It is possible that the education complex somehow expresses the awareness that one really does not know what one talks about when one
discusses
politics-often enough the praise of education follows, with low scorers, self-accusations on account of their lack of knowledge.
Adorno-T-Authoritarian-Personality-Harper-Bros-1950
"
Mz2z4b, a medium scorer of the Maritime School, is antipolitical in a tra- ditionalistic way, the ultimate direction of which is still undetermined.
"No respect for politicians: bunch of windbags. They try to sound people out and follow along. " (This is just the opposite of the usual argument according to which
7 This observation is in accordance with experience in Nazi Germany where all kinds of criticism and jokes about the party hierarchy were whispered everywhere, whilst Hitler seems to have been largely exempted from this kind of criticism. One heard frequently the remark: "The Fiihrer does not know about these things"-even when concentration camps were concerned.
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the politicians are too mdependent. This particular twist may indicate the under- lying awareness of the weakness of the representatives of formal democracy. ) "They are not sincere public servants. Roosevelt, Lincoln, Jefferson, and Bryan are exceptions. Wilson was also sincere. " Subject has no respect for Harding or Coolidge.
Finally, an example from a low scorer. Mll2, asked about politics, simply states:
"I don't like it. We can get along without it. Don't think that people should be just politicians. Should have an ordinary life, just hold office at times. Not be trained for politics and nothing else, should know what people want and do it. Not control things for themselves or others. "
The tone of this accusation is markedly different from the phraseology of the high scorers. This man seems really to be worried lest bureaucracy should become reified, an end in itself, rather than democratically expressing the wishes of the people.
The motivation of the low scorers' criticism of bureaucrats and politicians seems largely to vary from that of the high scorers; phenomenologically, however, it reminds so much of the latter that one is led to fear that in a critical situation quite a few antipolitical low scorers may be caught by a fascist movement.
8. THERE WILL BE NO UTOPIA
The political thinking of high scorers is consummated by the way they approach the ultimate political problem: their attitude toward the concept of an "ideal society. " Their opinional pattern not only concerns the means but also the ultimate social ends.
According to the frame of mind which is being analyzed here, there is no utopia and, one may add, there should be no utopia. One has to be "realistic. " This notion of realism, however, does not refer to the necessity of judging and accounting . on the basis of objective, factual insight, but rather to the postulate that one recognizes from the very beginning the overwhelming superiority of the existent over the individual and his intentions, that one advocates an adjustment implying resignation with regard to any kind of basic improvements, that one gives up anything that may be called a day- dream, and reshapes oneself into an appendage of the social machinery. This is reflected by political opinion in so far as any kind of utopian idea in politics is excluded altogether.
It must be pointed out that an anti-utopia complex seems to occur in the interviews of low scorers even more frequently than in those of high scorers, perhaps because the former are more ready to admit their own worries and are less under the impact of "official optimism. " This differentiation between the stand taken by high and low scorers against utopia seems to be corrob- orated by the study "Psychological Determinants of Optimism regarding the
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Consequences of the W ar" by Sanford, Conrad, and Franck ( w8). Official optimism, the "keep smiling" attitude, goes with underlying traits of con- tempt for human nature, as expressed by the cynicism cluster of the F seal~, which differentiates clearly between high and low scorers. Conversely, low scorers are much more ready to admit negative facts in general, and particu- larly with regard to themselves, on a surface level, being less spellbound by the conventional cliche that "everything is fine," but they show, on a deeper level of their opinions, much greater confidence in the innate potentialities of the human race. One may epitomize the difference dynamically by stating that the high scorers deny utopia because they ultimately do not want it to materialize, whereas anti-utopian statements of the low scorers are derived from a rejection of the official ideology of "God's own country. " The latter are skeptical about utopia, because they take its realization seriously and therefore take a critical view of the existent, even up to the point where they acknowledge the threat exercised by the impact of prevailing conditions against just those human potentialities in which they trust in the depth of their hearts.
M345 is a high-scoring man of the University Extension Testing Class group. He scores high on E and PEC but low on F. When asked about what he thinks of an ideal society, his answer reads:
r-
"I don't think there is such a thing without changing everything, including the people in it. Always some people unusually wealthy, always some unusually miser- able economically. "
This answer is significant in many respects. The denial of the possibility of an ideal society is based on the assumption that otherwise everything ought to be changed-an idea apparently unbearable to the subject. Rather than change everything, that is to say, to disobey ultimate respect for the existent, the world should be left as bad as it is. The argument that first the people should be changed before the world can be changed belongs to the old anti- utopian armory. It leads to a vicious circle, since, under prevailing external conditions, no such internal change can ever be expected, and, actually, those who speak in this way do not even admit its possibility, but rather assume the eternal and intrinsic badness of human nature, following the pattern of
_-cynicism discussed in the chapter on the F scale. Simultaneously wealth and ' poverty which are obviously the products of social conditions are hyposta- tized by the subject as if they were inborn, natural qualities. This both exon- erates society and helps to establish the idea of unchangeability on which the denunciation of utopia feeds. We venture the hypothesis that the brief state- ment of this subject bares a pattern of thinking which is exceedingly wide-
spread, but which few people would epitomize as overtly as he does. ~
To the aforementioned Mzos, who comes as close to overt fascism as any
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of our subjects, the idea of natural qualities excluding an ideal society is related immediately to the most pressing issue: the abolition of war.
"Naturally, I like America best. The question is, is it worth while to give up what we have in order to have world trade? The Japs make cheap products and can undersell us. What I'm afraid of is a perpetual lend-lease. If we do trade with other nations we should have the cash. World trade would not prevent war. The fighting instinct is there. "
The significant fact about his statement is that the assumption of a "fight- ing instinct," which apparently is never supposed to disappear, is related in an overrealistic manner to economic advantages, cash, sticking to what one has, and so on. Incidentally, this is the same man who speaks against the present war because he "can't see what he can possibly get out of it. "
Self-contradictory is a statement by the executive secretary, F340B, a medium-scoring woman, whose personality as a whole, as well as her ready- made political opinions, come closer to the type of the high scorer than her questionnaire leads us to believe. In terms of surface opinion she wants to be "idealistic," in terms of her specific reactions she is under the spell of "real- ism," the cult of the existent.
"I'm not happy about our foreign policy here-it's not definite enough, and not idealistic enough. (What are your specific criticisms? ) It is not much of anything: seems we haven't got any foreign policy. (What kind of foreign policy would you like to see? ) I would like to see the four freedoms, the Atlantic Charter actually applied in other countries. Then we also have to be realistic about it, but we have to strive to be idealistic-to realize the ideals eventually. "
There is something pathetic about this statement. For the contention that one has to be "realistic" in order ultimately to realize the ideals is certainly true. Taken in abstracto, however, and without specific concepts as to how this could be achieved, the truth becomes perverted into a lie, denoting only that "it cannot be done" while the individual still maintains the good con- science that she would be only too happy if it were possible.
Psychologically, the anti-utopian pattern of political thinking is related to sadomasochistic traits. They manifest themselves strikingly in the state- ment of the high-scoring San Quentin inmate, M662A, who comes fairly close to the "tough-guy" syndrome discussed in Chapter XIX. When asked "what is an ideal society like," he answers: "Plenty of work for everybody; have all the strikes stopped. "
To the naivete of this man, who certainly belongs to the poorest strata himself, the image of the present order has been petrified to such an extent that he cannot even conceive of a social system where, because of rational organization, each individual has less to work-to him the ideal is that every- body can work, which does not only include satisfaction of basic needs but also efforts which might easily be dispensed with today. The idea that some
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strict order should prevail is so overpowering to him that utopia becomes a society where no strikes are to be tolerated any more, rather than a society where strikes would be unnecessary.
It should be mentioned that the general denial of utopianism is sometimes reversed by the subjects whose statements we are scrutinizing here, when they speak about the United States.
Thus, M619, a low scorer of the San Quentin group, led by the prison situation to complete political resignation, still feels:
". . . I think part of the reason America has become the greatest country in the world is that because the dreams a man makes might come true. "
Of course, this is to be understood primarily as an expression of the dream that can be measured by the dollars and cents an individual can make, but it should not be forgotten that among the ideological foundations of Amer- ican liberalism there is also a utopian element which, under certain conditions, may break through and overcome the gospel of supposed realism.
Apparently, the anti-utopian somehow feels uneasy about his own "real- ism," and seeks an outlet by attributing to the reality with which he is most strongly identified, his own country, some of the utopian qualities he other- wise disavows.
Only the low- to medium-scoring San Quentin murderer, M628B, a man who has nothing to lose in life, says bluntly:
"This country educates people, but in the so-called American way. . . . I don't believe this is the best country. Maybe in a materialistic way. . . . I would not value my life by material things. "
The undertone of this statement is, similar to M619, one of fatalistic resig- nation. Even low scorers who are not anti-utopian cannot think of utopia but in a quasi-fatalistic way: as if it were something preconceived, fixed once and for all; something which one has to "look up" rather than think and realize oneself. M711:
(What is ideal society like? ) "That's an awfully difficult question. Isn't it based on the four freedoms? "
9. NO PITY FOR THE POOR
One should expect that a frame of mind which regards everything as basically bad should at least favor, in the area of politics and social measures, as much help for those who suffer as possible. But the philosophy of the anti- utopian pessimists is not tinged by Schopenhauerian mercy. The general pattern we are investigating here is characterized by an all-pervasive feature. These subjects want no pity for the poor, neither here nor abroad. This trait seems to be strictly confined to high scorers and to be one of the most differ- entiating features in political philosophy. At this point, the interrelatedness of some ideas measured by the PEC scale and certain attitudes caught by the
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F scale should be stressed. Abolition of the dole, rejection of state interfer- ence with the "natural" play of supply and demand on the labor market, the spirit of the adage "who does not work, shall not eat" belong to the traditional wisdom of economic rugged individualism and are stressed by all those who regard the liberal system as being endangered by socialism. At the same time, the ideas involved have a tinge of punitiveness and authoritarian aggressive- ness which makes them ideal receptacles of some typical psychological urges of the prejudiced character. Here goes, for example, the conviction that people would not work unless subject to pressure-a way of reasoning closely related to vilification of human nature and cynicism. The mechanism of projectivity is also involved: the potentially fascist character blames the poor who need assistance for the very same passivity and greediness which he has learnt not to admit to his own consciousness.
Examples: The extremely high-scoring San Quentin inmate, M664C, whose F score is outstanding, shows clearly the psychological aspect of this particu- lar ideology. He regards as the "major problem" facing this country the fact that it might do something for the starving people abroad. His statement shows also the intimate interrelation between the "no pity for the poor" and the fatalism complexes.
"Chri'st, we licked those other countries and now we're gonna feed 'em. . . . I think we ought to let 'em starve, especially them Japs. . . . Lucky I don't have any relations killed in this war, I'd go out and kill me some Japs. . . . W e're gonna have another depression and gonna have another war too in a few years. "
By contrast, M658, another high-scoring convict with certain psycho- pathic traits, turn his affects against the unemployed rather than against the Japanese:
"I believe everybody should have an opportunity. Should not be any unemploy- ment. Only reason they are unemployed, they are lazy like me. "
This may be regarded as one of the most authentic examples of sadomaso- chistic thinking in our interviews. He wants others to be treated harshly because he despises himself: his punitiveness is obviously a projection of his own guilt feelings.
Women are freer of the "no pity for the poor" complex. They rather over- compensate for it in terms of social welfare and charity which is, as indicated previously, a "high" value anyway. The following statement may be regarded as characteristic of the woman who humiliates him whom she pretends to help, and actually does not help at all but just makes herself feel important.
F359, a high scorer who combines conventionality with somewhat paranoid ideas about the Negroes:
Subject thinks that the poorer people should be taken care of by state or com- munity projects. People in the community should get together, like people, for instance, who are good at organizing boys' clubs; or they might organize dances
? 700 THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
and hold them at one person's house one week, and at somebody else's the next week. Everybody should contribute something; take up a small collection. In the case of a poor section it might get the funds from the city. One might also call on public funds for buildings, if needed.
The attitude of indifference to the lot of the poor together with admira- tion for rich and successful people sheds light on the potential attitude -Of the high scorers toward the prospective victims of fascism in a critical situation. Those who humiliate mentally those who are down-trodden anyway, are more than likely to react the same way when an outgroup is being "liqui- dated. " This attitude has, of course, strong sociological determinants: up- ward social mobility, identification with the higher class to whom they wish to belong themselves, recognition of universal competition as a measuring rod for what a person is worth, and the wish to keep down the potential threat of the disinherited masses. These sociological motives, however, are inseparably bound up with the psychological mechanisms indicated above. The specific infantile implications may be indicated as follows: identification with the poor is quite enticing for children, since the world of the poor appears to them in many ways less restricted than their own, whilst they somehow sense the similarity between the social status of a child in an adult society and the status of the poor in a rich man's world. This identification is repressed at an early phase for the sake of "upward mobility," and also- even if the children are poor themselves-for the sake of the reality principle
in general which tolerates compassion only as an ideology or as "charity" but not in its more spontaneous manifestations. They project the "punish- ment" they have received for their own compassion upon the downtrodden by regarding poverty as something the poor "brought upon themselves. " The same formula, incidentally, plays a decisive role in anti-Semitism.
10. EDUCA TION INSTEAD OF SOCIAL CHANGE
The complement of the "no pity for the poor" complex is the overemphasis given to the education of people within the political sections of our inter- views. The frequent reference to this topic is the more significant since it does not appear in the interview schedule. Nobody will deny the desirability of political education. It is hard to overlook, however, that the ideal of edu- cation often serves as a rationalization for social privileges. People who do not want to confess to antidemocratic leanings prefer to take the stand that democ- racy would be all right if only people were educated and more "mature. " This condition, naturally, would here and now exclude from political activi- ties those who, on account of their economic situation, need most urgently a social change. This, of course, is never stated in so many words. If, however, as once happened, an overtly fascist man speaks in favor of the abolition of the poll tax in the South, and wants to replace it by an "intelligence test," there is little doubt about the ultimate purpose. The adulation of "education"
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occurs quite frequently among uneducated people-perhaps because, for some reason beyond the scope of the present study, education has come to be a kind of a panacea in American ideology. None of our subjects ever takes the trouble of defining to what the mysterious "education" should refer: whether it pertains to the general educational level or whether some special kind of political education is envisaged and how it should be carried out.
The education complex is not confined to high or medium scorers but seems to be more frequent with them than with low scorers. Some examples are g1ven.
Mz23oA, a high-scoring man of the Maritime School Group, states,
(What is an ideal society like? ) "It would take generations of breeding to bring everybody to the same educational standards . . . though not to have such great classes . . . although I think we should always have class distinction . . . some initiative to try to improve yourself. "
Here it is obvious that the education idea serves as a subtle device by which the anti-utopian can act to prevent a change and yet appear progressive. It is also characteristic that the stress put on a long drawn-out educational process is concomitant with the idea that there always should be some class distinction.
Similarly, the Canadian M934, a medium scorer, endorses the education idea as a "brake," this time on the labor movement. He believes:
"The important thing in the labor movement today is education of the rank and file. I just don't think labor is ready to take more influence today. "
It may be noted at random that the more production processes are stand- ardized, the less special training is required, the more technological progress leads toward a certain enlightenment of the masses, the emptier the postulate of education becomes. Our subjects stick to it in a rather fetishistic way.
For the very high-scoring woman, F104, majoring in Spanish and interested in business, the political demarcation line between her ingroup, the Repub- licans, and the Democrats coincides with that of education.
"The type of people I have known who are Democrats are usually uneducated people who really don't know what is happening. The present administration has made a mess of things. "
Thus the education ideology interprets the fact that the Democratic Party is more of a lower-class party than the Republicans.
Among low scorers the education idea is somewhat mixed up with the tra- ditional socialist wish for enlightenment. Frequently, there occurs a com- plaint about the lethargy and the lack of political interest of the masses-from which, regularly, the subjects exempt themselves. In this context we may mention again the phraseological statement of our sailor, Mzz7:
"We have a good basis for our political system. The majority of people are not
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interested or equipped enough to understand politics, so that the big proportion of U. S. politics is governed by the capitalistic system. "
The education complex leads us back to where our analysis started, to the ignorance and confusion which clouds the political thinking of most of our sample.
It is possible that the education complex somehow expresses the awareness that one really does not know what one talks about when one discusses politics-often enough the praise of education follows, with low scorers, self-accusations on account of their lack of knowledge. How- ever, the vague idea of education takes care of the experience of ignorance rather summarily by a slogan and reliance on an isolated factor of cultural life, thus dispensing with the effort of political thinking. Moreover, it serves in most cases the purpose of projecting one's own ignorance onto others so that one may appear informed oneself.
One last observation may prove to be significant. Whereas the praise of education is heavily accentuated by high scorers, it is at the same time one of the most frequently heard anti-Semitic statements that "the Jews are all out for education"-generally associated with the assertion that they dodge hard manual labor. W e may suspect that there is, at the hub of the education complex, the vague realization that this culture excludes the bulk of those whom it embraces from real participation in its more subtle gratifications. While the awkward talk about education expresses longing for a state of affairs where one is no longer stunted by the requirements of "being prac- tical," fury about one's own educational frustration is projected upon the chosen foe who is supposed to possess what one has to deny to oneself.
C. SOME POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC TOPICS
Our previous discussion was, in accordance with the general approach of our study, formulated in subjective, rather than objective terms. That is to say, we have focussed our interest on the patterns of political thinking of our interviewees, rather than on the stand they take with regard to objective political issues. As a matter of course our approach led also to a discussion of numerous political topics such as, for example, the evaluation of Roosevelt, the problem of government "bureaucracy," attitudes taken toward "ideal society," etc. No strict dichotomy between the subjective and objective political issues could be made. What remains now to be discussed are the attitudes of our subjects toward those political topics of the interview sched- ule so far not covered, though some of them, particularly with regard to the bureaucrat complex and the problem of government control of business, have been touched upon.
1. UNIONS
The problem of . unionism was heavily emphasized in our interview schedule because it is a very timely politico-economic topic, and because
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we expected it to be highly discriminatory. The questionnaire item, "Labor Unions should become stronger and have more influence generally," did indeed prove to be discriminating in the statistical sense (D. P. , 3? r6 for men and 3? 49 for women on Forms 4o-45), but the interview protocols offer ample warning against any such primitive formula as low-score =pro-union, high-score = anti-union. A certain amount of criticism of unions is universal and there is no lack of otherwise outspoken low scorers who deviate with regard to the union question. Unambiguously pro-union are only a small number of politically conscious and highly articulate left-wingers. Other- wise, there are strong reservations with respect to unions throughout our sample. High and low scorers differ more in the way these reservations are made than in the simple pro vs. anti dimension. A critical attitude is taken by people who do not belong to unions, as well as by those who are members.
Some differences between questionnaire and interview might be expected on the basis that the questionnaire calls for more or less forthright statements, whereas the interview allows the subjects to elaborate their ideas in all their complexity. Here, it would seem, the interview comes closer to the subjects' real opinion than does the questionnaire. Since the organization of labor and the issue of the closed shop affects the lives of most people in some immediate way, the factor of "alienation" and the accompanying ignorance and con- fusion plays a lesser part than it does, say, when people discuss "all those bureaus" far away in Washington.
Thus, the critical sentiment expressed with regard to the unions has to be taken very seriously. This criticism must not be identified automatically with reactionism. Here more than anywhere else, there is some basis in reality, and the complaints are, generally, much more reasonable, show much more common sense than when it comes to issues such as the politicians or the Jews. Labor organizations have more or less to adapt themselves to the pre- vailing conditions of an economic life ruled by huge combines, and thus they tend to become "monopolies. " This means discomfort for innumerable per- sons who in their business are faced with a power which interferes with what they still feel to be their individual right as free competitors. They have to yield an extra part of their profit to what labor demands from them, over and above the price for the commodity which they buy, the laborer's work- ing power. This appears to them as a mere tribute to the power of the organ- ization. It is significant, however, that at least the high scorers resent labor monopolies but not their model, industrial monopolization as such. This is not surprising. The population has much more direct contact with the labor organizations than with the organizations of industry. People have to nego- tiate with their local unions about extra pay, overtime, wage increases, and working conditions, while Detroit, where their car is being made and priced, is far away. Of course, deeper-lying motives of social identification are also involved.
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The monopolization of labor affects also the workers themselves who feel bossed by the huge organization upon which they exercise very little influ- ence as individuals and who, if they are not admitted, feel hopelessly "out- grouped. " This nucleus of experience in the critique of organized labor has to be recognized lest one rush to conclusions.
,/-The element of partial truth in the critique of labor is among the most
dangerous fascist potentials in this country. While there are quite a few
points in the critique of labor which cannot be refuted, they are easily chosen
as points of departure, in order to do away with unions altogether, replacing
them by government-controlled corporations-one of the main economic
\
\
objectives of fascists everywhere. No analysis of the fascist potential is valid '-which does not give account of the agglomerate of rational critique and irra- tional hatred in the people's attitude toward labor. Some characteristic reac-
tions of our interviewees may, at least, illustrate the problem.
We begin with examples of an attitude toward labor which is very wide- spread among low scorers: the acceptance of unions with more or less incisive qualifications. Obviously, antilabor attitudes among otherwise "progressive"
people are particularly important for broader issues of prognosis.
Mpo, a thoroughly liberal and progressive member of the University Ex- tension Testing Class, speaks about the "so-called free enterprise system which really is monopoly. " To the question about the 30 per cent wage
increase demanded by labor, he answers:
"Well, don't like to see anybody set an arbitrary figure for any demand. At the same time very sympathetic to wage demands. E. g. the auto workers right now. On the other hand, the bakery workers in San Francisco are striking merely for a base rate, althoug,h all of them are making above that now: they are just thinking of the future. . . . ,I am for unions, but I think we should recognize that sometimes they become setnsh-interest groups. . . . Disappointed in the labor movement as a reform vehicle, their only interest is in higher wages for their own small group, especially A. F. of L. craft unions or monopolies. "
Behind this statement looms the dim consciousness that today's labor move- ment, instead of aiming at a better society, is satisfied with securing certain advantages and privileges within the present setup. This is just the opposite
--()I the typical high scorer's complaint that unions have become too political, a matter to be discussed later.
M112, a low-scoring college sophomore, senses the danger that cumber- some, mammoth unions might become undemocratic. He is antimonopoly in the sense that he hopes to stop social trends by breaking down highly cen- tralized units into smaller ones.
"I don't like large organizations. There should be local unions, local companies, never very large. There is Kaiser, but he's not so bad. Standard Oil is not good or I. G. Farben of Germany. "
M62o, a low-scoring convict, is typical of those who resent the interfer-
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ence of organized labor with the functioning of the machinery of production as a whole:
(What do you think of political trends today? ) "Well, I believe seriously that labor is going to have to acquire a sense of responsibility. . . . W ell, to me a contract is more or less sacred. " Subject objects to strikes in general, especially to jurisdic- tional strikes. (What about 30% increase in wage demands? ) "I believe if the unions are willing to work they should have it. But if they give no returns, completely un- justified. (What about G. M. strike? ) Should be settled as quickly as possible, one way or the other. . . . I believe both labor and business sort of ignore the little fellow. . . . I am sort of bitter about this strike business. . . . I feel labor should have more responsibility. "
M711, an extreme low scorer of the Employment Service Veterans group, mixes up the collectivistic power of unions with the threat of fascism and makes, by projection, Hitler a pro-union man:
(How do you feel about labor unions? ) I don't know frankly on that. In theory I'm very much in favor of labor unions. (How do you feel about 30% wage increase demand? ) \Veil, I do not approve . . . because I think any wage increase demand should be made in relation to living costs. (How do you mean that? ) As a matter of fact, I just don't think about it . . . 30% wage increase won't mean a damn thing if living costs go up too. (What about G. M. 's labor union demand for increased wages, with no increase in prices? ) "Yes . . . but I think wages and prices have to hit a stabilization. . . . " (Interviewer reads question #4, stating that labor unions should become stronger, and refers to subject's disagreeing a little with this item and asks for elaboration. ) "Well, my disagreement on that-I'm perhaps thinking that labor unions becoming stronger would lead to a state of fascism. . . . After all, didn't Hitler use the labor unions in his early days, increasing labor unions and making them stronger. . . . I know we have labor unions in San Francisco which are simply little empires. On the other hand, we have others that are working for the general good. . . . I certainly don't think they should be controlled as some of our senators seem to want them. "
F340B has been mentioned before. She is of the University Extension Test- ing Class and scores middle on E, low on F, and high on PEC. She differenti- ates between the positive function of unions and their inherent evils which she describes in personalistic terms as "capitalistic" themselves.
(What do you think of labor unions in general? ) "I think they are necessary- as an idea they are fine, but in practice-I have had the misfortune to meet some of the labor leaders in this area, and it was very disillusioning to me. (In what way? ) Well, if there ever were 'capitalists,' they were every bit of it, running their organ- ization just like running a business-to squeeze everything out of it. (What do you think should be done about that? ) Well, they should not object to having their financial statements audited-should be more open about it. (Do you think standards should be set up then, by the government perhaps? ) Yes, I think I would rather see a strong public opinion do it-makes them realize they should be more fair-minded and open. "
Although no scoring has been done, the impression created by careful
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perusal of the whole interview material is that the attitude which accepts unions as a necessary evil is the average one, at least among those who are not articulately reactionary.
There is an exceedingly small number of unqualified prolabor statements. The two examples to follow stem from San Quentin, both, of course, from low scorers.
M628B, a murderer:
(What do you think of labor unions? ) "Definitely in favor of the closed shop. I don't believe in private enterprise as in this country. If it was what they say it is, I would be in favor of it. . . . I don't suppose the Constitution, but . . . we don't live by it. . . . This story of work hard, my boy, and you'll be great one day is fine . . . but when you won't clothe and house, etc. the masses, I'll say that's an outrage. . . . "
M619, a sex criminal characterized by the psychiatrist as "simple schizo- phrenic," is not altogether uncritical of labor but believes that the weak- nesses of the unions are gradually disappearing: his unqualified acceptance is based on a somewhat empty general idea of progress.
(How do you feel about labor leaders today? ) "The A. F. of L. , I am in favor of it very much. The C. I. O. , formerly I was not in favor of it, but as time moves on, the people seem to accept it more and more. I'm inclined to feel the faults of its incep- tion have been ironed out . . . of course, the unions in the beginning used pretty high-handed methods, but perhaps the end will justify the means they took. "
One particular aspect of critical feelings toward labor should be stressed. It is the idea that unions should not engage in politics. Since this has nothing to do with those economic experiences with labor at which the complaints of many people aim, it is a matter of plain ideology, derived very probably from some belief that according to American tradition unions offer a means of "bargaining," of obtaining higher shares, and should not meddle in other issues. The anger about wage disputes and strikes is displaced and becomes rationalized by hasty identification of organized labor and communism. Since unions in this country are incomparably less political and class-conscious than anywhere else, this objection is of an entirely different order from those previously discussed: it is truly an expression of reactionism.
Mz2z4b, a medium scorer of the Maritime School, is antipolitical in a tra- ditionalistic way, the ultimate direction of which is still undetermined.
"No respect for politicians: bunch of windbags. They try to sound people out and follow along. " (This is just the opposite of the usual argument according to which
7 This observation is in accordance with experience in Nazi Germany where all kinds of criticism and jokes about the party hierarchy were whispered everywhere, whilst Hitler seems to have been largely exempted from this kind of criticism. One heard frequently the remark: "The Fiihrer does not know about these things"-even when concentration camps were concerned.
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the politicians are too mdependent. This particular twist may indicate the under- lying awareness of the weakness of the representatives of formal democracy. ) "They are not sincere public servants. Roosevelt, Lincoln, Jefferson, and Bryan are exceptions. Wilson was also sincere. " Subject has no respect for Harding or Coolidge.
Finally, an example from a low scorer. Mll2, asked about politics, simply states:
"I don't like it. We can get along without it. Don't think that people should be just politicians. Should have an ordinary life, just hold office at times. Not be trained for politics and nothing else, should know what people want and do it. Not control things for themselves or others. "
The tone of this accusation is markedly different from the phraseology of the high scorers. This man seems really to be worried lest bureaucracy should become reified, an end in itself, rather than democratically expressing the wishes of the people.
The motivation of the low scorers' criticism of bureaucrats and politicians seems largely to vary from that of the high scorers; phenomenologically, however, it reminds so much of the latter that one is led to fear that in a critical situation quite a few antipolitical low scorers may be caught by a fascist movement.
8. THERE WILL BE NO UTOPIA
The political thinking of high scorers is consummated by the way they approach the ultimate political problem: their attitude toward the concept of an "ideal society. " Their opinional pattern not only concerns the means but also the ultimate social ends.
According to the frame of mind which is being analyzed here, there is no utopia and, one may add, there should be no utopia. One has to be "realistic. " This notion of realism, however, does not refer to the necessity of judging and accounting . on the basis of objective, factual insight, but rather to the postulate that one recognizes from the very beginning the overwhelming superiority of the existent over the individual and his intentions, that one advocates an adjustment implying resignation with regard to any kind of basic improvements, that one gives up anything that may be called a day- dream, and reshapes oneself into an appendage of the social machinery. This is reflected by political opinion in so far as any kind of utopian idea in politics is excluded altogether.
It must be pointed out that an anti-utopia complex seems to occur in the interviews of low scorers even more frequently than in those of high scorers, perhaps because the former are more ready to admit their own worries and are less under the impact of "official optimism. " This differentiation between the stand taken by high and low scorers against utopia seems to be corrob- orated by the study "Psychological Determinants of Optimism regarding the
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Consequences of the W ar" by Sanford, Conrad, and Franck ( w8). Official optimism, the "keep smiling" attitude, goes with underlying traits of con- tempt for human nature, as expressed by the cynicism cluster of the F seal~, which differentiates clearly between high and low scorers. Conversely, low scorers are much more ready to admit negative facts in general, and particu- larly with regard to themselves, on a surface level, being less spellbound by the conventional cliche that "everything is fine," but they show, on a deeper level of their opinions, much greater confidence in the innate potentialities of the human race. One may epitomize the difference dynamically by stating that the high scorers deny utopia because they ultimately do not want it to materialize, whereas anti-utopian statements of the low scorers are derived from a rejection of the official ideology of "God's own country. " The latter are skeptical about utopia, because they take its realization seriously and therefore take a critical view of the existent, even up to the point where they acknowledge the threat exercised by the impact of prevailing conditions against just those human potentialities in which they trust in the depth of their hearts.
M345 is a high-scoring man of the University Extension Testing Class group. He scores high on E and PEC but low on F. When asked about what he thinks of an ideal society, his answer reads:
r-
"I don't think there is such a thing without changing everything, including the people in it. Always some people unusually wealthy, always some unusually miser- able economically. "
This answer is significant in many respects. The denial of the possibility of an ideal society is based on the assumption that otherwise everything ought to be changed-an idea apparently unbearable to the subject. Rather than change everything, that is to say, to disobey ultimate respect for the existent, the world should be left as bad as it is. The argument that first the people should be changed before the world can be changed belongs to the old anti- utopian armory. It leads to a vicious circle, since, under prevailing external conditions, no such internal change can ever be expected, and, actually, those who speak in this way do not even admit its possibility, but rather assume the eternal and intrinsic badness of human nature, following the pattern of
_-cynicism discussed in the chapter on the F scale. Simultaneously wealth and ' poverty which are obviously the products of social conditions are hyposta- tized by the subject as if they were inborn, natural qualities. This both exon- erates society and helps to establish the idea of unchangeability on which the denunciation of utopia feeds. We venture the hypothesis that the brief state- ment of this subject bares a pattern of thinking which is exceedingly wide-
spread, but which few people would epitomize as overtly as he does. ~
To the aforementioned Mzos, who comes as close to overt fascism as any
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of our subjects, the idea of natural qualities excluding an ideal society is related immediately to the most pressing issue: the abolition of war.
"Naturally, I like America best. The question is, is it worth while to give up what we have in order to have world trade? The Japs make cheap products and can undersell us. What I'm afraid of is a perpetual lend-lease. If we do trade with other nations we should have the cash. World trade would not prevent war. The fighting instinct is there. "
The significant fact about his statement is that the assumption of a "fight- ing instinct," which apparently is never supposed to disappear, is related in an overrealistic manner to economic advantages, cash, sticking to what one has, and so on. Incidentally, this is the same man who speaks against the present war because he "can't see what he can possibly get out of it. "
Self-contradictory is a statement by the executive secretary, F340B, a medium-scoring woman, whose personality as a whole, as well as her ready- made political opinions, come closer to the type of the high scorer than her questionnaire leads us to believe. In terms of surface opinion she wants to be "idealistic," in terms of her specific reactions she is under the spell of "real- ism," the cult of the existent.
"I'm not happy about our foreign policy here-it's not definite enough, and not idealistic enough. (What are your specific criticisms? ) It is not much of anything: seems we haven't got any foreign policy. (What kind of foreign policy would you like to see? ) I would like to see the four freedoms, the Atlantic Charter actually applied in other countries. Then we also have to be realistic about it, but we have to strive to be idealistic-to realize the ideals eventually. "
There is something pathetic about this statement. For the contention that one has to be "realistic" in order ultimately to realize the ideals is certainly true. Taken in abstracto, however, and without specific concepts as to how this could be achieved, the truth becomes perverted into a lie, denoting only that "it cannot be done" while the individual still maintains the good con- science that she would be only too happy if it were possible.
Psychologically, the anti-utopian pattern of political thinking is related to sadomasochistic traits. They manifest themselves strikingly in the state- ment of the high-scoring San Quentin inmate, M662A, who comes fairly close to the "tough-guy" syndrome discussed in Chapter XIX. When asked "what is an ideal society like," he answers: "Plenty of work for everybody; have all the strikes stopped. "
To the naivete of this man, who certainly belongs to the poorest strata himself, the image of the present order has been petrified to such an extent that he cannot even conceive of a social system where, because of rational organization, each individual has less to work-to him the ideal is that every- body can work, which does not only include satisfaction of basic needs but also efforts which might easily be dispensed with today. The idea that some
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strict order should prevail is so overpowering to him that utopia becomes a society where no strikes are to be tolerated any more, rather than a society where strikes would be unnecessary.
It should be mentioned that the general denial of utopianism is sometimes reversed by the subjects whose statements we are scrutinizing here, when they speak about the United States.
Thus, M619, a low scorer of the San Quentin group, led by the prison situation to complete political resignation, still feels:
". . . I think part of the reason America has become the greatest country in the world is that because the dreams a man makes might come true. "
Of course, this is to be understood primarily as an expression of the dream that can be measured by the dollars and cents an individual can make, but it should not be forgotten that among the ideological foundations of Amer- ican liberalism there is also a utopian element which, under certain conditions, may break through and overcome the gospel of supposed realism.
Apparently, the anti-utopian somehow feels uneasy about his own "real- ism," and seeks an outlet by attributing to the reality with which he is most strongly identified, his own country, some of the utopian qualities he other- wise disavows.
Only the low- to medium-scoring San Quentin murderer, M628B, a man who has nothing to lose in life, says bluntly:
"This country educates people, but in the so-called American way. . . . I don't believe this is the best country. Maybe in a materialistic way. . . . I would not value my life by material things. "
The undertone of this statement is, similar to M619, one of fatalistic resig- nation. Even low scorers who are not anti-utopian cannot think of utopia but in a quasi-fatalistic way: as if it were something preconceived, fixed once and for all; something which one has to "look up" rather than think and realize oneself. M711:
(What is ideal society like? ) "That's an awfully difficult question. Isn't it based on the four freedoms? "
9. NO PITY FOR THE POOR
One should expect that a frame of mind which regards everything as basically bad should at least favor, in the area of politics and social measures, as much help for those who suffer as possible. But the philosophy of the anti- utopian pessimists is not tinged by Schopenhauerian mercy. The general pattern we are investigating here is characterized by an all-pervasive feature. These subjects want no pity for the poor, neither here nor abroad. This trait seems to be strictly confined to high scorers and to be one of the most differ- entiating features in political philosophy. At this point, the interrelatedness of some ideas measured by the PEC scale and certain attitudes caught by the
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F scale should be stressed. Abolition of the dole, rejection of state interfer- ence with the "natural" play of supply and demand on the labor market, the spirit of the adage "who does not work, shall not eat" belong to the traditional wisdom of economic rugged individualism and are stressed by all those who regard the liberal system as being endangered by socialism. At the same time, the ideas involved have a tinge of punitiveness and authoritarian aggressive- ness which makes them ideal receptacles of some typical psychological urges of the prejudiced character. Here goes, for example, the conviction that people would not work unless subject to pressure-a way of reasoning closely related to vilification of human nature and cynicism. The mechanism of projectivity is also involved: the potentially fascist character blames the poor who need assistance for the very same passivity and greediness which he has learnt not to admit to his own consciousness.
Examples: The extremely high-scoring San Quentin inmate, M664C, whose F score is outstanding, shows clearly the psychological aspect of this particu- lar ideology. He regards as the "major problem" facing this country the fact that it might do something for the starving people abroad. His statement shows also the intimate interrelation between the "no pity for the poor" and the fatalism complexes.
"Chri'st, we licked those other countries and now we're gonna feed 'em. . . . I think we ought to let 'em starve, especially them Japs. . . . Lucky I don't have any relations killed in this war, I'd go out and kill me some Japs. . . . W e're gonna have another depression and gonna have another war too in a few years. "
By contrast, M658, another high-scoring convict with certain psycho- pathic traits, turn his affects against the unemployed rather than against the Japanese:
"I believe everybody should have an opportunity. Should not be any unemploy- ment. Only reason they are unemployed, they are lazy like me. "
This may be regarded as one of the most authentic examples of sadomaso- chistic thinking in our interviews. He wants others to be treated harshly because he despises himself: his punitiveness is obviously a projection of his own guilt feelings.
Women are freer of the "no pity for the poor" complex. They rather over- compensate for it in terms of social welfare and charity which is, as indicated previously, a "high" value anyway. The following statement may be regarded as characteristic of the woman who humiliates him whom she pretends to help, and actually does not help at all but just makes herself feel important.
F359, a high scorer who combines conventionality with somewhat paranoid ideas about the Negroes:
Subject thinks that the poorer people should be taken care of by state or com- munity projects. People in the community should get together, like people, for instance, who are good at organizing boys' clubs; or they might organize dances
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and hold them at one person's house one week, and at somebody else's the next week. Everybody should contribute something; take up a small collection. In the case of a poor section it might get the funds from the city. One might also call on public funds for buildings, if needed.
The attitude of indifference to the lot of the poor together with admira- tion for rich and successful people sheds light on the potential attitude -Of the high scorers toward the prospective victims of fascism in a critical situation. Those who humiliate mentally those who are down-trodden anyway, are more than likely to react the same way when an outgroup is being "liqui- dated. " This attitude has, of course, strong sociological determinants: up- ward social mobility, identification with the higher class to whom they wish to belong themselves, recognition of universal competition as a measuring rod for what a person is worth, and the wish to keep down the potential threat of the disinherited masses. These sociological motives, however, are inseparably bound up with the psychological mechanisms indicated above. The specific infantile implications may be indicated as follows: identification with the poor is quite enticing for children, since the world of the poor appears to them in many ways less restricted than their own, whilst they somehow sense the similarity between the social status of a child in an adult society and the status of the poor in a rich man's world. This identification is repressed at an early phase for the sake of "upward mobility," and also- even if the children are poor themselves-for the sake of the reality principle
in general which tolerates compassion only as an ideology or as "charity" but not in its more spontaneous manifestations. They project the "punish- ment" they have received for their own compassion upon the downtrodden by regarding poverty as something the poor "brought upon themselves. " The same formula, incidentally, plays a decisive role in anti-Semitism.
10. EDUCA TION INSTEAD OF SOCIAL CHANGE
The complement of the "no pity for the poor" complex is the overemphasis given to the education of people within the political sections of our inter- views. The frequent reference to this topic is the more significant since it does not appear in the interview schedule. Nobody will deny the desirability of political education. It is hard to overlook, however, that the ideal of edu- cation often serves as a rationalization for social privileges. People who do not want to confess to antidemocratic leanings prefer to take the stand that democ- racy would be all right if only people were educated and more "mature. " This condition, naturally, would here and now exclude from political activi- ties those who, on account of their economic situation, need most urgently a social change. This, of course, is never stated in so many words. If, however, as once happened, an overtly fascist man speaks in favor of the abolition of the poll tax in the South, and wants to replace it by an "intelligence test," there is little doubt about the ultimate purpose. The adulation of "education"
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occurs quite frequently among uneducated people-perhaps because, for some reason beyond the scope of the present study, education has come to be a kind of a panacea in American ideology. None of our subjects ever takes the trouble of defining to what the mysterious "education" should refer: whether it pertains to the general educational level or whether some special kind of political education is envisaged and how it should be carried out.
The education complex is not confined to high or medium scorers but seems to be more frequent with them than with low scorers. Some examples are g1ven.
Mz23oA, a high-scoring man of the Maritime School Group, states,
(What is an ideal society like? ) "It would take generations of breeding to bring everybody to the same educational standards . . . though not to have such great classes . . . although I think we should always have class distinction . . . some initiative to try to improve yourself. "
Here it is obvious that the education idea serves as a subtle device by which the anti-utopian can act to prevent a change and yet appear progressive. It is also characteristic that the stress put on a long drawn-out educational process is concomitant with the idea that there always should be some class distinction.
Similarly, the Canadian M934, a medium scorer, endorses the education idea as a "brake," this time on the labor movement. He believes:
"The important thing in the labor movement today is education of the rank and file. I just don't think labor is ready to take more influence today. "
It may be noted at random that the more production processes are stand- ardized, the less special training is required, the more technological progress leads toward a certain enlightenment of the masses, the emptier the postulate of education becomes. Our subjects stick to it in a rather fetishistic way.
For the very high-scoring woman, F104, majoring in Spanish and interested in business, the political demarcation line between her ingroup, the Repub- licans, and the Democrats coincides with that of education.
"The type of people I have known who are Democrats are usually uneducated people who really don't know what is happening. The present administration has made a mess of things. "
Thus the education ideology interprets the fact that the Democratic Party is more of a lower-class party than the Republicans.
Among low scorers the education idea is somewhat mixed up with the tra- ditional socialist wish for enlightenment. Frequently, there occurs a com- plaint about the lethargy and the lack of political interest of the masses-from which, regularly, the subjects exempt themselves. In this context we may mention again the phraseological statement of our sailor, Mzz7:
"We have a good basis for our political system. The majority of people are not
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interested or equipped enough to understand politics, so that the big proportion of U. S. politics is governed by the capitalistic system. "
The education complex leads us back to where our analysis started, to the ignorance and confusion which clouds the political thinking of most of our sample.
It is possible that the education complex somehow expresses the awareness that one really does not know what one talks about when one discusses politics-often enough the praise of education follows, with low scorers, self-accusations on account of their lack of knowledge. How- ever, the vague idea of education takes care of the experience of ignorance rather summarily by a slogan and reliance on an isolated factor of cultural life, thus dispensing with the effort of political thinking. Moreover, it serves in most cases the purpose of projecting one's own ignorance onto others so that one may appear informed oneself.
One last observation may prove to be significant. Whereas the praise of education is heavily accentuated by high scorers, it is at the same time one of the most frequently heard anti-Semitic statements that "the Jews are all out for education"-generally associated with the assertion that they dodge hard manual labor. W e may suspect that there is, at the hub of the education complex, the vague realization that this culture excludes the bulk of those whom it embraces from real participation in its more subtle gratifications. While the awkward talk about education expresses longing for a state of affairs where one is no longer stunted by the requirements of "being prac- tical," fury about one's own educational frustration is projected upon the chosen foe who is supposed to possess what one has to deny to oneself.
C. SOME POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC TOPICS
Our previous discussion was, in accordance with the general approach of our study, formulated in subjective, rather than objective terms. That is to say, we have focussed our interest on the patterns of political thinking of our interviewees, rather than on the stand they take with regard to objective political issues. As a matter of course our approach led also to a discussion of numerous political topics such as, for example, the evaluation of Roosevelt, the problem of government "bureaucracy," attitudes taken toward "ideal society," etc. No strict dichotomy between the subjective and objective political issues could be made. What remains now to be discussed are the attitudes of our subjects toward those political topics of the interview sched- ule so far not covered, though some of them, particularly with regard to the bureaucrat complex and the problem of government control of business, have been touched upon.
1. UNIONS
The problem of . unionism was heavily emphasized in our interview schedule because it is a very timely politico-economic topic, and because
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we expected it to be highly discriminatory. The questionnaire item, "Labor Unions should become stronger and have more influence generally," did indeed prove to be discriminating in the statistical sense (D. P. , 3? r6 for men and 3? 49 for women on Forms 4o-45), but the interview protocols offer ample warning against any such primitive formula as low-score =pro-union, high-score = anti-union. A certain amount of criticism of unions is universal and there is no lack of otherwise outspoken low scorers who deviate with regard to the union question. Unambiguously pro-union are only a small number of politically conscious and highly articulate left-wingers. Other- wise, there are strong reservations with respect to unions throughout our sample. High and low scorers differ more in the way these reservations are made than in the simple pro vs. anti dimension. A critical attitude is taken by people who do not belong to unions, as well as by those who are members.
Some differences between questionnaire and interview might be expected on the basis that the questionnaire calls for more or less forthright statements, whereas the interview allows the subjects to elaborate their ideas in all their complexity. Here, it would seem, the interview comes closer to the subjects' real opinion than does the questionnaire. Since the organization of labor and the issue of the closed shop affects the lives of most people in some immediate way, the factor of "alienation" and the accompanying ignorance and con- fusion plays a lesser part than it does, say, when people discuss "all those bureaus" far away in Washington.
Thus, the critical sentiment expressed with regard to the unions has to be taken very seriously. This criticism must not be identified automatically with reactionism. Here more than anywhere else, there is some basis in reality, and the complaints are, generally, much more reasonable, show much more common sense than when it comes to issues such as the politicians or the Jews. Labor organizations have more or less to adapt themselves to the pre- vailing conditions of an economic life ruled by huge combines, and thus they tend to become "monopolies. " This means discomfort for innumerable per- sons who in their business are faced with a power which interferes with what they still feel to be their individual right as free competitors. They have to yield an extra part of their profit to what labor demands from them, over and above the price for the commodity which they buy, the laborer's work- ing power. This appears to them as a mere tribute to the power of the organ- ization. It is significant, however, that at least the high scorers resent labor monopolies but not their model, industrial monopolization as such. This is not surprising. The population has much more direct contact with the labor organizations than with the organizations of industry. People have to nego- tiate with their local unions about extra pay, overtime, wage increases, and working conditions, while Detroit, where their car is being made and priced, is far away. Of course, deeper-lying motives of social identification are also involved.
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The monopolization of labor affects also the workers themselves who feel bossed by the huge organization upon which they exercise very little influ- ence as individuals and who, if they are not admitted, feel hopelessly "out- grouped. " This nucleus of experience in the critique of organized labor has to be recognized lest one rush to conclusions.
,/-The element of partial truth in the critique of labor is among the most
dangerous fascist potentials in this country. While there are quite a few
points in the critique of labor which cannot be refuted, they are easily chosen
as points of departure, in order to do away with unions altogether, replacing
them by government-controlled corporations-one of the main economic
\
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objectives of fascists everywhere. No analysis of the fascist potential is valid '-which does not give account of the agglomerate of rational critique and irra- tional hatred in the people's attitude toward labor. Some characteristic reac-
tions of our interviewees may, at least, illustrate the problem.
We begin with examples of an attitude toward labor which is very wide- spread among low scorers: the acceptance of unions with more or less incisive qualifications. Obviously, antilabor attitudes among otherwise "progressive"
people are particularly important for broader issues of prognosis.
Mpo, a thoroughly liberal and progressive member of the University Ex- tension Testing Class, speaks about the "so-called free enterprise system which really is monopoly. " To the question about the 30 per cent wage
increase demanded by labor, he answers:
"Well, don't like to see anybody set an arbitrary figure for any demand. At the same time very sympathetic to wage demands. E. g. the auto workers right now. On the other hand, the bakery workers in San Francisco are striking merely for a base rate, althoug,h all of them are making above that now: they are just thinking of the future. . . . ,I am for unions, but I think we should recognize that sometimes they become setnsh-interest groups. . . . Disappointed in the labor movement as a reform vehicle, their only interest is in higher wages for their own small group, especially A. F. of L. craft unions or monopolies. "
Behind this statement looms the dim consciousness that today's labor move- ment, instead of aiming at a better society, is satisfied with securing certain advantages and privileges within the present setup. This is just the opposite
--()I the typical high scorer's complaint that unions have become too political, a matter to be discussed later.
M112, a low-scoring college sophomore, senses the danger that cumber- some, mammoth unions might become undemocratic. He is antimonopoly in the sense that he hopes to stop social trends by breaking down highly cen- tralized units into smaller ones.
"I don't like large organizations. There should be local unions, local companies, never very large. There is Kaiser, but he's not so bad. Standard Oil is not good or I. G. Farben of Germany. "
M62o, a low-scoring convict, is typical of those who resent the interfer-
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ence of organized labor with the functioning of the machinery of production as a whole:
(What do you think of political trends today? ) "Well, I believe seriously that labor is going to have to acquire a sense of responsibility. . . . W ell, to me a contract is more or less sacred. " Subject objects to strikes in general, especially to jurisdic- tional strikes. (What about 30% increase in wage demands? ) "I believe if the unions are willing to work they should have it. But if they give no returns, completely un- justified. (What about G. M. strike? ) Should be settled as quickly as possible, one way or the other. . . . I believe both labor and business sort of ignore the little fellow. . . . I am sort of bitter about this strike business. . . . I feel labor should have more responsibility. "
M711, an extreme low scorer of the Employment Service Veterans group, mixes up the collectivistic power of unions with the threat of fascism and makes, by projection, Hitler a pro-union man:
(How do you feel about labor unions? ) I don't know frankly on that. In theory I'm very much in favor of labor unions. (How do you feel about 30% wage increase demand? ) \Veil, I do not approve . . . because I think any wage increase demand should be made in relation to living costs. (How do you mean that? ) As a matter of fact, I just don't think about it . . . 30% wage increase won't mean a damn thing if living costs go up too. (What about G. M. 's labor union demand for increased wages, with no increase in prices? ) "Yes . . . but I think wages and prices have to hit a stabilization. . . . " (Interviewer reads question #4, stating that labor unions should become stronger, and refers to subject's disagreeing a little with this item and asks for elaboration. ) "Well, my disagreement on that-I'm perhaps thinking that labor unions becoming stronger would lead to a state of fascism. . . . After all, didn't Hitler use the labor unions in his early days, increasing labor unions and making them stronger. . . . I know we have labor unions in San Francisco which are simply little empires. On the other hand, we have others that are working for the general good. . . . I certainly don't think they should be controlled as some of our senators seem to want them. "
F340B has been mentioned before. She is of the University Extension Test- ing Class and scores middle on E, low on F, and high on PEC. She differenti- ates between the positive function of unions and their inherent evils which she describes in personalistic terms as "capitalistic" themselves.
(What do you think of labor unions in general? ) "I think they are necessary- as an idea they are fine, but in practice-I have had the misfortune to meet some of the labor leaders in this area, and it was very disillusioning to me. (In what way? ) Well, if there ever were 'capitalists,' they were every bit of it, running their organ- ization just like running a business-to squeeze everything out of it. (What do you think should be done about that? ) Well, they should not object to having their financial statements audited-should be more open about it. (Do you think standards should be set up then, by the government perhaps? ) Yes, I think I would rather see a strong public opinion do it-makes them realize they should be more fair-minded and open. "
Although no scoring has been done, the impression created by careful
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perusal of the whole interview material is that the attitude which accepts unions as a necessary evil is the average one, at least among those who are not articulately reactionary.
There is an exceedingly small number of unqualified prolabor statements. The two examples to follow stem from San Quentin, both, of course, from low scorers.
M628B, a murderer:
(What do you think of labor unions? ) "Definitely in favor of the closed shop. I don't believe in private enterprise as in this country. If it was what they say it is, I would be in favor of it. . . . I don't suppose the Constitution, but . . . we don't live by it. . . . This story of work hard, my boy, and you'll be great one day is fine . . . but when you won't clothe and house, etc. the masses, I'll say that's an outrage. . . . "
M619, a sex criminal characterized by the psychiatrist as "simple schizo- phrenic," is not altogether uncritical of labor but believes that the weak- nesses of the unions are gradually disappearing: his unqualified acceptance is based on a somewhat empty general idea of progress.
(How do you feel about labor leaders today? ) "The A. F. of L. , I am in favor of it very much. The C. I. O. , formerly I was not in favor of it, but as time moves on, the people seem to accept it more and more. I'm inclined to feel the faults of its incep- tion have been ironed out . . . of course, the unions in the beginning used pretty high-handed methods, but perhaps the end will justify the means they took. "
One particular aspect of critical feelings toward labor should be stressed. It is the idea that unions should not engage in politics. Since this has nothing to do with those economic experiences with labor at which the complaints of many people aim, it is a matter of plain ideology, derived very probably from some belief that according to American tradition unions offer a means of "bargaining," of obtaining higher shares, and should not meddle in other issues. The anger about wage disputes and strikes is displaced and becomes rationalized by hasty identification of organized labor and communism. Since unions in this country are incomparably less political and class-conscious than anywhere else, this objection is of an entirely different order from those previously discussed: it is truly an expression of reactionism.
