, which had been con-
demned by the States General of Tours in 1484; but, he went
on to say, the Parlement did not intend to throw any doubt
upon the royal authority; this would be a kind of sacrilege,
for they knew well that the king was above the laws, and
that laws and ordinances could not constrain him.
demned by the States General of Tours in 1484; but, he went
on to say, the Parlement did not intend to throw any doubt
upon the royal authority; this would be a kind of sacrilege,
for they knew well that the king was above the laws, and
that laws and ordinances could not constrain him.
Thomas Carlyle
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? CHAP. II. ] THE SOURCE AND AUTHORITY OF LAW.
235
munis). It is the judges who decide what are general customs,
and it is these, together with the "Maxims," which form
the greater part of the law of England, and the king,
therefore, at his coronation, swears that he will faithfully
obey them. 1
The fifth foundation of the law of England St Germans
finds in the local customs of different parts of the country,
and these have the force of law even against the general
customs and maxims, inasmuch as they are not contrary to
Eeason and the Divine Law. They are determined not by
the judges but by the "Patria," and he cites as examples
the customs of Gavelkind and Borough English. 2
It is deserving of notice that St Germans maintains that
it is from custom that the great Courts, the Chancellor's, the
King's Bench, the Common Pleas, the Exchequer, and also
certain lesser Courts such as those of the manor and the
county, have their origin and authority; there is, he says,
no written law concerning their institution, but they belong
to the ancient custom of the country and could not be changed
1 Id. id. , cap. vii. (fol. 21):
"Tertium fundamentum legis Angliae
habetur ex diversis consuetudinibus
generalibus per totum regnum Angliae
ex antiquo tempore usitatis, per dom-
inum regem et progenitores suos, et
eorum subditis, accept is et approbatis.
Et quia consuetudines illae nec contra
legem divinam, nec contra rationem
in aliquo existunt, et pro bono communi
totius regni, ex earum diuturnitate
censentur fore necessaria, vim legis re.
tinent. Et hae sint illae consuetudines
quae proprie dicuntur lex communis.
Et semper determinari oportet per
judices utrum sit talis lex sive con-
suetudo generalis, ut pretenditur vel
non, et non per patriam. Et ex istis
consuetudinibus generalibus et aliis
principiis sive maximis legis Angliae
de quibus inferius dicetur, dependit
maxima pars legis Angliae. Et ideo
Do minus rex in coronations sua, inter
alia, aacramentum praestat speciale
quod omnes consuetudines regni fideliter
observet. "
? Id. id. , cap. ix. (fol. 32) -.
"Quintum fundamentum legis Angliae
stat diversis consuetudinibus par-
tioularibus in diversis patriis, villis,
dominiis et civitatibus regni usitatis;
quae quidem consuetudines particulares,
quia non sunt contra rationem, neque
contra legem divinam, licet predictis
generalibus consuetudinibus sive max-
imis legis contrarientur, tamen vim
legis retinent. sed si dubium in-
surgat; inter partes in Curia Regis,
utrum talis sit consuetudo particularis,
vel non, non debet semper determinari
per judices utrum sit talis consuetudo
vel non, ut de predictis consuetudinibus
generalibus sive maximis superius
dictis fieri debet, nisi in paucis con-
suetudinibus particularibus sufficientor
ex recordo in Curia Regis oonditis
et approbatis, set debet triari per
? ? patriam. "
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? 236
[PABT m.
THE EARLIER SIXTEENTH CENTURY.
except by Parliament. 1 And it is equally important to
notice that he maintains that it was by the custom of the
kingdom that no one could be judged except according to the
"lex terrae. " This custom was confirmed (not made) by
Magna Carta. 2
Finally, St Germans states the sixth foundation of English
law as consisting of various statutes made by the king and his
ministers, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and the "Com-
munitas" of the whole kingdom in Parliament, when the
Law of Eeason and the Law of Customs and Maxims are
not sufficient. 3
St Germans' treatment of English law is then highly
important for several reasons. He has the same conception
as Bracton that law is not primarily an enactment, but a
custom; and while he is clear, with Bracton and Fortescue,
that the deliberate judgment and will of the whole community,
the king and nobles, with the representatives of the people
in Parliament, can make laws, and can change ancient
customs, it is only the whole community which can do
this; the king has indeed his part, but he cannot legislate
alone. *
When we turn to France, the evidence is more complicated,
1 Id. id. , cap. vii. (fol. xxiii. ): parium suorum, et per legem terrae. "
"De earum instii utione ut scilicet tales * Id. id. , cap. x. (fol. xxxiv. ):
Curiae fiant, nulla lex scripta in legibus "Sextum fundamentum legis Angliae
Angliae habetur, nam earum institutio stat in diversis Statutis per dominum
solum ex antiqua consuetudine Rogni Regem et progenitores suos, et per
dependit, quae etiam consuetudo dominos spirituales et temporales, et
tantae auctoritatis habetur, quod non per communitatem totius rogni, in
possunt Curiae illae, nec earum parliament is edit is. ubi lex rationis, lex
auctoritates alterari, nec earum nomina divina, consuetudines, maxima, sive
mutari absque Parliamento. " alia fundamenta legis Angliae prius
* Id. id. id. (fol. xxiii. ): "Item sufficere minime videbantur. Et ultra
ex antiqua consuetudine Rogni habetur haec fundamenta legis Angliae alia
quod nullus mittetur ad respondendum, me legisse non meminor. "
neo judicetur nisi secundum legem 4 There are a few but important
terrae. Et haec consuetudo firmatur references to the principle of the
per Magnam Cartam, cap. xxvi. , ubi supremacy of law in Thomas Starkey's
sic habetur. Nullus liber homo 'Dialogue between Cardinal Pole and
capietur, aut imprisonetur, aut dis- Thomas Lupsot,' but it will be more
saisietur, aut alio modo destruetur, convenient to deal with these in a later
neo super eum ibimus nec super cum chapter, when we consider the nature
mittemus, nisi per legale judicium and source of the authority of the Ruler.
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? CHAP, n. ] THE SOURCE AND AUTHORITY OF LAW. 237
especially for the reason that in France we must always take
account of the Provincial Estates as well as of the States
General.
We may at once notice some references to the customs and
constitutions of the great provinces. In the Letters Patent,
issued in 1498 by Louis XII. on the occasion of his marriage
with Anne of Brittany, he confirms the rights and liberties
of the Duchy, and assures them that if there were good reason
for making some change in their customs and constitutions,
it should be done by the "Parlements " and assemblies of its
Estates as had always been the custom. 1
In the Ordinances issued by Louis XII. in 1499 for the
reorganisation of the Exchequer Court of Normandy, it is
said that for this purpose he had summoned an Assembly
of prelates, barons, lords, the greater part of the "Baillifs"
of the province, and the men of the three Estates. 2 In 1601
Louis XII. issued an ordinance about " Weights and Measures"
in Languedoc, after deliberation with his Council, by his
full power and royal authority, but it should be observed
that he does this on the petition of the three Estates of
Languedoc. 3
1 'Ordonnances,' vol. xxi. Jon. 7,
1498 (9) (p. 151): "C'est a` savoir que
en tant que touche de garder et
conduire le pays de Bretagne et les
subjets d'iceux en leurs droits, libertez,
franchises, usaiges, coustumes et tailles,
tant aux frais de l'Eglise, de la Justice,
comme Chancellerie, Conseil, Parlement,
Chambre do Comptes, Tre? sorerie ge? ne? r-
alle, et autres de la noblesse et comun
peuple, en manie`re que aucune nouvelle
loi ou constitution n'y soit faite, fors
en la manie`re acooustume? e par les
rois, et ducs pre? decesseurs de notre
dite cousine, la Duchesse de Bretagne
. . . (7. ) Item, et en tant que peut
toucher s'il advenist que de bonne
raison, il y eut quoique cause de faire
mutacions, particulie`rement en aug-
mentant, diminuant, ou interpretant
lesdits droits, coustumes, constitutions
ou etablissemens, que ce soit par les
parlements et assemble? es des Esta^t*
dudit pays, ainsi que de tout tems
est accoustume? , et que autrement ne
soit fait; nous voulons et entendons
que ainsi se fasse, appelez toutes
voyos les gens des trois estats de
Bretagne. "
? Id. id. , April 1499 (p. 218):
"Pour pourveoir a` laquelle chose
ayons mande? , assemble? plusieurs pre? lats
barons, soigneurs, et la plus grande
partie des baillifs dudit pays, avec les
gens des trois Estats d'iceluy. "
? Id. id. , July 1501 (p. 27>>):
"Nous avons receu l'humble supplica-
tion de chiers et bien amez gens des
Trois Estats de Languedoc. . . . Par
la tenure de ces pre? sentes, de notre
grace especial, plein pouvoir et auc-
torite? royal, statuons et ordonnons
par edict, statut, et ordonnance per-
? ? petuelle et irrevocable, que desormais
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? 238
THE EARLIER SIXTEENTH CENTURY. [PART III.
Perhaps, however, the most significant reference to the
nature and source of law in France is contained in the Ordin-
ances of Charles VJJUL. and Louis XII. , providing for the
collection and publication of the customs of the different
parts of the kingdom. Charles VIII. in 1497 appointed a
Commission to collect, correct, and adapt these customs,
but they were to be collected with the advice of the men of
all classes in each district, and to be published with the con-
sent of the three Estates of each district or the larger and
wiser part of them. 1 In 1505 Louis XII. again appointed
a Commission to carry this out, for it apparently had never
been completed. The three Estates were to be called together
in each Bailliage, and the king declared by his full power and
royal authority that the customs, as agreed upon by these
Estates, should be perpetually kept and observed as laws. 2
This treatment of the customs of different parts of
France, as determined by the representatives of the different
en tous et chacune des villes, lieux
et places de not mlit pays de Languedoc,
soit use? desdits poix de balance, &c. "
1 Id. , vol. xxi. , September 1497
(p. 7): "Eussions despiec? a`, mande?
aux bailiffz, seneschaux et autres
juges de notre royaume, appelez
avec eux chacun en sa jurisdiction
los gens d'Eglise, nobles, nos officiers,
praticiens et aultres gens de bien en ce
cognoissans, ils vissent et visitassent
lesdites coutumes; et ioelles, en-
semble leur ad vis, de ce quil leur
semblera y debvoir estre corrige? ,
adjute? , diminue? , nous envoyassent, ce
que est ete? fait. . . . Et assemblable-
ment en a este? donne? conclusion sur
votre dit advis, et ne reste qua les
faire publier en chascun desdits
baillages, senechausse? es et jurisdic-
tions. . . . Et ne? anmoins s'en faisant
ladicte publication y survenant aucune
difficultez, nous, desirous ycelle estre
vuyde? es, vous avons donne? et donnons,
et a` ceux ainsi que vous esleuz pour
faire ladicte publication, pouvoir,
puissance et auctorite? de les accorder,
du consentement toutes voyes desditz,
trois Etats de ohaques baillage, sone-
schausse? e et jurisdiction, ou de la plus
grante et saine partie d'iceulx. "
? Id. , vol. xxi. , March 4, 1506
(p. 332): "Et neantmoins voulons
tous et ohascuns les articles qui seront
accordez par les-dits des Etats assem-
blez, comme dit est, ou la plus grande
et saine partie d'iceux, et ceux d'entre
vous qui serez commis a` la publication
desdits coustumos estre publiez, et de`s
maintenant pour lors, et de`s lors pour
maintenant les coustumes contenus en
iceux articles accordez en la manie`re
dessusdite, de nostre science, propre
mouvement, pleine puissance et auc-
torite? royale, nous avons de? cret*>>
et auctorise? , decretons et auotorisons
par ces pre? sents, et icelles voulons
inviolablement estre garde? es et obser-
ve? es, sans enfraindre, comme loi
perpetuelle, sans qu'aucun doresnavant
? ? soit rec? u a` poser ni prouver coustumes
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? CHAP, n. ] THE SOURCE AND AUTHORITY OF LAW. 239
localities and acknowledged as laws by the king, would seem
to show that in France, even in the sixteenth century,
the source of legislation must not be thought of as being
simply the royal authority.
We must, however, notice that we find some indications
of another conception of the relation of the King of France
to the law. There is a well-known declaration of the Presi-
dent of the Parlement of Paris made in the year 1527 at a
"Lit de Justice" held by Francis I. The occasion of this
was a complaint made by the Parlement about the evocation
of cases, which had been brought before it, to the Great Council
of the king. The President maintained that this was an
innovation of the reign of Louis XI.
, which had been con-
demned by the States General of Tours in 1484; but, he went
on to say, the Parlement did not intend to throw any doubt
upon the royal authority; this would be a kind of sacrilege,
for they knew well that the king was above the laws, and
that laws and ordinances could not constrain him. They
did, however, intend to say that the king ought not to do
anything that he had the power to do, but only that which
was reasonable, good, and equitable--that is, Justice. 1 The
king commanded the Parlement not to meddle with anything
except matters of justice, and not to impose any modifications
upon royal ordinances, edicts, or briefs.
We find, however, another example of the relation of
the King of France to the law, in a letter of Louis XII.
of December 1499, which expressly forbade the Parlements
of Paris, Toulouse, and other Courts to pay attention to
any dispensation which he might grant from the terms
of the Ordonnance for the administration of justice, which
he had issued in March 1499. They were to ignore such
dispensations, and in virtue of the authority of this Declaration,
1 'RecueQ des Lois Anciennes,' vol. oontraindre, et n'y Stro oontrainct par
12, No. 145 (July 1527): "Nous ne puissance co-active; mais entendons
voulous revoque? s en doute ou en dire que vous ne devez, ne voulez pas
dispute de votre puissance, ce serait devoir, tout ce que vous pouvez, ains
espece de sacrilege, et savons bien eeulement, ce qui est en raison, bon et
quo vous etes pose sur les iois, et que equitable qui n'est autre chose que
les lois et ordonnances ne vous peuvent justice. "
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? 240
THE EABLIER SIXTEENTH CENTUB. Y. [pabt ra.
to annul them, as he himself now declared them annulled and
revoked. 1 This is clearly parallel to similar provisions in
Spain.
1 'Ordonnancee,' vol. xxi. , December
1499 (p. 217): "Nous voulons et
ordonnons que a` telles lettres on n'ait
aucun regard, et de? fendons expresse? -
ment a` nos arme? s et feaux les gens
tenons nos cours de Parlement a`
Paris, Toulouse, Bordeaux, Dijon,
oschiquier de Normandie, et sem-
blablement a` tous nos justiciers et
officiers, que, par vertu ou sous couleur
de telles nos lettres de dispense, ils ne
contrarient ou contreviennent, fassent,
souffrent, ni permettent contrarier, ou
contrevenir a` nos dites ordonnances,
en quelque manie`re que ce soit, sur
peine d'estre eux-mesmes repute? s a`
nous disobeissans et infracteurs d'icelles
ordonnances; mais nos dites lettres de
dispense et derogeantes, en usant de
notre presente declaration et intention,
cassent annuitant et declarent nulles,
et de nul effet et valeur; lesquelles a`
cette fois pour quelconque cause qu'elles
soyent expedie? s, nous, de`s maintenant
et pour lors, avons casse? es revoque? es et
adnulle? e? s. "
Cf. 'Ordonnances,' vol. xxi. , March
1499, 40.
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? 241
CHAPTER III.
THE SOURCE AND NATURE OF THE AUTHORITY
OF THE RULER.
With the principles of the nature and supremacy of the Law,
which we have considered in the last chapter, in our minds,
we can now turn to the conception of the source and nature
of the authority of the Euler or Eulers, as we find it in
the earlier part of the sixteenth century in France, in Italy,
in Spain, and in England.
One of the most interesting writers, for our purpose, is
James Almain of Sens, whose work seems to us to have been
somewhat overlooked. Little seems to be known of him,
except that he was a teacher in the College of Navarre in
the University of Paris, and that he received the Doctor's
degree in 1511 and died in 1515. 1
In various treatises he dealt not only with the particular
question with which we are now concerned but with the whole
nature of political society and authority, and in order to do
justice to his principles we must take some account of his
political theory as a whole.
He distinguishes between that "Dominium Naturale"
which was given to men by God over all things, and the
"Dominium Civile" which was added after sin came into
the world, by which man has "civil" property and "juris-
diction," that is, the authority to use the material sword. 2
1 "Biographie Universelle," from 'Opera,' ed. 1606. Prima Pars):
'Dupin, Biblioth6que dee Autours 'De Dominio Naturali Civili et Ec-
Eccleeiaetiques. ' olesiastico' (col. 687).
* Jacobus Almain (in J. Qerson, "Dominium naturale, quod homini
VOL. VI. Q
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? 242
THE EARLIER SIXTEENTH CENTURY. [past III.
It is interesting to observe that Almain represents the Stoic
and Patristic conception of the origins of political society, for
he thinks of political authority and property as consequences
of sin.
This does not, however, mean that Almain denied that
political society and authority were of Divine institution.
On the contrary, he insists dogmatically in another treatise
that the lay power was just as truly derived from God as
the ecclesiastical. 1 The sacred character of political insti-
tutions was not confined to Christian communities, and he
repudiates contemptuously and as savouring of heresy the
theory, which he attributes to Innocent, that there was no
legitimate political authority outside of the Church. 2 Political
society and authority were then in the view of Almain con-
sequences of sin, but also, as the Patristic tradition held, a
Divine remedy for sin.
Almain had, however, no belief in the absolute King, or
in tho "Divine Eight" of the monarch. On the contrary,
he develops the conception of the constitutional authority
of the Community very dogmatically. In the treatise which
we cited first he maintains that a Community of men,
united with each other to form one body, has by natural
law the power of removing, even by death, any person who
disturbs the Community; and no Community can abdicate
this power any more than the individual can renounce his
right of self-preservation; the prince cannot slay any man
convenit ex dono Dei, simpliciter est
inabdicabile quantum ad cuncta;
similiter et quantum ad certam
speciem cibi ct potus in omni eventu:
rui dominio post peccatum conveniens
fuit superadds re dominium civile pro-
prietatis, similiter et jurisdiction is;
quo fungentes, executionem gladii
materials habent. "
1 Id. , ' De Potestate Ecclesiastica et
Laica,' Q. i. 1 (col. 752): "Hac occasione
quaeritur, utrum talis potestas laica
sit a Deo; et videtur quod sit, ad
Rom: xiii. 'Omnis anima sublim-
ioribus potestatibus subjecta sit,' et
scquitur in textu, 'Non est potestaa
nisi a Deo,' ideo talis potestas laica est
aequo bene a Deo, sicut potest as
spirituals. "
? Id. id. , Q. ii. 12 (ool. 8415): "Et
ad verba Innocontii, si intelligantur
quod extra ecclesiam null us habet
legitimam potestatem qua utatur
gladio materiali, ilia sapiunt haeresim;
nam et apud fideles et apud infideles,
est vera potestas laica, idem parum
cum rid um est do auctoritate Innocent ii
in proposito. "
(Innocent IV. in his 'Apparatus'
says the opposite. Ct. vol. v. p. 34. )
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? CHAP, m. ] THE AUTHORITY OF THE RULER.
243
by his own authority; as William of Paris had said: the " dom-
inium jurisdictionis" of the prince in relation to the Com-
munity is a ministerial authority, as the authority of the
priest is in relation to God. The Community cannot renounce
the authority which it possesses over the prince whom it
has established, and by this authority it can depose him if his
rule is not for edification, but for destruction, and he cites
a gloss on the "Decretum" of Gratian. He concludes that
the Community cannot in any case bestow a monarchy,
"pure regalis," that is, a monarchy in which one alone
rules, and is subject to none. 1
The same conception of political authority, as not merely
derived from, but inherent in the Community, is repeated
by Almain, in the first chapter of his work, 'De Auctoritate
1 Id. , 'De Dominio Naturali Civili
et Ecclesiastico' (col. 689): "Tertia
pars conclusionis est, quod conveniens
fuit tam dominium civile propriotatis
quam jurisdictionis superaddi dominio
naturali. Pro cujus probatione;
quaolibot communitas ad invicem
conversantium est velut unum corpus
cujus singuli alter alterius sunt membra,
juxta illud dictum Pauli ad Rom: xii.
Seeundo supponondum est, quod in
ilia communitate jure naturali est
potestas quaedam qua licite illos,
quorum vita est in perturbationem
ejus, potest a corpore praescindere,
etiam per mortem, et istud deducitur
a priori ex ratione Sancti Thomae,
ii. 2. Q. 84. . . . Secundum corol-
larium nulla communitas perfecta
hanc potostatom a so abdicare potest,
sicut neo singularis homo potestatem
quam habot, ad se consorvandum in
ease.
Tertium corollarium, Princeps non
occidit auctoritate propria, nec illam
potestatem potest ei conferre res-
publica. Hinc dicit Oulielmus Paris-
iensis, quod dominium jurisdictionis
Principum est solum ministeriale in
ordino ad communitatem, sicut dom-
inium sacerdotis, respectu re mis-
sionis peccatorum, est solum minis-
teriale in ordine ad Deum.
Quartum corollarium, non potest
renunciare communitas potestati quam
habet super suum Principem, ab ea
constitutum, qua scilicot potestate eum
(si non in aedificationem sed de-
structionem regat) deponere potest,
cum talis potestas sit naturalis: ot
istius sententiae est glossa xxiii. Q. iii.
Can: ostendet; (Gratian, Decretum,
C. xxiii. Q. iii. 11) ubi dicit, "populus
habet jurisdictionem, licet, dicat lex,
quod eam transtulit in imperatorem. "
Nam, si civitas vel populus non haberot
jurisdictionem, quare puniretur propter
dolictum judicis, xxiii. ii. 2. Can:
Dominus (Gratian, Dec: C. xxiii.
Q. ii. 2), ubi dicitur sic, "Gens et
civitas petonda est bello, quae vel
vindicare neglexerit quod a suis
improbe factum est; non enim puni-
? ? endus foret civitas nisi jurisdictionem
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? 244
[PART III.
THE EARLIER SIXTEENTH CENTURY.
Ecclesiae,' where he adds a more developed statement of the
principle that the prince has no authority of himself, nor
from God immediately, but only from the Community. 1
In the first chapter of his work, 'De Potestate Ecclesiastica
et Laica,' he affirms in more general terms that the secular
power is derived from the people, whether it passes by heredi-
tary succession or by election; in some exceptional cases
God may have bestowed it upon some man, but, regularly,
God does not do this. 2 In another place in this work he
asserts, incidentally, that the legitimate kingdom in France
was established by the agreement of the people. 3
These conceptions of Almain are obviously very significant;
he does not merely repudiate the theory of what we call the
"Divine Eight," but he looks upon political authority as
properly inherent in the Community, in such a sense that
it is really inalienable, and that an absolute monarchy cannot
properly be created by the Community. The Community
always has such authority over the prince whom it has created
that it can depose him if his rule is for destruction, otherwise
it would not have power adequate for its self-preservation.
It was this authority which the Community of the Gauls
1 Id. , 'De Auotoritate Ecclesiae,' I.
(col. 707): "Communitas confert
principi auctoritatem occidendi eos,
quorum vita in perniciem reipublicae
cedit; ergo ilia auctoritas est per
prius in communitate, cum nemo
alteri dot quod non ha bet et ante-
cedens notum est, cum princeps a se
auctoritatem illam non habeat, neo
habet eam immediate a Deo, saltem
ut in pluribus. Nam. ut dicunt doctores,
praesertim Durandus in Tractat. De
Jurisdictione Ecclesiastica, non est
intelligendum quod auctoritas regis
secularis sit a Deo sic, quod eam
immediate alicui commiserit regulariter,
sod quia secundum rectam rationem
quam Deus hominibus indidit, est
alicui commissa. Et non videtur
(cum non sit a Deo immodiate com-
missa) a quo sit principi collata nisi
ab ipsa communitate. "
1 Id. , 'De Potestate Ecclesiastica et
Laica,' Q. i. cap. 1 (col. 752): "Sed
potestas laica sive secularis est potestas
a populo, ex successione hereditaria,
vel ex electione alicui vel aliquibus
tradita regulariter, ad aedificationem
communitatis, quantum ad res civilee
secundum leges civiles, pro consequ-
tione habitationis pacificae. Primo
tangitur causa emciens et origo hujus,
scilicet 'a populo regulariter' et
licet aliquando Deus specialiter dederit
aliquibus hanc potestatem laicam, ut
Sauli . . . et Davidi . . . et aliquibus
qui utebantur ista potestate super
Israel, ut patet Judicum I. , tamen
regulariter nominem Deus instituit. "
* Id. id. , Q. i (col. 871): "Dico
quod incoepit esse legitimus rex in
Gallia, ex consensu populi, quia con-
? ? sensit populus in aliquem ut regeret. "
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? CHAP, m. ] THE AUTHORITY OF THE RULER.
245
used when they deposed the king (Chilperic), not so much
for any crime as because he was incapable. And it was the
same authority which the Israelites used against Eehoboam,
for even when God had given authority immediately, as seems
to have been the case with Saul and David, such princes
remained subject to the whole Community if they used their
authority to the destruction of the Community. 1
This does not mean that Almain was an enemy of monarchy.
In another treatise he cites the usual definition of the various
forms of government, but adds that of these the best is the
monarchy, the worst what he calls the "Censupotestas. "
And again he adds that there is no form of government which
may not be changed into another, for the form of government
belongs to the " Jus Positivum. " 2 A little further on, he goes
some way towards defining what he understood by the
monarchy. A monarchy is that form of government in which
normally one man rules, but this does not mean that there
is no assembly which is over him, and can depose him, but
while in the "Communitates" the assembly is constantly in
being, and ruling, that is not so in the monarchy.
? CHAP. II. ] THE SOURCE AND AUTHORITY OF LAW.
235
munis). It is the judges who decide what are general customs,
and it is these, together with the "Maxims," which form
the greater part of the law of England, and the king,
therefore, at his coronation, swears that he will faithfully
obey them. 1
The fifth foundation of the law of England St Germans
finds in the local customs of different parts of the country,
and these have the force of law even against the general
customs and maxims, inasmuch as they are not contrary to
Eeason and the Divine Law. They are determined not by
the judges but by the "Patria," and he cites as examples
the customs of Gavelkind and Borough English. 2
It is deserving of notice that St Germans maintains that
it is from custom that the great Courts, the Chancellor's, the
King's Bench, the Common Pleas, the Exchequer, and also
certain lesser Courts such as those of the manor and the
county, have their origin and authority; there is, he says,
no written law concerning their institution, but they belong
to the ancient custom of the country and could not be changed
1 Id. id. , cap. vii. (fol. 21):
"Tertium fundamentum legis Angliae
habetur ex diversis consuetudinibus
generalibus per totum regnum Angliae
ex antiquo tempore usitatis, per dom-
inum regem et progenitores suos, et
eorum subditis, accept is et approbatis.
Et quia consuetudines illae nec contra
legem divinam, nec contra rationem
in aliquo existunt, et pro bono communi
totius regni, ex earum diuturnitate
censentur fore necessaria, vim legis re.
tinent. Et hae sint illae consuetudines
quae proprie dicuntur lex communis.
Et semper determinari oportet per
judices utrum sit talis lex sive con-
suetudo generalis, ut pretenditur vel
non, et non per patriam. Et ex istis
consuetudinibus generalibus et aliis
principiis sive maximis legis Angliae
de quibus inferius dicetur, dependit
maxima pars legis Angliae. Et ideo
Do minus rex in coronations sua, inter
alia, aacramentum praestat speciale
quod omnes consuetudines regni fideliter
observet. "
? Id. id. , cap. ix. (fol. 32) -.
"Quintum fundamentum legis Angliae
stat diversis consuetudinibus par-
tioularibus in diversis patriis, villis,
dominiis et civitatibus regni usitatis;
quae quidem consuetudines particulares,
quia non sunt contra rationem, neque
contra legem divinam, licet predictis
generalibus consuetudinibus sive max-
imis legis contrarientur, tamen vim
legis retinent. sed si dubium in-
surgat; inter partes in Curia Regis,
utrum talis sit consuetudo particularis,
vel non, non debet semper determinari
per judices utrum sit talis consuetudo
vel non, ut de predictis consuetudinibus
generalibus sive maximis superius
dictis fieri debet, nisi in paucis con-
suetudinibus particularibus sufficientor
ex recordo in Curia Regis oonditis
et approbatis, set debet triari per
? ? patriam. "
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? 236
[PABT m.
THE EARLIER SIXTEENTH CENTURY.
except by Parliament. 1 And it is equally important to
notice that he maintains that it was by the custom of the
kingdom that no one could be judged except according to the
"lex terrae. " This custom was confirmed (not made) by
Magna Carta. 2
Finally, St Germans states the sixth foundation of English
law as consisting of various statutes made by the king and his
ministers, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and the "Com-
munitas" of the whole kingdom in Parliament, when the
Law of Eeason and the Law of Customs and Maxims are
not sufficient. 3
St Germans' treatment of English law is then highly
important for several reasons. He has the same conception
as Bracton that law is not primarily an enactment, but a
custom; and while he is clear, with Bracton and Fortescue,
that the deliberate judgment and will of the whole community,
the king and nobles, with the representatives of the people
in Parliament, can make laws, and can change ancient
customs, it is only the whole community which can do
this; the king has indeed his part, but he cannot legislate
alone. *
When we turn to France, the evidence is more complicated,
1 Id. id. , cap. vii. (fol. xxiii. ): parium suorum, et per legem terrae. "
"De earum instii utione ut scilicet tales * Id. id. , cap. x. (fol. xxxiv. ):
Curiae fiant, nulla lex scripta in legibus "Sextum fundamentum legis Angliae
Angliae habetur, nam earum institutio stat in diversis Statutis per dominum
solum ex antiqua consuetudine Rogni Regem et progenitores suos, et per
dependit, quae etiam consuetudo dominos spirituales et temporales, et
tantae auctoritatis habetur, quod non per communitatem totius rogni, in
possunt Curiae illae, nec earum parliament is edit is. ubi lex rationis, lex
auctoritates alterari, nec earum nomina divina, consuetudines, maxima, sive
mutari absque Parliamento. " alia fundamenta legis Angliae prius
* Id. id. id. (fol. xxiii. ): "Item sufficere minime videbantur. Et ultra
ex antiqua consuetudine Rogni habetur haec fundamenta legis Angliae alia
quod nullus mittetur ad respondendum, me legisse non meminor. "
neo judicetur nisi secundum legem 4 There are a few but important
terrae. Et haec consuetudo firmatur references to the principle of the
per Magnam Cartam, cap. xxvi. , ubi supremacy of law in Thomas Starkey's
sic habetur. Nullus liber homo 'Dialogue between Cardinal Pole and
capietur, aut imprisonetur, aut dis- Thomas Lupsot,' but it will be more
saisietur, aut alio modo destruetur, convenient to deal with these in a later
neo super eum ibimus nec super cum chapter, when we consider the nature
mittemus, nisi per legale judicium and source of the authority of the Ruler.
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? CHAP, n. ] THE SOURCE AND AUTHORITY OF LAW. 237
especially for the reason that in France we must always take
account of the Provincial Estates as well as of the States
General.
We may at once notice some references to the customs and
constitutions of the great provinces. In the Letters Patent,
issued in 1498 by Louis XII. on the occasion of his marriage
with Anne of Brittany, he confirms the rights and liberties
of the Duchy, and assures them that if there were good reason
for making some change in their customs and constitutions,
it should be done by the "Parlements " and assemblies of its
Estates as had always been the custom. 1
In the Ordinances issued by Louis XII. in 1499 for the
reorganisation of the Exchequer Court of Normandy, it is
said that for this purpose he had summoned an Assembly
of prelates, barons, lords, the greater part of the "Baillifs"
of the province, and the men of the three Estates. 2 In 1601
Louis XII. issued an ordinance about " Weights and Measures"
in Languedoc, after deliberation with his Council, by his
full power and royal authority, but it should be observed
that he does this on the petition of the three Estates of
Languedoc. 3
1 'Ordonnances,' vol. xxi. Jon. 7,
1498 (9) (p. 151): "C'est a` savoir que
en tant que touche de garder et
conduire le pays de Bretagne et les
subjets d'iceux en leurs droits, libertez,
franchises, usaiges, coustumes et tailles,
tant aux frais de l'Eglise, de la Justice,
comme Chancellerie, Conseil, Parlement,
Chambre do Comptes, Tre? sorerie ge? ne? r-
alle, et autres de la noblesse et comun
peuple, en manie`re que aucune nouvelle
loi ou constitution n'y soit faite, fors
en la manie`re acooustume? e par les
rois, et ducs pre? decesseurs de notre
dite cousine, la Duchesse de Bretagne
. . . (7. ) Item, et en tant que peut
toucher s'il advenist que de bonne
raison, il y eut quoique cause de faire
mutacions, particulie`rement en aug-
mentant, diminuant, ou interpretant
lesdits droits, coustumes, constitutions
ou etablissemens, que ce soit par les
parlements et assemble? es des Esta^t*
dudit pays, ainsi que de tout tems
est accoustume? , et que autrement ne
soit fait; nous voulons et entendons
que ainsi se fasse, appelez toutes
voyos les gens des trois estats de
Bretagne. "
? Id. id. , April 1499 (p. 218):
"Pour pourveoir a` laquelle chose
ayons mande? , assemble? plusieurs pre? lats
barons, soigneurs, et la plus grande
partie des baillifs dudit pays, avec les
gens des trois Estats d'iceluy. "
? Id. id. , July 1501 (p. 27>>):
"Nous avons receu l'humble supplica-
tion de chiers et bien amez gens des
Trois Estats de Languedoc. . . . Par
la tenure de ces pre? sentes, de notre
grace especial, plein pouvoir et auc-
torite? royal, statuons et ordonnons
par edict, statut, et ordonnance per-
? ? petuelle et irrevocable, que desormais
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? 238
THE EARLIER SIXTEENTH CENTURY. [PART III.
Perhaps, however, the most significant reference to the
nature and source of law in France is contained in the Ordin-
ances of Charles VJJUL. and Louis XII. , providing for the
collection and publication of the customs of the different
parts of the kingdom. Charles VIII. in 1497 appointed a
Commission to collect, correct, and adapt these customs,
but they were to be collected with the advice of the men of
all classes in each district, and to be published with the con-
sent of the three Estates of each district or the larger and
wiser part of them. 1 In 1505 Louis XII. again appointed
a Commission to carry this out, for it apparently had never
been completed. The three Estates were to be called together
in each Bailliage, and the king declared by his full power and
royal authority that the customs, as agreed upon by these
Estates, should be perpetually kept and observed as laws. 2
This treatment of the customs of different parts of
France, as determined by the representatives of the different
en tous et chacune des villes, lieux
et places de not mlit pays de Languedoc,
soit use? desdits poix de balance, &c. "
1 Id. , vol. xxi. , September 1497
(p. 7): "Eussions despiec? a`, mande?
aux bailiffz, seneschaux et autres
juges de notre royaume, appelez
avec eux chacun en sa jurisdiction
los gens d'Eglise, nobles, nos officiers,
praticiens et aultres gens de bien en ce
cognoissans, ils vissent et visitassent
lesdites coutumes; et ioelles, en-
semble leur ad vis, de ce quil leur
semblera y debvoir estre corrige? ,
adjute? , diminue? , nous envoyassent, ce
que est ete? fait. . . . Et assemblable-
ment en a este? donne? conclusion sur
votre dit advis, et ne reste qua les
faire publier en chascun desdits
baillages, senechausse? es et jurisdic-
tions. . . . Et ne? anmoins s'en faisant
ladicte publication y survenant aucune
difficultez, nous, desirous ycelle estre
vuyde? es, vous avons donne? et donnons,
et a` ceux ainsi que vous esleuz pour
faire ladicte publication, pouvoir,
puissance et auctorite? de les accorder,
du consentement toutes voyes desditz,
trois Etats de ohaques baillage, sone-
schausse? e et jurisdiction, ou de la plus
grante et saine partie d'iceulx. "
? Id. , vol. xxi. , March 4, 1506
(p. 332): "Et neantmoins voulons
tous et ohascuns les articles qui seront
accordez par les-dits des Etats assem-
blez, comme dit est, ou la plus grande
et saine partie d'iceux, et ceux d'entre
vous qui serez commis a` la publication
desdits coustumos estre publiez, et de`s
maintenant pour lors, et de`s lors pour
maintenant les coustumes contenus en
iceux articles accordez en la manie`re
dessusdite, de nostre science, propre
mouvement, pleine puissance et auc-
torite? royale, nous avons de? cret*>>
et auctorise? , decretons et auotorisons
par ces pre? sents, et icelles voulons
inviolablement estre garde? es et obser-
ve? es, sans enfraindre, comme loi
perpetuelle, sans qu'aucun doresnavant
? ? soit rec? u a` poser ni prouver coustumes
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? CHAP, n. ] THE SOURCE AND AUTHORITY OF LAW. 239
localities and acknowledged as laws by the king, would seem
to show that in France, even in the sixteenth century,
the source of legislation must not be thought of as being
simply the royal authority.
We must, however, notice that we find some indications
of another conception of the relation of the King of France
to the law. There is a well-known declaration of the Presi-
dent of the Parlement of Paris made in the year 1527 at a
"Lit de Justice" held by Francis I. The occasion of this
was a complaint made by the Parlement about the evocation
of cases, which had been brought before it, to the Great Council
of the king. The President maintained that this was an
innovation of the reign of Louis XI.
, which had been con-
demned by the States General of Tours in 1484; but, he went
on to say, the Parlement did not intend to throw any doubt
upon the royal authority; this would be a kind of sacrilege,
for they knew well that the king was above the laws, and
that laws and ordinances could not constrain him. They
did, however, intend to say that the king ought not to do
anything that he had the power to do, but only that which
was reasonable, good, and equitable--that is, Justice. 1 The
king commanded the Parlement not to meddle with anything
except matters of justice, and not to impose any modifications
upon royal ordinances, edicts, or briefs.
We find, however, another example of the relation of
the King of France to the law, in a letter of Louis XII.
of December 1499, which expressly forbade the Parlements
of Paris, Toulouse, and other Courts to pay attention to
any dispensation which he might grant from the terms
of the Ordonnance for the administration of justice, which
he had issued in March 1499. They were to ignore such
dispensations, and in virtue of the authority of this Declaration,
1 'RecueQ des Lois Anciennes,' vol. oontraindre, et n'y Stro oontrainct par
12, No. 145 (July 1527): "Nous ne puissance co-active; mais entendons
voulous revoque? s en doute ou en dire que vous ne devez, ne voulez pas
dispute de votre puissance, ce serait devoir, tout ce que vous pouvez, ains
espece de sacrilege, et savons bien eeulement, ce qui est en raison, bon et
quo vous etes pose sur les iois, et que equitable qui n'est autre chose que
les lois et ordonnances ne vous peuvent justice. "
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? 240
THE EABLIER SIXTEENTH CENTUB. Y. [pabt ra.
to annul them, as he himself now declared them annulled and
revoked. 1 This is clearly parallel to similar provisions in
Spain.
1 'Ordonnancee,' vol. xxi. , December
1499 (p. 217): "Nous voulons et
ordonnons que a` telles lettres on n'ait
aucun regard, et de? fendons expresse? -
ment a` nos arme? s et feaux les gens
tenons nos cours de Parlement a`
Paris, Toulouse, Bordeaux, Dijon,
oschiquier de Normandie, et sem-
blablement a` tous nos justiciers et
officiers, que, par vertu ou sous couleur
de telles nos lettres de dispense, ils ne
contrarient ou contreviennent, fassent,
souffrent, ni permettent contrarier, ou
contrevenir a` nos dites ordonnances,
en quelque manie`re que ce soit, sur
peine d'estre eux-mesmes repute? s a`
nous disobeissans et infracteurs d'icelles
ordonnances; mais nos dites lettres de
dispense et derogeantes, en usant de
notre presente declaration et intention,
cassent annuitant et declarent nulles,
et de nul effet et valeur; lesquelles a`
cette fois pour quelconque cause qu'elles
soyent expedie? s, nous, de`s maintenant
et pour lors, avons casse? es revoque? es et
adnulle? e? s. "
Cf. 'Ordonnances,' vol. xxi. , March
1499, 40.
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? 241
CHAPTER III.
THE SOURCE AND NATURE OF THE AUTHORITY
OF THE RULER.
With the principles of the nature and supremacy of the Law,
which we have considered in the last chapter, in our minds,
we can now turn to the conception of the source and nature
of the authority of the Euler or Eulers, as we find it in
the earlier part of the sixteenth century in France, in Italy,
in Spain, and in England.
One of the most interesting writers, for our purpose, is
James Almain of Sens, whose work seems to us to have been
somewhat overlooked. Little seems to be known of him,
except that he was a teacher in the College of Navarre in
the University of Paris, and that he received the Doctor's
degree in 1511 and died in 1515. 1
In various treatises he dealt not only with the particular
question with which we are now concerned but with the whole
nature of political society and authority, and in order to do
justice to his principles we must take some account of his
political theory as a whole.
He distinguishes between that "Dominium Naturale"
which was given to men by God over all things, and the
"Dominium Civile" which was added after sin came into
the world, by which man has "civil" property and "juris-
diction," that is, the authority to use the material sword. 2
1 "Biographie Universelle," from 'Opera,' ed. 1606. Prima Pars):
'Dupin, Biblioth6que dee Autours 'De Dominio Naturali Civili et Ec-
Eccleeiaetiques. ' olesiastico' (col. 687).
* Jacobus Almain (in J. Qerson, "Dominium naturale, quod homini
VOL. VI. Q
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? 242
THE EARLIER SIXTEENTH CENTURY. [past III.
It is interesting to observe that Almain represents the Stoic
and Patristic conception of the origins of political society, for
he thinks of political authority and property as consequences
of sin.
This does not, however, mean that Almain denied that
political society and authority were of Divine institution.
On the contrary, he insists dogmatically in another treatise
that the lay power was just as truly derived from God as
the ecclesiastical. 1 The sacred character of political insti-
tutions was not confined to Christian communities, and he
repudiates contemptuously and as savouring of heresy the
theory, which he attributes to Innocent, that there was no
legitimate political authority outside of the Church. 2 Political
society and authority were then in the view of Almain con-
sequences of sin, but also, as the Patristic tradition held, a
Divine remedy for sin.
Almain had, however, no belief in the absolute King, or
in tho "Divine Eight" of the monarch. On the contrary,
he develops the conception of the constitutional authority
of the Community very dogmatically. In the treatise which
we cited first he maintains that a Community of men,
united with each other to form one body, has by natural
law the power of removing, even by death, any person who
disturbs the Community; and no Community can abdicate
this power any more than the individual can renounce his
right of self-preservation; the prince cannot slay any man
convenit ex dono Dei, simpliciter est
inabdicabile quantum ad cuncta;
similiter et quantum ad certam
speciem cibi ct potus in omni eventu:
rui dominio post peccatum conveniens
fuit superadds re dominium civile pro-
prietatis, similiter et jurisdiction is;
quo fungentes, executionem gladii
materials habent. "
1 Id. , ' De Potestate Ecclesiastica et
Laica,' Q. i. 1 (col. 752): "Hac occasione
quaeritur, utrum talis potestas laica
sit a Deo; et videtur quod sit, ad
Rom: xiii. 'Omnis anima sublim-
ioribus potestatibus subjecta sit,' et
scquitur in textu, 'Non est potestaa
nisi a Deo,' ideo talis potestas laica est
aequo bene a Deo, sicut potest as
spirituals. "
? Id. id. , Q. ii. 12 (ool. 8415): "Et
ad verba Innocontii, si intelligantur
quod extra ecclesiam null us habet
legitimam potestatem qua utatur
gladio materiali, ilia sapiunt haeresim;
nam et apud fideles et apud infideles,
est vera potestas laica, idem parum
cum rid um est do auctoritate Innocent ii
in proposito. "
(Innocent IV. in his 'Apparatus'
says the opposite. Ct. vol. v. p. 34. )
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? CHAP, m. ] THE AUTHORITY OF THE RULER.
243
by his own authority; as William of Paris had said: the " dom-
inium jurisdictionis" of the prince in relation to the Com-
munity is a ministerial authority, as the authority of the
priest is in relation to God. The Community cannot renounce
the authority which it possesses over the prince whom it
has established, and by this authority it can depose him if his
rule is not for edification, but for destruction, and he cites
a gloss on the "Decretum" of Gratian. He concludes that
the Community cannot in any case bestow a monarchy,
"pure regalis," that is, a monarchy in which one alone
rules, and is subject to none. 1
The same conception of political authority, as not merely
derived from, but inherent in the Community, is repeated
by Almain, in the first chapter of his work, 'De Auctoritate
1 Id. , 'De Dominio Naturali Civili
et Ecclesiastico' (col. 689): "Tertia
pars conclusionis est, quod conveniens
fuit tam dominium civile propriotatis
quam jurisdictionis superaddi dominio
naturali. Pro cujus probatione;
quaolibot communitas ad invicem
conversantium est velut unum corpus
cujus singuli alter alterius sunt membra,
juxta illud dictum Pauli ad Rom: xii.
Seeundo supponondum est, quod in
ilia communitate jure naturali est
potestas quaedam qua licite illos,
quorum vita est in perturbationem
ejus, potest a corpore praescindere,
etiam per mortem, et istud deducitur
a priori ex ratione Sancti Thomae,
ii. 2. Q. 84. . . . Secundum corol-
larium nulla communitas perfecta
hanc potostatom a so abdicare potest,
sicut neo singularis homo potestatem
quam habot, ad se consorvandum in
ease.
Tertium corollarium, Princeps non
occidit auctoritate propria, nec illam
potestatem potest ei conferre res-
publica. Hinc dicit Oulielmus Paris-
iensis, quod dominium jurisdictionis
Principum est solum ministeriale in
ordino ad communitatem, sicut dom-
inium sacerdotis, respectu re mis-
sionis peccatorum, est solum minis-
teriale in ordine ad Deum.
Quartum corollarium, non potest
renunciare communitas potestati quam
habet super suum Principem, ab ea
constitutum, qua scilicot potestate eum
(si non in aedificationem sed de-
structionem regat) deponere potest,
cum talis potestas sit naturalis: ot
istius sententiae est glossa xxiii. Q. iii.
Can: ostendet; (Gratian, Decretum,
C. xxiii. Q. iii. 11) ubi dicit, "populus
habet jurisdictionem, licet, dicat lex,
quod eam transtulit in imperatorem. "
Nam, si civitas vel populus non haberot
jurisdictionem, quare puniretur propter
dolictum judicis, xxiii. ii. 2. Can:
Dominus (Gratian, Dec: C. xxiii.
Q. ii. 2), ubi dicitur sic, "Gens et
civitas petonda est bello, quae vel
vindicare neglexerit quod a suis
improbe factum est; non enim puni-
? ? endus foret civitas nisi jurisdictionem
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? 244
[PART III.
THE EARLIER SIXTEENTH CENTURY.
Ecclesiae,' where he adds a more developed statement of the
principle that the prince has no authority of himself, nor
from God immediately, but only from the Community. 1
In the first chapter of his work, 'De Potestate Ecclesiastica
et Laica,' he affirms in more general terms that the secular
power is derived from the people, whether it passes by heredi-
tary succession or by election; in some exceptional cases
God may have bestowed it upon some man, but, regularly,
God does not do this. 2 In another place in this work he
asserts, incidentally, that the legitimate kingdom in France
was established by the agreement of the people. 3
These conceptions of Almain are obviously very significant;
he does not merely repudiate the theory of what we call the
"Divine Eight," but he looks upon political authority as
properly inherent in the Community, in such a sense that
it is really inalienable, and that an absolute monarchy cannot
properly be created by the Community. The Community
always has such authority over the prince whom it has created
that it can depose him if his rule is for destruction, otherwise
it would not have power adequate for its self-preservation.
It was this authority which the Community of the Gauls
1 Id. , 'De Auotoritate Ecclesiae,' I.
(col. 707): "Communitas confert
principi auctoritatem occidendi eos,
quorum vita in perniciem reipublicae
cedit; ergo ilia auctoritas est per
prius in communitate, cum nemo
alteri dot quod non ha bet et ante-
cedens notum est, cum princeps a se
auctoritatem illam non habeat, neo
habet eam immediate a Deo, saltem
ut in pluribus. Nam. ut dicunt doctores,
praesertim Durandus in Tractat. De
Jurisdictione Ecclesiastica, non est
intelligendum quod auctoritas regis
secularis sit a Deo sic, quod eam
immediate alicui commiserit regulariter,
sod quia secundum rectam rationem
quam Deus hominibus indidit, est
alicui commissa. Et non videtur
(cum non sit a Deo immodiate com-
missa) a quo sit principi collata nisi
ab ipsa communitate. "
1 Id. , 'De Potestate Ecclesiastica et
Laica,' Q. i. cap. 1 (col. 752): "Sed
potestas laica sive secularis est potestas
a populo, ex successione hereditaria,
vel ex electione alicui vel aliquibus
tradita regulariter, ad aedificationem
communitatis, quantum ad res civilee
secundum leges civiles, pro consequ-
tione habitationis pacificae. Primo
tangitur causa emciens et origo hujus,
scilicet 'a populo regulariter' et
licet aliquando Deus specialiter dederit
aliquibus hanc potestatem laicam, ut
Sauli . . . et Davidi . . . et aliquibus
qui utebantur ista potestate super
Israel, ut patet Judicum I. , tamen
regulariter nominem Deus instituit. "
* Id. id. , Q. i (col. 871): "Dico
quod incoepit esse legitimus rex in
Gallia, ex consensu populi, quia con-
? ? sensit populus in aliquem ut regeret. "
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? CHAP, m. ] THE AUTHORITY OF THE RULER.
245
used when they deposed the king (Chilperic), not so much
for any crime as because he was incapable. And it was the
same authority which the Israelites used against Eehoboam,
for even when God had given authority immediately, as seems
to have been the case with Saul and David, such princes
remained subject to the whole Community if they used their
authority to the destruction of the Community. 1
This does not mean that Almain was an enemy of monarchy.
In another treatise he cites the usual definition of the various
forms of government, but adds that of these the best is the
monarchy, the worst what he calls the "Censupotestas. "
And again he adds that there is no form of government which
may not be changed into another, for the form of government
belongs to the " Jus Positivum. " 2 A little further on, he goes
some way towards defining what he understood by the
monarchy. A monarchy is that form of government in which
normally one man rules, but this does not mean that there
is no assembly which is over him, and can depose him, but
while in the "Communitates" the assembly is constantly in
being, and ruling, that is not so in the monarchy.
