Buddhism, Taoism, poetry and painting had all
flourished
since the Han, and the Ti?
Like-Water-or-Clouds-The-Tang-Dynasty
?
?
the Templei?
describes the ten stages of perception, the progression towards Nirvana.
His poems e?
Meditationi?
, e?
The Reclusei?
and e?
From the Mountaini?
clearly show his affiliation to the Chi?
an School of meditation rather than to the Pure Land School of the Bodhisattvas but both aspects probably claimed his allegiance.
The poem e?
How Finei?
blends both Taoist and Buddhist perception.
Taoism is the harmonious beauty of nature and spontaneous art, outside worldly commitment.
Buddhism is the e?
emptyi?
Refuge beyond the visible world.
It is clear that Wang Weii? s spiritually serious temperament struggled in attempting to relinquish those deep feelings that are obvious in his poems, and that overwhelmed him at the time of his wifei? s and motheri? s deaths. As a Confucian trained official he felt a duty to exercise his great talents on behalf of the State, and always returned to State service, though he never occupied the very highest offices. As a Taoist artist he used his Wang River retreat to
110
? ? ? ? ? ? ? reconcile himself to Nature, and his poetry, painting and music as a means of cultivating the spirit of concordance with the Vortex. But as he grew older his deepest yearnings may have been for release from the pain and burden of existence. If being in the world is like a hand grasping, and craving like a fist formed by desire and greed, then Nirvana is the opening of the hand, the vanishing of the fist, the disappearance of e? names and formsi? .
Chi? an and Taoist thinking merged. In the late Ti? ang Chinese commentators on the Dharmadatu, the culmination of Indian Mahayana thinking, expressed the view that harmony is achieved when everything is left to be freely and spontaneously itself. There is no conflict or obstruction (? :? ,? ) between things and events (8? ? ? ), or between them and their underlying reality(? ? ). This Buddhist concept is clearly a restatement of the Tao and the Myriad Creatures, the Vortex, and the continuity of flow. The Vortex is thus also the Void, and Samsara
111
? and Nirvana, reality and its extinction, are one when naming and analysis ceases. Again the Six Precepts of Tilopa declare: e? Without mind, without meditation, without analysis, without practice, without the will, let it all be so. i? This is the Taoist 9? :? ? ,3, the e? naturali? or e? spontaneousi? inner meaning of things and events.
Chi? an Buddhism is e? Beyond any doctrine: apart from all tradition: not based on words or scriptures: a direct pointing at the human mind - seeing into our nature, achieving Nirvana. i? Hui- neng (637-713AD) the Sixth and greatest Patriarch of the Chi? an School expressed that sudden pointing that is the awakening (8,947? ? ? of Zen. A humble man he became the successor to Hung-jan the Fifth Patriarch through answering a poem written on the wall by Shen-hsiu.
e? The body is the Bodhi Tree, the mind is a bright mirror. i? Shen-hsiui? s poem ran, e? Clean the mirror, and allow no dust to cling. i? Hui-nengi? s reply pointed instead to the illusion of 2,? , and the error of seeing the world as e? names and
112
? formsi? . e? There is no Bodhi Tree. There is no shining mirror. At root no things exist. How can the dust cling? i?
His attitude was to abandon useless meditation, to remove the barriers, to avoid stirring the thoughts. e? Carry water, chop woodi? . That was all that e? sitting in meditationi? required, involving neither sitting nor meditation. And the Great Void for Hui-neng is the Taoist nameless space-time of sun, moon, earth and stars. The mind is this Void where thoughts and feelings pass like the birds in the sky without leaving a trace.
Energies, particles, within their probability waves, leap, randomly, out of the seething ocean of quantum reality only when they are observed. The Void shines. The Vortex pours. Unobserved reality allows only the potentiality of discrete entities at the quantum level. Particles are neither here nor there. They are everywhere, with some probability or possibility of being. The torrent of energies is also the cloud of particles. ? :3? 8? :? ,
113
? cloud and water, is a common term for the student of Zen Buddhism, who must wander like a cloud, and flow like water. e? What is the Tao? i? asked the Governor of Lang, of Yao-shan. Yao- shan pointed up to the sky, and then down at a dish of water. Asked what he meant, he replied e? Cloud in the sky, water in the dish. i?
In Wang Wei, Buddhist and Taoist quietism and the deep love of nature converge. His poems exist in the Void and the Vortex. They point at human life within Nature but without analysis. Their luminous stillness refrains from describing. It declares and evokes. They require a slow attention from the reader. They avoid the demonstrative. They have neither the mature worldly engagement of Tu Fu, nor the brightly lit flickering movement of Li Po. They are Yin to Lii? s Yang. They are inwardness to match Tui? s outwardness. There is a gentle sadness perceptible in his work, so delicately poised that it never becomes negativity. He is the darkness (hs ? an) of the Tao, as he portrays himself in a
114
? poem e? From the Wang River Scrolli? , playing his music in the bamboo grove hidden from all except the Moon. e? There is a thing that holds up the heavens and supports the earth. i? says Ti? ung- shan, e? It is black like lacquer, and it moves continually. i?
As the poem e? White Hairsi? says, Wang Wei knew what it was to be e? hurt by lifei? . He was a man of profound feelings who was able to enter into and use solitude, as he would have used the unpainted silk of the empty background in his paintings. e? Understanding the depths of landscapei? , he says in e? Pa Passi? e? even here I am never lonely. i? Cold, cloud, thin rain, shadows, water, evening, soft breezes, deep woods, pale light, cool air, peach blossoms and moonlight. This is Wang Wei.
? ? ? 115
? ? 250747? ? 8Q,3? 98:3?
Emperor Hs ? an-tsung came to the Imperial Ti? ang throne in 712 AD, the year of Tu Fui? s birth, and his Court was soon the focal point for a high culture. The early years of his reign saw him exercise a tight grip on government. The power of his imperial relatives who had gained from the influence of the Empress Wu was curbed. He ordered a new census, and reformed the equal field system designed to share out the land, a State resource, between families, in order to increase the tax revenues. The aim, when the system had been initiated by the Northern Wei government in 486AD, was to bring all land into cultivation, to provide stability, to prevent monopoly ownership by the rich and powerful, and to ensure that as many families as possible were brought into the taxation system. Taxes were levied in grain and cloth.
116
? ? The Emperor set up an outer ring of military provinces along the western and northern borders with substantial devolved authority being given to the commanders. Within the strengthened frontiers economic development was rapid, particularly in the south. River transport enabled the tea trade for example to spread throughout the country, turning tea from a medicinal herb to an everyday drink. The southern ports grew to support the extensive sea trade across South-East Asia and along the coastlines. By the middle of the eighth century the previously lightly populated south had as many people living in it as the north.
The Emperor encouraged the codification of State ritual and had a broad-minded interest in philosophy and religion. Teachers of various systems including Buddhism, Taoism, and even the esoteric Tantric Buddhism were welcome at his Court. Elite families still dominated Court circles but leavened with officials who had entered service through the examination system.
117
? Educated men understood Taoism, Buddhism and Confucianism, were drawn to the arts and scholarship, and had the leisure to practice them. Ancient texts were collected and treasured. Poetry was an accomplishment of a gentleman, and every civilised man could turn out a suitable poem on a friendi? s departure for a journey. While travel was still time-consuming and arduous, and communications difficult, the improved road and canal system, with its established post stations, and the massive volume of river traffic, allowed movement in relative safety. Leisure trips and official duties encouraged a criss-crossing of the vast country.
The political stability of the first thirty years of the reign with war limited to the northern and western borders, peace within the inner Empire, a strengthened code of laws, and rapid economic growth stimulated a brief golden age.
It was a Renaissance in the sense of re- creating the unified vigorous Empire of the Han Dynasty, though a great deal of cultural
118
? development had continued in the fragmented Period of Division.
Buddhism, Taoism, poetry and painting had all flourished since the Han, and the Ti? ang was a recipient of this. The Ti? ang Renaissance could look back towards an earlier Classic civilisation and its great men, and could blend together the three streams of moral and spiritual thought represented by Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism. There is a flavour of the Florentine Renaissancei? s stimulus at the re- awakening knowledge of Greece and Rome, and its parallel blending of Christianity, and Classicism with Secular and Pagan cultural streams.
As in the West an emphasis on the golden age can lead to a wrong belief that other periods were times of total cultural darkness. Decentralised fragmentation gave a freedom and variety that was a stimulus to complex development. Just as the intellectual life of the Middle Ages already presaged the Italian, French and English Renaissances, so the periods
119
? either side of the Ti? ang were fruitful in less spectacular ways. Nevertheless Ti? ang China was a high point. Japanese, Korean and Vietnamese culture benefited from the contact with China. Heian Japan modelled parts of its Court culture on the Chinese example. Chinese poetry, paintings and history were admired and studied. There is a parallel with the adoption of French culture within nineteenth century Russian aristocratic circles.
To promote and sponsor new poetry and calligraphy and provide the Court with a Ti? ang literature, Hs ? an-tsung set up the Han-lin Academy, the e? Forest of Writing Brushesi? . The Academy was responsible for example for drafting significant State documents. Distinguished poets joined the Court and celebrated Imperial life in their verses. Li Po arrived in Chi? ang-an in 742 at the age of forty- one to become a member of the group. e? I rode a horse from the Emperori? s stables, with silvered stirrups and a jade-studded saddle. I slept in an
120
? ivory bed, sat on a mat of silk, ate from golden dishes. People who had once ignored me now came humbly to pay their respects. i? Classed amongst the professional men and therefore of relatively lowly status, Li wrote occasional pieces, private poems of drinking and farewell, public poems celebrating the beauty of the Imperial parks, and the ladies of the Court. The e? Three Poems on Winei? are from this time.
Music and dance, song and mime, were also Court arts. There were dance schools in the Spring Gardens and in the Pear Garden inside the Imperial Palace. Tu Fu writes nostalgically about the greatest dancer of the eighth century Lady Kung-sun performing mime and dance steps originating west of the Yangtze. The Taoist ideals of spontaneity, natural flow, concentration of the attuned spirit, and controlled impulsiveness run through the arts. Her fluid and dynamic dance style for example influenced the calligraphic writing of large hanging inscriptions, which demanded similar initial
121
? ? pent-up concentration, fluid style, brilliant attack, and physical agility, its flowing continuity suddenly brought to rest, as Tu Fu says e? like the cold light on a frozen riveri? . Such calligraphy was compared to whales arching from the sea: snakes winding through tall grass: lashing rain or silk threads blown by the wind: giant creepers hanging from vast cliffs brushing the autumn pools: or black dragons ascending from a darkened ocean into the winding immensities of night.
Sometime in the late 730i? s after the death of a favourite concubine, which at first left him inconsolable, Hs ? an-tsung, who had many consorts, became infatuated with Yang Y ? -huan. She was the young wife of one of his sons, beautiful and skilled in music. Now and later he was obsessed, by her and her memory. She became the Favourite Concubine, Yang Kuei-fei. Before her formal entry into the Palace as consort in 745AD she was installed as a Taoist nun in a convent in the Palace grounds.
122
? The Emperori? s obsession with her brought her family and favourites power. The Chief Minister Li Lin-fu exercised almost absolute control from now till his death in 752 and the Emperor relinquished government, spending his time in entertainment and extravagance with his beloved concubine, indulging in esoteric and erotic practices that promised immortality, or promoting military campaigns designed to win glory. Li Lin-fu, an uneducated man ran an oppressive regime, his opponents condemned on flimsy charges and done to death by roving executioners. Li Yung a friend of Tu Fu and Li Po was killed in this way through implication in a supposed plot to dethrone the Emperor. Li Po writing of a melancholy visit to Li Yungi? s former house says e? Even the trees he planted in his life have entered Nirvana, untouched by spring. '
The tenor of the reign had altered from controlled excellence and even austerity to reckless extravagance and political corruption.
123
? Increased taxation to fill the revenues and fund the military expeditions was combined with self- serving officials who used influence alone to gain wealth and power. The Confucian ideals were becoming lost. It is not too fanciful to find echoes of Tudor England not only in the cultural Renaissance but also here in the troubled, distracted and oppressive atmosphere at the end of Elizabethi? s reign. The Military build-up on the borders, combined with devolved authority vested in non-Chinese generals supposedly without political affiliation, created a dangerous alternative power-base. Equally the costly wars of attrition did not go well. In 751 China suffered two great defeats one in Y ? nnan to the north and one in distant Turkestan at the battle of the Talas River. In Y ? nnan the untrained soldiers of the levy were e? frightened human beings not fighting meni? and died of malaria like flies. At the Talas River the army was caught between Turkish and Arabic forces and most of the men were lost. The pain of military disaster and wari? s
124
? inhumanity is present in the poetry, in Li Poi? s e? We Fought for - South of The Wallsi? , in Tu Fui? s e? Ballad of the War Wagonsi? and e? The Homecomingi? . Discontent at the Talas River defeat simmered amongst the generals and in the country at large. Later events, driven partly by this defeat, led to the Chinese abandonment of Central Asia for centuries.
One of these generals was a court favourite. An Lu-shan (703-757AD) had built up considerable forces around the Peking area as Li Po witnessed in 744, perhaps a hundred and fifty thousand troops, and had also established a power base at Court through Yang Kuei-fei. He was a soldier of fortune from Sogdiana descended from a family of Iranian soldiers on his fatheri? s side, and with a Turkish mother. Yang Kuei-fei adopted him and made him wealthy, gifting him increased military commands and providing him with horses from the Imperial stables, such that by 744 he had potential control of north eastern China.
125
? ? ? ? ? After Li Lin-fui? s death in 752 ministerial power passed to a distant cousin of Yang Kuei- fei, Yang Kuo-chung. The reign was increasingly unpopular. There was a series of economic disasters in the early 750i? s including spring droughts, loss of a grain-transport fleet, typhoons that destroyed shipping at Yangkow, severe autumn rains and flooding, and the effects of hurricanes. Food prices rose and the Government released grain at reduced prices but in inadequate quantities. The influence of Yang Kuei-fei, her sisters and her power base on the Emperor and the Empire lead to many poetic references to Han and other precedents. The beautiful concubine who became a consort with undue influence was always a likely consequence of the Imperial system, and there were plenty of examples. Li Poi? s e? The Roosting Crowsi? hints at the Taoist sexual practices, aimed at gaining immortality, practised by King Wu and Hsi Shih. Tu Fui? s e? By the Waters of Weii? pictures Yang Kuei-fei and her sisters in
126
? analogy with Flying Swallow and her Maids of Honour of the Han Dynasty. Cruelty, malice, mockery and danger flicker behind the smiling faces in the South Gardens.
Yang Kuo-chungi? s government was increasingly resented. Tu Fu describes his journey to his wife and children in late 755, as events moved towards crisis. He left Chi? ang-an on a freezing cold night and passed the hot springs where the Imperial war banners blocked the sky, and where Yang Kuei-fei and the Emperor were warm while everyone else froze. e? From the vermilion gate rose the smell of food and wine, in the road were the corpses of men who froze to death. i? Arriving home he found that his little son had died in the harshest of circumstances from lack of food.
127
? %? 0? $0,7. ? ? 147? ? 22479,? ? 9?
The search for Immortality occupied the thoughts of many followers of Taoist practices not least the Chinese Emperors. At one extreme it displayed itself as an illusory, even debased, pursuit of endless life by physical and sexual means. At the other extreme it was a method of pure meditation designed through breathing and inner concentration to achieve states of e? immortalityi? akin to the Buddhist mental state of Nirvana. As a desire for immortality in the sense of endless life it was the exact opposite of the Buddhist desire for release from the Wheel of Rebirths and thereby for escape from life and death. As a meditative technique akin to the Yogic method it allowed a convergence of Taoist and Buddhist ideals which illuminated the Chi? an (Zen) schools of Buddhism, though the sixth patriarch Hui-neng specifically warned
128
? ? against substituting the e? ritualsi? of formal meditation for humble awareness.
The force of the Tao, manifests itself in the Vortex, in the e? forms and namesi? of Heaven and Earth. There its currents and energies take on masculine (Yang) and feminine (Yin) embodiments. The Emperor, as a divine representative of the Tao on earth, as Man positioned between Heaven and Earth, was responsible for regulating the Cosmic process. He must perform the rituals and practise the disciplines that would create the union of Yang and Yin, the union of Earth and Heaven, and so bring himself and his people into harmony with the Tao. He was the intermediary between Heaven and Earth, who could co-ordinate and balance the forces of Heaven, as they worked in the Earth, and reconcile the claims of both. His Court was therefore a magnet for Taoist diviners, astrologers, magicians, doctors, healers and observers who could assist the process. He was aided by surrounding himself with anything in
129
? the environment that could create a conducive and symbolic atmosphere, in which to achieve harmony, whether landscape, music, painting, food, perfumes, clothes, or movement and gesture.
The arts therefore reflected the underlying sexual polarity of the universe. Yang, the masculine polarity, has the attributes of sharpness, brightness, dryness, and clarity. It is active, hot, and positive. It is represented by the Feng or phoenix bird, by the dragon, fire, jade, the summer, the south, vertical lines, waterfalls, tall cliffs, straight pine trees, phallic shaped rocks and forms. The feminine Yin has the attributes of depth, emptiness, wetness, and darkness. It is passive, cool, and negative. It is represented by hollow forms, like vases or open peony flowers, by the wetness of lakes rivers and pools, and by the cloud shapes of smoke fungi and coral. It is shown in landscape by cloud- shaped wintry mountains and by misty valleys, by horizontal planes and lines. It is symbolised
130
? by the tortoise and intertwined snake of winter, night and the north. The Yin is vulva-shaped, peach-shaped, has the mouth of the open chrysanthemum, is the hollow of bronze vessels, and resides in the beauty of young girls.
The Emperori? s task was to create the union of Yin and Yang for which the obvious physical correlative is sexual union, and to bring about the union of Heaven and Earth. Within Chinese art there is great concern to symbolise the marriage of Yin and Yang by bringing their representative elements together. Yang mountains meet Yin valleys. Yin mist can be created from empty white silk by painting Yang cliffs. Dragons and Feng birds fly down to gardens with young girls, open flowerheads, fungi and mosses. Waterfalls dive vertically into horizontal pools. Streams flow among tall pines. And there are paintings of men and women in sexual acts, caring and mutually pleasant, to emphasise harmony and the equality of the sexual polarities in the personal sphere.
131
? The union of Heaven and Earth is symbolised, by the jade Tsung (a square tube representing Earth) and Pi (a holed disc representing Heaven), like the Yoni and Lingam of India. It is shown in ceramics as the gourd- shaped vase, two swollen curves with a narrow waist. There are the carved stands of wood and jade, showing twisted roots (Earth) with random holes and hollows (Heaven), or jade clouds and wooden waves. There is the sign of the Great Ultimate (9? ,? ? . ? ? ), the interlocking tear-shaped Yin and Yang symbols inside a circular disc, within which smaller discs can be drawn along the diameter in an infinitely deep pattern whose serpent-like inner lines converge on the diameter itself. And there is a complex colour symbolism where the gold, blue, green and black of Heaven are juxtaposed with the silver, crimson, purple and white of Earth. Red is used with blue or green, white with blue or black, gold with silver, giving for example the ubiquitous blue and white or green and white porcelains. Or the colours of
132
? Heaven and Earth are intermingled and harmonised in the glazes of Celadon wares. Seasons, colours, trigrams of the e? I Chingi? , forms and shapes, were all combined to express and aid harmony, union and mediation.
The Cosmic spirit of the Tao charges the forms and processes of Heaven and Earth.
It is clear that Wang Weii? s spiritually serious temperament struggled in attempting to relinquish those deep feelings that are obvious in his poems, and that overwhelmed him at the time of his wifei? s and motheri? s deaths. As a Confucian trained official he felt a duty to exercise his great talents on behalf of the State, and always returned to State service, though he never occupied the very highest offices. As a Taoist artist he used his Wang River retreat to
110
? ? ? ? ? ? ? reconcile himself to Nature, and his poetry, painting and music as a means of cultivating the spirit of concordance with the Vortex. But as he grew older his deepest yearnings may have been for release from the pain and burden of existence. If being in the world is like a hand grasping, and craving like a fist formed by desire and greed, then Nirvana is the opening of the hand, the vanishing of the fist, the disappearance of e? names and formsi? .
Chi? an and Taoist thinking merged. In the late Ti? ang Chinese commentators on the Dharmadatu, the culmination of Indian Mahayana thinking, expressed the view that harmony is achieved when everything is left to be freely and spontaneously itself. There is no conflict or obstruction (? :? ,? ) between things and events (8? ? ? ), or between them and their underlying reality(? ? ). This Buddhist concept is clearly a restatement of the Tao and the Myriad Creatures, the Vortex, and the continuity of flow. The Vortex is thus also the Void, and Samsara
111
? and Nirvana, reality and its extinction, are one when naming and analysis ceases. Again the Six Precepts of Tilopa declare: e? Without mind, without meditation, without analysis, without practice, without the will, let it all be so. i? This is the Taoist 9? :? ? ,3, the e? naturali? or e? spontaneousi? inner meaning of things and events.
Chi? an Buddhism is e? Beyond any doctrine: apart from all tradition: not based on words or scriptures: a direct pointing at the human mind - seeing into our nature, achieving Nirvana. i? Hui- neng (637-713AD) the Sixth and greatest Patriarch of the Chi? an School expressed that sudden pointing that is the awakening (8,947? ? ? of Zen. A humble man he became the successor to Hung-jan the Fifth Patriarch through answering a poem written on the wall by Shen-hsiu.
e? The body is the Bodhi Tree, the mind is a bright mirror. i? Shen-hsiui? s poem ran, e? Clean the mirror, and allow no dust to cling. i? Hui-nengi? s reply pointed instead to the illusion of 2,? , and the error of seeing the world as e? names and
112
? formsi? . e? There is no Bodhi Tree. There is no shining mirror. At root no things exist. How can the dust cling? i?
His attitude was to abandon useless meditation, to remove the barriers, to avoid stirring the thoughts. e? Carry water, chop woodi? . That was all that e? sitting in meditationi? required, involving neither sitting nor meditation. And the Great Void for Hui-neng is the Taoist nameless space-time of sun, moon, earth and stars. The mind is this Void where thoughts and feelings pass like the birds in the sky without leaving a trace.
Energies, particles, within their probability waves, leap, randomly, out of the seething ocean of quantum reality only when they are observed. The Void shines. The Vortex pours. Unobserved reality allows only the potentiality of discrete entities at the quantum level. Particles are neither here nor there. They are everywhere, with some probability or possibility of being. The torrent of energies is also the cloud of particles. ? :3? 8? :? ,
113
? cloud and water, is a common term for the student of Zen Buddhism, who must wander like a cloud, and flow like water. e? What is the Tao? i? asked the Governor of Lang, of Yao-shan. Yao- shan pointed up to the sky, and then down at a dish of water. Asked what he meant, he replied e? Cloud in the sky, water in the dish. i?
In Wang Wei, Buddhist and Taoist quietism and the deep love of nature converge. His poems exist in the Void and the Vortex. They point at human life within Nature but without analysis. Their luminous stillness refrains from describing. It declares and evokes. They require a slow attention from the reader. They avoid the demonstrative. They have neither the mature worldly engagement of Tu Fu, nor the brightly lit flickering movement of Li Po. They are Yin to Lii? s Yang. They are inwardness to match Tui? s outwardness. There is a gentle sadness perceptible in his work, so delicately poised that it never becomes negativity. He is the darkness (hs ? an) of the Tao, as he portrays himself in a
114
? poem e? From the Wang River Scrolli? , playing his music in the bamboo grove hidden from all except the Moon. e? There is a thing that holds up the heavens and supports the earth. i? says Ti? ung- shan, e? It is black like lacquer, and it moves continually. i?
As the poem e? White Hairsi? says, Wang Wei knew what it was to be e? hurt by lifei? . He was a man of profound feelings who was able to enter into and use solitude, as he would have used the unpainted silk of the empty background in his paintings. e? Understanding the depths of landscapei? , he says in e? Pa Passi? e? even here I am never lonely. i? Cold, cloud, thin rain, shadows, water, evening, soft breezes, deep woods, pale light, cool air, peach blossoms and moonlight. This is Wang Wei.
? ? ? 115
? ? 250747? ? 8Q,3? 98:3?
Emperor Hs ? an-tsung came to the Imperial Ti? ang throne in 712 AD, the year of Tu Fui? s birth, and his Court was soon the focal point for a high culture. The early years of his reign saw him exercise a tight grip on government. The power of his imperial relatives who had gained from the influence of the Empress Wu was curbed. He ordered a new census, and reformed the equal field system designed to share out the land, a State resource, between families, in order to increase the tax revenues. The aim, when the system had been initiated by the Northern Wei government in 486AD, was to bring all land into cultivation, to provide stability, to prevent monopoly ownership by the rich and powerful, and to ensure that as many families as possible were brought into the taxation system. Taxes were levied in grain and cloth.
116
? ? The Emperor set up an outer ring of military provinces along the western and northern borders with substantial devolved authority being given to the commanders. Within the strengthened frontiers economic development was rapid, particularly in the south. River transport enabled the tea trade for example to spread throughout the country, turning tea from a medicinal herb to an everyday drink. The southern ports grew to support the extensive sea trade across South-East Asia and along the coastlines. By the middle of the eighth century the previously lightly populated south had as many people living in it as the north.
The Emperor encouraged the codification of State ritual and had a broad-minded interest in philosophy and religion. Teachers of various systems including Buddhism, Taoism, and even the esoteric Tantric Buddhism were welcome at his Court. Elite families still dominated Court circles but leavened with officials who had entered service through the examination system.
117
? Educated men understood Taoism, Buddhism and Confucianism, were drawn to the arts and scholarship, and had the leisure to practice them. Ancient texts were collected and treasured. Poetry was an accomplishment of a gentleman, and every civilised man could turn out a suitable poem on a friendi? s departure for a journey. While travel was still time-consuming and arduous, and communications difficult, the improved road and canal system, with its established post stations, and the massive volume of river traffic, allowed movement in relative safety. Leisure trips and official duties encouraged a criss-crossing of the vast country.
The political stability of the first thirty years of the reign with war limited to the northern and western borders, peace within the inner Empire, a strengthened code of laws, and rapid economic growth stimulated a brief golden age.
It was a Renaissance in the sense of re- creating the unified vigorous Empire of the Han Dynasty, though a great deal of cultural
118
? development had continued in the fragmented Period of Division.
Buddhism, Taoism, poetry and painting had all flourished since the Han, and the Ti? ang was a recipient of this. The Ti? ang Renaissance could look back towards an earlier Classic civilisation and its great men, and could blend together the three streams of moral and spiritual thought represented by Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism. There is a flavour of the Florentine Renaissancei? s stimulus at the re- awakening knowledge of Greece and Rome, and its parallel blending of Christianity, and Classicism with Secular and Pagan cultural streams.
As in the West an emphasis on the golden age can lead to a wrong belief that other periods were times of total cultural darkness. Decentralised fragmentation gave a freedom and variety that was a stimulus to complex development. Just as the intellectual life of the Middle Ages already presaged the Italian, French and English Renaissances, so the periods
119
? either side of the Ti? ang were fruitful in less spectacular ways. Nevertheless Ti? ang China was a high point. Japanese, Korean and Vietnamese culture benefited from the contact with China. Heian Japan modelled parts of its Court culture on the Chinese example. Chinese poetry, paintings and history were admired and studied. There is a parallel with the adoption of French culture within nineteenth century Russian aristocratic circles.
To promote and sponsor new poetry and calligraphy and provide the Court with a Ti? ang literature, Hs ? an-tsung set up the Han-lin Academy, the e? Forest of Writing Brushesi? . The Academy was responsible for example for drafting significant State documents. Distinguished poets joined the Court and celebrated Imperial life in their verses. Li Po arrived in Chi? ang-an in 742 at the age of forty- one to become a member of the group. e? I rode a horse from the Emperori? s stables, with silvered stirrups and a jade-studded saddle. I slept in an
120
? ivory bed, sat on a mat of silk, ate from golden dishes. People who had once ignored me now came humbly to pay their respects. i? Classed amongst the professional men and therefore of relatively lowly status, Li wrote occasional pieces, private poems of drinking and farewell, public poems celebrating the beauty of the Imperial parks, and the ladies of the Court. The e? Three Poems on Winei? are from this time.
Music and dance, song and mime, were also Court arts. There were dance schools in the Spring Gardens and in the Pear Garden inside the Imperial Palace. Tu Fu writes nostalgically about the greatest dancer of the eighth century Lady Kung-sun performing mime and dance steps originating west of the Yangtze. The Taoist ideals of spontaneity, natural flow, concentration of the attuned spirit, and controlled impulsiveness run through the arts. Her fluid and dynamic dance style for example influenced the calligraphic writing of large hanging inscriptions, which demanded similar initial
121
? ? pent-up concentration, fluid style, brilliant attack, and physical agility, its flowing continuity suddenly brought to rest, as Tu Fu says e? like the cold light on a frozen riveri? . Such calligraphy was compared to whales arching from the sea: snakes winding through tall grass: lashing rain or silk threads blown by the wind: giant creepers hanging from vast cliffs brushing the autumn pools: or black dragons ascending from a darkened ocean into the winding immensities of night.
Sometime in the late 730i? s after the death of a favourite concubine, which at first left him inconsolable, Hs ? an-tsung, who had many consorts, became infatuated with Yang Y ? -huan. She was the young wife of one of his sons, beautiful and skilled in music. Now and later he was obsessed, by her and her memory. She became the Favourite Concubine, Yang Kuei-fei. Before her formal entry into the Palace as consort in 745AD she was installed as a Taoist nun in a convent in the Palace grounds.
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? The Emperori? s obsession with her brought her family and favourites power. The Chief Minister Li Lin-fu exercised almost absolute control from now till his death in 752 and the Emperor relinquished government, spending his time in entertainment and extravagance with his beloved concubine, indulging in esoteric and erotic practices that promised immortality, or promoting military campaigns designed to win glory. Li Lin-fu, an uneducated man ran an oppressive regime, his opponents condemned on flimsy charges and done to death by roving executioners. Li Yung a friend of Tu Fu and Li Po was killed in this way through implication in a supposed plot to dethrone the Emperor. Li Po writing of a melancholy visit to Li Yungi? s former house says e? Even the trees he planted in his life have entered Nirvana, untouched by spring. '
The tenor of the reign had altered from controlled excellence and even austerity to reckless extravagance and political corruption.
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? Increased taxation to fill the revenues and fund the military expeditions was combined with self- serving officials who used influence alone to gain wealth and power. The Confucian ideals were becoming lost. It is not too fanciful to find echoes of Tudor England not only in the cultural Renaissance but also here in the troubled, distracted and oppressive atmosphere at the end of Elizabethi? s reign. The Military build-up on the borders, combined with devolved authority vested in non-Chinese generals supposedly without political affiliation, created a dangerous alternative power-base. Equally the costly wars of attrition did not go well. In 751 China suffered two great defeats one in Y ? nnan to the north and one in distant Turkestan at the battle of the Talas River. In Y ? nnan the untrained soldiers of the levy were e? frightened human beings not fighting meni? and died of malaria like flies. At the Talas River the army was caught between Turkish and Arabic forces and most of the men were lost. The pain of military disaster and wari? s
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? inhumanity is present in the poetry, in Li Poi? s e? We Fought for - South of The Wallsi? , in Tu Fui? s e? Ballad of the War Wagonsi? and e? The Homecomingi? . Discontent at the Talas River defeat simmered amongst the generals and in the country at large. Later events, driven partly by this defeat, led to the Chinese abandonment of Central Asia for centuries.
One of these generals was a court favourite. An Lu-shan (703-757AD) had built up considerable forces around the Peking area as Li Po witnessed in 744, perhaps a hundred and fifty thousand troops, and had also established a power base at Court through Yang Kuei-fei. He was a soldier of fortune from Sogdiana descended from a family of Iranian soldiers on his fatheri? s side, and with a Turkish mother. Yang Kuei-fei adopted him and made him wealthy, gifting him increased military commands and providing him with horses from the Imperial stables, such that by 744 he had potential control of north eastern China.
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? ? ? ? ? After Li Lin-fui? s death in 752 ministerial power passed to a distant cousin of Yang Kuei- fei, Yang Kuo-chung. The reign was increasingly unpopular. There was a series of economic disasters in the early 750i? s including spring droughts, loss of a grain-transport fleet, typhoons that destroyed shipping at Yangkow, severe autumn rains and flooding, and the effects of hurricanes. Food prices rose and the Government released grain at reduced prices but in inadequate quantities. The influence of Yang Kuei-fei, her sisters and her power base on the Emperor and the Empire lead to many poetic references to Han and other precedents. The beautiful concubine who became a consort with undue influence was always a likely consequence of the Imperial system, and there were plenty of examples. Li Poi? s e? The Roosting Crowsi? hints at the Taoist sexual practices, aimed at gaining immortality, practised by King Wu and Hsi Shih. Tu Fui? s e? By the Waters of Weii? pictures Yang Kuei-fei and her sisters in
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? analogy with Flying Swallow and her Maids of Honour of the Han Dynasty. Cruelty, malice, mockery and danger flicker behind the smiling faces in the South Gardens.
Yang Kuo-chungi? s government was increasingly resented. Tu Fu describes his journey to his wife and children in late 755, as events moved towards crisis. He left Chi? ang-an on a freezing cold night and passed the hot springs where the Imperial war banners blocked the sky, and where Yang Kuei-fei and the Emperor were warm while everyone else froze. e? From the vermilion gate rose the smell of food and wine, in the road were the corpses of men who froze to death. i? Arriving home he found that his little son had died in the harshest of circumstances from lack of food.
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The search for Immortality occupied the thoughts of many followers of Taoist practices not least the Chinese Emperors. At one extreme it displayed itself as an illusory, even debased, pursuit of endless life by physical and sexual means. At the other extreme it was a method of pure meditation designed through breathing and inner concentration to achieve states of e? immortalityi? akin to the Buddhist mental state of Nirvana. As a desire for immortality in the sense of endless life it was the exact opposite of the Buddhist desire for release from the Wheel of Rebirths and thereby for escape from life and death. As a meditative technique akin to the Yogic method it allowed a convergence of Taoist and Buddhist ideals which illuminated the Chi? an (Zen) schools of Buddhism, though the sixth patriarch Hui-neng specifically warned
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? ? against substituting the e? ritualsi? of formal meditation for humble awareness.
The force of the Tao, manifests itself in the Vortex, in the e? forms and namesi? of Heaven and Earth. There its currents and energies take on masculine (Yang) and feminine (Yin) embodiments. The Emperor, as a divine representative of the Tao on earth, as Man positioned between Heaven and Earth, was responsible for regulating the Cosmic process. He must perform the rituals and practise the disciplines that would create the union of Yang and Yin, the union of Earth and Heaven, and so bring himself and his people into harmony with the Tao. He was the intermediary between Heaven and Earth, who could co-ordinate and balance the forces of Heaven, as they worked in the Earth, and reconcile the claims of both. His Court was therefore a magnet for Taoist diviners, astrologers, magicians, doctors, healers and observers who could assist the process. He was aided by surrounding himself with anything in
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? the environment that could create a conducive and symbolic atmosphere, in which to achieve harmony, whether landscape, music, painting, food, perfumes, clothes, or movement and gesture.
The arts therefore reflected the underlying sexual polarity of the universe. Yang, the masculine polarity, has the attributes of sharpness, brightness, dryness, and clarity. It is active, hot, and positive. It is represented by the Feng or phoenix bird, by the dragon, fire, jade, the summer, the south, vertical lines, waterfalls, tall cliffs, straight pine trees, phallic shaped rocks and forms. The feminine Yin has the attributes of depth, emptiness, wetness, and darkness. It is passive, cool, and negative. It is represented by hollow forms, like vases or open peony flowers, by the wetness of lakes rivers and pools, and by the cloud shapes of smoke fungi and coral. It is shown in landscape by cloud- shaped wintry mountains and by misty valleys, by horizontal planes and lines. It is symbolised
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? by the tortoise and intertwined snake of winter, night and the north. The Yin is vulva-shaped, peach-shaped, has the mouth of the open chrysanthemum, is the hollow of bronze vessels, and resides in the beauty of young girls.
The Emperori? s task was to create the union of Yin and Yang for which the obvious physical correlative is sexual union, and to bring about the union of Heaven and Earth. Within Chinese art there is great concern to symbolise the marriage of Yin and Yang by bringing their representative elements together. Yang mountains meet Yin valleys. Yin mist can be created from empty white silk by painting Yang cliffs. Dragons and Feng birds fly down to gardens with young girls, open flowerheads, fungi and mosses. Waterfalls dive vertically into horizontal pools. Streams flow among tall pines. And there are paintings of men and women in sexual acts, caring and mutually pleasant, to emphasise harmony and the equality of the sexual polarities in the personal sphere.
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? The union of Heaven and Earth is symbolised, by the jade Tsung (a square tube representing Earth) and Pi (a holed disc representing Heaven), like the Yoni and Lingam of India. It is shown in ceramics as the gourd- shaped vase, two swollen curves with a narrow waist. There are the carved stands of wood and jade, showing twisted roots (Earth) with random holes and hollows (Heaven), or jade clouds and wooden waves. There is the sign of the Great Ultimate (9? ,? ? . ? ? ), the interlocking tear-shaped Yin and Yang symbols inside a circular disc, within which smaller discs can be drawn along the diameter in an infinitely deep pattern whose serpent-like inner lines converge on the diameter itself. And there is a complex colour symbolism where the gold, blue, green and black of Heaven are juxtaposed with the silver, crimson, purple and white of Earth. Red is used with blue or green, white with blue or black, gold with silver, giving for example the ubiquitous blue and white or green and white porcelains. Or the colours of
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? Heaven and Earth are intermingled and harmonised in the glazes of Celadon wares. Seasons, colours, trigrams of the e? I Chingi? , forms and shapes, were all combined to express and aid harmony, union and mediation.
The Cosmic spirit of the Tao charges the forms and processes of Heaven and Earth.
