
let the survivors of the Golden Company take away as much as they
could carry.
Bruno, the French agent at Syriam, had written to Pondicherry
for help. Two ships, Fleury and Galathée, came. They arrived after
the town had fallen and, knowing nothing, came up the river under
a Burmese pilot who, under Alaungpaya's orders, stranded them;
fire-rafts sealed their fate. Bruno was roasted alive; the ships' officers,
numbering twelve and being gentlemen of quality, were beheaded.
The French were under no obligations to Alaungpaya, and as the
Talaing state which they were helping was actually in existence they
were entitled to treatment as prisoners of war. But it was customary
among the races of Indo-China to give no quarter save to those they
carried off into slavery, and Alaungpaya had to issue special orders 1
to prevent the killing, after capture, of Burmans and Shans whom
the Talaings had taken and compelled to fight for them. Beheading
was a merciful death, granted as a favour to officer prisoners.
The two ships contained thirty-five cannon (twenty-four pounders),
five field guns, 1300 muskets, and ammunition. These were a godsend
to Alaungpaya, and it was largely on their account that he gave the
crews, over 200 men, their lives : white gunners were too valuable to
execute. They were reasonably treated and given Burmese wives,
some of them became captains of the guard; the rest were a corps
d'élite who played no small part in major actions, and when too old
to follow the armies they were allowed to retire in the feringhi
villages of Shwebo district (p. 495): their descendants are indistin-
guishable from the surrounding population save by their religion
and occasionally by the colour of their eyes.
1 Konbaungset, p. 185.


## p. 507 (#547) ############################################

TALAINGS ANNIHILATED
507
Thus, until the gunners lost their man-of-war smartness, the Bur-
mese had some good artillery. Alaungpaya had indeed already a
number of cannon, mostly taken from the Talaings, but some of them
were two hundred years old and the best of them was the gun used
at Prome in 1754. This was a three pounder and it was the pride
of the day, because when fired it went off, and when it went off it
was the enemy that it hit, and the enemy whom it hit died; because
of these things, it was coated with gold leaf, and men made offerings
of spirit to it, reverently perfuming it with scents and wrapping it in
fine raiment. Alaungpaya was head of the church, but when he
came to possess French gunners, he was not responsible for their
souls, as they were unbelievers and it was their own concern if they
chose to drink damnation. Besides, theologically speaking he did
not countenance their use of intoxicants; he merely permitted the
offering of spirits to the Gun Spirit, and the slaves of the Gun Spirit
happened to consume the offering.
Alaungpaya burnt Syriam to the ground and henceforward its
importance ceases. He made Rangoon the port of Burma, enlarging
the stockade and appointing a senior governor. In 1756-57 he
advanced on Pegu by land and water while a second army, mainly
of Shan levies, moved towards it from Toungoo. His advance was
slow, with grim losses, for the Talaings were now fighting literally
with their backs to the wall and they were still superior in firearms,
mainly jingals, a rough iron tube mounted on a bamboo tripod and
throwing a one-pound ball. He left pots of poisoned intoxicants
where the Talaings would find them, and so killed many. They
made desperate stands in forty stockades south of the city, especially
near Mokkainggyi, at Kyaikpadaing and Zenyaungbin (Nyaungbin).
At Zenyaungbin they captured many of Alaungpaya's jingals and
turned them against him; it was a hornet's nest which he captured
only by flinging in the Golden Company of Syriam, increased to three
hundred; these pressed on through a hail of lead shouting "Shwe.
botha! ”, forced an entrance, and flung open the gate to their comrades.
Finally the Burmese, devastating the country and deporting the
population, closed around. A monastery at Sidi still shows a bell
cast by Alaungpaya; he resided there, at the little fort of Zetuwadi,
and was nearly driven out one night by some picked Talaings under
the famous Talaban. But such efforts were vain. The Burmese,
aided by their French artillery, and by war-boats which flung off the
Talaings' fire-rafts, completed their lines round the doomed city.
The city starved. The Talaings sent monks asking for terms, and
their king offered to become Alaungpaya's vassal. Alaungpaya re-
plied that they had nothing to fear, for-it is the ambition of every
great Buddhist king to become a Buddha-he was a divine incarna-
>
1 Konbaungset, pp. 110-12.
2 Konbaungset, p. 198.


## p. 508 (#548) ############################################

508
BURMA (1531–1782)
tion; and he gave the envoys two bunches of orchids, saying one was
for offering, the other for adornment. The Talaings breathed more
freeiy. They offered one to the Shwemawdaw pagoda, the other they
twined in the tresses of their king's daughter, as for the bride of
Alaungpaya. But she was beloved of Talaban, the soul of the defence;
he was furious and, finding his advice, to sally forth and die like men,
rejected, he collected his family and with some best troops broke
through the Burmese lines and maintained himself at Sittaung in
Thaton district. The trembling king sent his daughter to Alaung-
paya's camp, borne in a gorgeous palanquin, and surrounded by a
bevy of handmaidens and princes. After kneeling some time in
homage, she was conducted into Alaungpaya's harem. Many of the
Talaing captains and troops came to pay homage, and lived in
Alaungpaya's camp, for they believed him.
Then, in May, 1757, Alaungpaya proceeded to storm the city and
massacre the people. When the sack had subsided he made a state
entry, gleaming aloft on his elephant, through the Mohnyin gate in
the south wall, surrounded by ministers, his Guards and his French
gunners. He returned solemn thanks at the Shwemawdaw pagoda
and appointed governors to the conquered districts. He granted
reasonable treatment to the fallen royal family; he sold the surviving
population as slaves; and saying it was they who had led the city's
resistance, he flung hundreds of Talaing monks to the elephants.
He burnt the palace and razed the city wall. He made a desert
and called it peace. For the Talaings it was the peace of the grave,
and this is the end of them in Burma. Such as were not enslaved
periodically migrated to Siam, where they rose to high office and
furnished some of the best troops. Such as remained in Burma were
prone to rebel, and whenever they dared to raise a head it was at
once chopped off; they grew fewer and subsided, and their land
relapsed into jungle.
Th Burmese owed their civilisation to the Talaings : it was an
older and apparently a gentler civilisation. Alaungpaya destroyed
their manuscripts and we know too little to say with confidence why
they went under. Probably it was because they received no reinforce-
ments by immigration, unlike the Burmese who, lying to the north,
were open to a constant trickle of immigration; moreover, Alaung-
paya had Shan, Kachin and Kadu levies, whereas the Talaings had
only their own little corner of Burma to draw on for men.
Several of Alaungpaya's court poets were also field officers, such
as Letwethondara (p. 513), who served under the walls of Pegu;
Letwethondara had been a writer to the Hluttaw council under the
last king of Ava, and was one of the staff taken over by Alaungpaya.
About 1750 the Sonta sayadaw (abbot) of Hsinbyugyun, Minbu
district, compiled the Manu Ring dhammathat (law book), which
1 Sayadaw Athwa, 10, 148.


## p. 509 (#549) ############################################

NEGRAIS MASSACRE
509
started the fashion of attributing the decisions of Kaingsa Manu
(p. 497) to the ancient sage Manu. By Alaungpaya's order, his
minister, the soldier Mahasiri-uttamajaya, compiled the Manu Kye
dhammathat, a compilation of existing laws and customs which passed
into general use owing to its encyclopaedic nature and to its being
written in simple Burmese with very little Pali; one of its provisions
is that no debt can be demanded when human victims are being
offered at the foundation of a city (p. 499); and when in 1751 Tavoy
was rebuilt, a condemned criminal was crushed in each post-hole of
the city gates. "
In 1755 Alaungpaya sent an expedition to instil respect into the
Manipuris, who significantly call this, the first of his dynasty's in-
roads, “The First Devastation"; the Manipuris found the Burmese
on this occasion using firearms for the first time, their weapons, like
those of the Manipuris, having previously been only swords, spears,
bows and arrows. In 1758–59 he himself led a force over the hills
by the Khumbat route; at Pulel in the Imole pass the Manipuris
gave him battle and fled after a stubborn conflict; he entered Imphal,
the capital, only to find it empty, as the inhabitants lay hiding in
the woods; he left garrisons in permanent stockades at Tamu and
Thaungdut, and returned home; in his capacity as a divine incar-
nation he promoted religion among the Kathe (Cassay, Manipur)
Shans along his line of march; in his capacity as a king he massacred?
more than four thousand of his Manipuri prisoners because they
stubbornly refused to march away in his slave gangs. These incur-
sions, lasting down to 1819, ended by depopulating the country and
stamping out Manipuri civilisation so completely that we can no
longer tell what their social and political conditions were like. The
Burmese valued Manipuri captives highly and settled them near the
capital; they served the court as silversmiths; as silk-workers they
introduced the acheik pattern;" they gave the Burmese army its best
cavalry (the Cassay horse) and they supplied the bulk of the court
astrologers, who stood robed in white, intoning benedictions, as the
king took his seat on the throne.
Alaungpaya tried to dam the Mu river, and built the Mahananda
lake to supply Shwebo town with water. The Mu canals were not
successful and the work decayed after his death.
In May, 1759, the English, hard pressed in India, withdrew thirty-
five Europeans and seventy Indians, almost the entire staff, from
Negrais (p. 505). In October they sent a skeleton staff to retain a
lien on the island. The governor of Bassein with Lavine, one of
Bruno's men who was in high favour, and sixty followers, met the
new staff on arrival saying they had a letter from the king to show,
1 Mason, Burmah, its people and Productions, p. 106.
2 Konbaungset, p. 303.
3 Hodson, The Meitheis, pp. 4, 29, 58.
* Parlett, Sagaing Settlement Report, p. 4.


## p. 510 (#550) ############################################

610
BURMA (1531-1782)
and the senior officers messed with the English in the fort. A day
later, 6 October, 1759, at nine in the morning when they were sitting
down to breakfast together, the senior guest, the governor of Bassein,
gave a sign and some of the 2000 Burmans concealed in the woods
rushed in, killed eight English and about a hundred Indians, turned
the cannon of the fort on the two ships at anchor, and finally with-
drew with all cannon, stores, and four English. A midshipman and
sixty-four Indians escaped on board. What had happened was that
the Armenians at court, jealous of the English, had told Alaungpaya
that the English were fortifying their stations, supplying the Talaings
with arms, and spoiling his revenue by preventing other traders from
coming up the Bassein river. Alaungpaya sent the governor of
Rangoon, brother to his queen, to extirpate Negrais. The governor
returned saying there must be some mistake, he had found the English
there to be innocuous. Alaungpaya regarded him as a traitor, flogged
all his men, sent a second party which actually did the work, and
before letting him return to his high office flung him into irons and
pegged him out in the sun for days with three beams across his body
so that a year later he was still suffering from the effects. The governor
of Bassein subsequently admitted that the English had not intrigued
with the Talaings, but had fed a few refugees, just as they fed
Burmese refugees, and had made presents of four or five muskets
which the Armenians represented to Alaungpaya as 500. The English
had not prevented ships coming up the river, because they regarded
Alaungpaya as too strong a raja to offend. Under the treaty (p. 505)
he had expressly permitted them to erect fortifications.
After the fall of Pegu, envoys from Chiengmai visited Alaungpaya.
He told them they must make complete submission. They looked at
those blackened ruins and went home; and before long Martaban,
Tavoy, Chiengmai, Anan and other states in north-west Siam sent
tribute.
Many Talaings had taken refuge in Siam; there were endemic
slave raids on the border; and the Siamese had detained the captain
of a Burma-owned ship which had been driven by weather into their
port of Tenasserim. Moreover, seeing that after the conquest of the
Delta he reigned over nothing but ruins, Alaungpaya wished to
populate his realm with prisoners obtained in Siam. Early in 1760
he advanced with 40,000 men through Martaban and Tavoy. Captu-
ring Tenasserim (which thereafter remained a Burmese possession)
with the aid of some small ships managed by European captives, he
went east over the hills to the shore of the Gulf of Siam and turned
1 Hall, “The Tragedy of Negrais", in Journal Burma Research Society, 1931,
part II. The statement, sometimes made in recent English works, that the mas-
sacre was a dastardly deed, perpetrated by Alaungpaya's subordinates without
his authorisation, disregards the standard Burmese account, Konbaungset, pages
144-7, which shows that Alaungpaya regarded the operation as high strategy
and personally insisted on it throughout.


## p. 511 (#551) ############################################

1
ALAUNGPAYA'S DEATH
511
north. The Siamese came out to meet him but were driven back.
Approaching Ayuthia, he burnt some Dutch ships, massacred the
defenceless population regardless of sex or age, and covered the sur-
face of the rivers with their corpses. Under the walls of Ayuthia
he released prominent prisoners with this message to the king of
Siam : “His Burman Majesty comes as a divine incarnation to spread
true religion in your country. Come forth with respect and present
him with elephants and a daughter. " ? But the Siamese had among
them Talaing refugees who knew the story of Pegu (p. 508). Their
feringhis and Muslims manned the war-canoes with cannon in the
maze of canals which surrounded the city; the glacis and fords were
strewn with caltrops; cannon frowned from the battlements, with
thousands of resolute men behind. Alaungpaya had started much too
late in the cold weather. The rains were at hand, when the whole
country would be several feet under water. Half his men were down
with dysentery, and he himself was far from well. It looked as if the
ever victorious army was not going to be victorious. He sent another
message to the king of Siam that he had no wish to dethrone him if
only he would submit to religious reform. There was no reply, and
Alaungpaya saw that the play was over; within a week of arrival the
hosts were in full retreat, abandoning forty guns of three-inch calibre.
He selected the comrade of his youth, Minhkaungnawrahta, to
command the rear-guard. These were the pick of the army—500
Manipur horse and 6000 foot, every man of whom had a musket.
Minhkaungnawrahta spread them out, and it was some time before
the Siamese realised that the main body had left; then they swept
out upon him; his men, fearing to be cut off, watched the ring closing
round them and begged him to let them fight farther back; but he
said : “Friends, the safety of our Lord the King lies in our keeping.
Let us not fight farther back, lest the sound of the guns should break
his sleep. ” When they could stand they stood, and when they had
to run they ran; they were defeated but never broken, and they
withdrew in good order, collecting Alaungpaya's stragglers on the
way.
Meanwhile Alaungpaya had gone ahead by forced marches.
Perhaps, as he lay in pain jolting along in his litter, he longed for
the sights and sounds of home; but he was destined never to see them,
for whether he knew it or not the hand of death was upon him.
Early in May, 1760, he reached Kinyua in Bilin township, Thaton
district, and there at dawn he died (11 May, 1760).
The commanders, watching by his bedside, fearing to dishearten
the troops, kept the death a close secret and sent their swiftest horse-
men to Shwebo, so that the heir might be the first to know and secure
the throne. The body, bound in sheets, was hidden in the curtained
1 S. Smith, History of Siam, 1657-1767, p. 108.
> Konbaungset, pp. 315-18.


## p. 512 (#552) ############################################

612
BURMA (1531_1782)
litter; and thus in death Alaungpaya still rode with his armies and
the daily orders issued in his name. At Rangoon his death was made
public and his body, placed on a state barge, was taken upstream.
At Kyaukmyaung landing stage in Shwebo district the whole court
came out to meet it, and bore it solemnly in through the Hlaingtha
Gate of Shwebo. So he was buried with the ritual of the kings in
the palace city which once had been his village, amid the mourning
of a people. His grave, with an inscription in misspelt English,
perhaps by some Negrais captive, is near the Shwebo Deputy Com-
missioner's court.
Naungdawgyi (1760–63) executed some of his father Alaungpaya's
best officers on suspicion and drove Minhkaungnawrahta to rebel so
that he had to be killed.
The East India Company sent Captain Alves to demand com-
pensation for the Negrais murders, but were in no position to enforce
it as their hands were full in India. The king told Alves that the
Negrais victims were innocent, but they had to suffer for their
predecessors who, he had no doubt, supplied arms to the Talaings,
since, according to the law of nature, the innocent suffer with the
guilty, just as, when a farmer clears the ground by burning the rank
grass, the wheat burns along with the tares. He refused compensa-
tion but permitted the Company to return provided they did not
go to Negrais. He probably never saw the treaty by which Negrais
had been ceded in perpetuity (p. 505) and had he seen it he would
have regarded it as a grant revocable at pleasure : Burmese kings
were not acquainted with the nature of treaties. Living inland, they
could not understand what made the English prefer an island on their
base, the sea, and they were firmly convinced that some deep plot
was being hatched there. The Company had to come to Rangoon.
Talaban (p. 508) was able to maintain himself for years in the
Kawgun caves, Thaton district, but finally his family was captured
and, knowing what their fate would be, he gave himself up and
when brought before the king claimed their lives in exchange for
his own. Struck by his chivalry, the king released them all and took
Talaban into his service.
Hsinbyushin (1763–76) himself raided Manipur in December, 1764,
carrying away its people into captivity, for he wished to increase
the population of his new capital, Ava, into which he moved in
April, 1765. The gates of restored Ava were named after conquered
states, some of them being-on the east side, Chiengmai, Martaban,
Mogaung; on the south, Kaingma, Hanthawaddy, Myede, Onbaung
(Hsipaw); on the west, Gandhalarit (Yünnan), Sandapuri (Vieng-
chang, Linzin), Kenghung; on the north, Tenasserim, Yodaya (Siam).
The various wards were, according to precedent, allotted on racial
lines; thus the Indian traders lived in one, the Chinese in another,
1 Dalrymple, Oriental Repertory, I, 373.


## p. 513 (#553) ############################################

OBSCURANTIST AVA
513
Christians in another, and in others were the Siamese and Manipur
captives; such captives were often a source of suspicion, as in 1774
when the leading families of the Manipur colony were extirpated for
alleged plotting. The wall, sixteen feet high, backed by earthwork,
was of indifferent quality, but adequate to the only style of warfare
it would have to meet. As was usual in Burmese capitals, the palace
was an inner city, with its own moat, wall, and a massive teak
stockade outside. 1
To transfer to Ava was a wise step so far as it went, for it placed
the king in direct communication along the Myitnge river with the
Kyaukse granary, and it was on the great river, whereas Shwebo
was landlocked. But the step did not go far enough. From the day
that Vasco da Gama opened the sea route in 1498, the centre of
gravity had shifted to the delta. The kings from Bayinnaung (1551-
81) to Anaukpetlun (1605--28) acted as if they realised this, making
Pegu their headquarters. But none of their successors realised it, and
their failure to do so sealed the fate of the monarchy. Rangoon
might have let a little fresh air from the outer world into the court.
The delta was a foreign country to the Burmese and they did not
feel safe among the Talaings. Hence there was some excuse for the
earlier kings. But there was none for the Alaungpaya dynasty which
exterminated the Talaings; their remnant continued to rebel for
some time, but these rebellions were crushed with ease, and need
not have occurred had the kings, instead of wasting their energy
on wars in Siam and Assam, used half of it in giving the delta a
good administration. As they would not move to the delta, the
atmosphere of their palace was that of the upper Burma villages
among which it lay. Their ideas remained in the nineteenth century
what they had been in the ninth. To build pagodas, to collect
daughters from tributary chiefs, to sally forth on slave raids, to make
wars for white elephants—these conceptions had had their day, and
a monarchy which failed to get beyond them was doomed. It is
probably more than coincidence that Siam, which had its capital
in a seaport, developed a more enlightened government than the
Burmese kingship, and is independent to-day.
Nine Brahmans whom the king obtained from Benares frequently
assisted him with advice, and with their help the Maungdaung
sayadaw (abbot) translated into Burmese various Sanskrit works on
astrology, medicine, grammar, etc. , known as Vyakarana. Letwe.
thondara, whom the king exiled to Meza hill, Katha district, earned
his recall by writing a poem, the well-known Mezataungche; in a
subsequent reign he became one of the judges in the king's court
nor did he die till the second decade of the next century.
The main armies spent 1764-67 against Siam. Starting from
1 Konbaungset, p. 377; Crawfurd, Embassy to Ava, 1, 1; Enriquez, "Capitals
of the Alaungpaya Dynasty", in Journal Burma Research Society, 1915.
83


## p. 514 (#554) ############################################

614
BURMA (1531-1782)
Kengtung with 20,000 men, mostly Shans, Thihapate slowly fought
his way down from Chiengmai through Viengchang (Linzin), while
another army of the same size under Mahanawrahta fought its way
south-east from Tavoy to Petchaburi. Thihapate had to storm town
after town, and found the villages stockaded against him. When
roused, the men fought with spirit, vying among themselves as to
who should mount the wall. They died like flies from preventible
disease, and suffered ghastly wounds for which they got few thanks
from the king, as the loss of a limb, even in honourable service,
disqualified a man from entering the palace. They kept the field all
the year round, a rare thing for Burmese levies, spending the rains
in the towns they had won. At Chiengmai they had to resort to
mining, with movable shelters under the wall; finally they captured
part of the wall with its guns and turned them all night down into
the terror-stricken population, who sent their monks to surrender
in the morning. The prettiest girls and choicest loot were sent to the
king at Ava.
Gradually they swept over the whole country, burning the towns
and making the chiefs drink the water of allegiance. Such of the
population as had not stampeded eastward ran a risk of having to
contribute to the heads which the Burmese hacked off and piled
up in great heaps under the walls of the towns they besieged, in order
to terrify the defenders. They were sometimes besieged themselves,
for the Ayuthia armies came out and pressed them, trying hard to
prevent their effecting a junction.
But finally the two commanders joined hands under the walls of
Ayuthia. Mahanawrahta fixed his headquarters there at a pagoda
built by Bayinnaung. In spite of wastage their hosts were as numerous
as ever, as they had exacted contingents from the states which they
had conquered, and according to Burmese custom their prisoners
were made to fight for them. They were to spend fourteen months
before Ayuthia. The rains came and flooded them out: they stood
their ground.