No More Learning

Among the natives of Amisus[1155] distinguished for their learning were
the mathematicians Demetrius, the son of Rathenus, and Dionysodorus, of
the same name as the Ionian (Milesian? ) geometrician, and Tyrannion the
grammarian, whose lessons I attended.

17. Next to Sidene is Pharnacia[1156] a small fortified city, and then
follows Trapezus,[1157] a Greek city, to which from Amisus is a voyage
of about 2200 stadia; thence to the Phasis about 1400 stadia, so that
the sum total of stadia from the Hieron[1158] to the Phasis is about
8000 stadia, either more or less.

In sailing along this coast from Amisus we first come to the Heracleian
promontory;[1159] then succeeds another promontory, Jasonium,[1160] and
the Genetes;[1161] then Cytorus (Cotyorus) a small city,[1162] from
which Pharnacia received a colony; then Ischopolis, which is in ruins.
Next is a bay on which are situated Cerasus, and Hermonassa,[1163] small
settlements. Near Hermonassa is Trapezus, then Colchis. Somewhere about
this place is a settlement called Zygopolis.

I have already spoken of Colchis, and of the sea-coast beyond. [1164]

18. Above Trapezus and Pharnacia are situated Tibareni, Chaldæi, Sanni,
(who were formerly called Macrones,[1165]) and the Lesser Armenia. The
Appaïtæ also, formerly called Cercitæ, are not far from these places.
Through the country belonging to these people stretches the
Scydises,[1166] a very rugged mountain, contiguous to the Moschic
mountains[1167] above Colchis. The heights of the Scydises are occupied
by the Heptacometæ. [1168] This country is likewise traversed by the
Paryadres,[1169] which extends from the neighbourhood of Sidene and
Themiscyra to the Lesser Armenia, and forms the eastern side of the
Pontus.

All the inhabitants of these mountains are quite savage, but
the Heptacometæ are more so than all the others. Some of them live among
trees, or in small towers, whence the ancients called them
Mosynœci,[1170] because the towers were called mosȳnes. Their food
consists of the flesh of wild animals and the fruits of trees. They
attack travellers, leaping down from the floors of their dwellings among
the trees. The Heptacometæ cut off three of Pompey’s cohorts, as they
were passing through the mountains, by placing on their road vessels
filled with maddening honey, which is procured from the branches of
trees. The men who had tasted the honey and lost their senses were
attacked and easily despatched. Some of these barbarians were called
Byzeres.

19. The present Chaldæi were anciently called Chalybes. It is in their
territory chiefly that Pharnacia is situated. On the sea-coast it has
natural advantages for the capture of the pelamydes. For this fish is
first caught at this place. On the mainland there are at present mines
of iron; formerly there were also mines of silver. The sea-shore along
all these places is very narrow, for directly above it are hills, which
abound with mines and forests; much, however, of the country is not
cultivated. The miners derive their subsistence from the mines, and the
fishermen from the fisheries, especially from the capture of pelamydes
and dolphins. The dolphins pursue shoals of fish, the cordyla, the
tunny, and even the pelamys; they grow fat on them, and as they approach
the land incautiously, are easily taken. They are caught with a bait and
then cut into pieces; large quantities of the fat are used for all
purposes.

20. These I suppose are the people who are called by Homer Halizoni, who
in his Catalogue follow the Paphlagonians.

“But Odius and Epistrophus led the Halizoni
Far from Alybe, where there are silver mines;”[1171]

whether the writing was changed from “far from Chalybe,” or whether the
people were formerly called Alybes instead of Chalybes. We cannot at
present say that it is possible that Chaldæi should be read for
Chalybes, but it cannot be maintained that formerly Chalybes could not
be read for Alybes, especially [CAS. 549] when we know that names are
subject to many changes, more especially among barbarians. For example,
a tribe of Thracians were called Sinties, then Sinti, then Saii, in
whose country Archilochus is said to have thrown away his shield:

“one of the Saii exults in having a shield, which, without
blame, I involuntarily left behind in a thicket. ”

This same people have now the name of Sapæi. For all these people were
settled about Abdera, they also held Lemnos and the islands about
Lemnos. Thus also Brygi, Briges, and Phryges are the same people; and
Mysi, Mæones, and Meones are the same people. But it is unnecessary to
multiply instances of this kind.

The Scepsian (Demetrius) throws some doubt on the alteration of the name
from Alybes to Chalybes, but not understanding what follows, nor what
accords with it, nor, in particular, why the poet calls the Chalybes
Alizoni, he rejects the opinion that there has been an alteration of
name. In comparing his opinion with my own I shall consider also the
hypotheses entertained by others.

21. Some persons alter the word to Alazones, others to Amazons, and
“Alybe” to “Alope,” or “Alobe,” calling the Scythians above the
Borysthenes Alazones and Callipidæ, and by other names, about which
Hellanicus, Herodotus, and Eudoxus have talked very absurdly; some say
that the Amazons were situated between Mysia, Caria, and Lydia near
Cyme, which is the opinion also of Ephorus, who was a native of the
latter place. And this opinion may not be unreasonable, for he may mean
the country which in later times was inhabited by the Æolians and
Ionians, but formerly by Amazons. There are some cities, it is said,
which have their names from the Amazons; as Ephesus, Smyrna, Cyme, and
Myrina. But would any one think of inquiring in these places after
Alybe, or, according to some writers, Alope, or Alobe; what would be the
meaning of “from afar,” or where is the silver mine?

22. These objections he solves by an alteration in the text, for he
writes the verses in this manner,

“But Odius and Epistrophus led the Amazons,
Who came from Alope, whence the tribe of the Amazonides. ”

But by this solution he has invented another fiction. For Alope is
nowhere to be found in that situation, and the alteration in the text,
itself a great change, and contrary to the authority of ancient copies,
looks like an adaptation formed for the occasion.

The Scepsian (Demetrius) does not adopt the opinion of Ephorus, nor does
he agree with those who suppose them to be the Halizoni about Pallene,
whom we mentioned in the description of Macedonia. He is at a loss also
to understand how any one could suppose that auxiliaries could come to
the Trojans from the Nomades situated above the Borysthenes. He much
approves of the opinion of Hecatæus the Milesian, and of Menecrates of
Elea, disciples of Xenocrates, and that of Palæphatus. The first of
these says in his work entitled “the Circuit of the Earth,” “near the
city Alazia is the river Odrysses, which after flowing through the plain
of Mygdonia from the west, out of the lake Dascylitis, empties itself
into the Rhyndacus. ” He further relates that Alazia is now deserted, but
that many villages of the Alazones through which the Odrysses flows are
inhabited. In these villages Apollo is worshipped with peculiar honours,
and especially on the confines of the Cyziceni.

Menecrates, in his work “the Circuit of the Hellespont,” says that above
the places near Myrleia there is a continuous mountain tract occupied by
the nation of the Halizoni. The name, he says, ought to be written with
two l’s, Hallizoni, but the poet uses one only on account of the metre.

Palæphatus says that Odius and Epistrophus levied their army from among
the Amazons then living in Alope, but at present in Zeleia. [1172]

Do the opinions of these persons deserve approbation? For besides their
alteration of the ancient text, and the position of this people, they
neither point out the silver mines, nor where in Myrleatis Alope is
situated, nor how they, who came thence to Troy, came “from afar,”
although it should be granted that there existed an Alope, or an Alazia.
For these are much nearer Troy than the places about Ephesus. Those,
however, are triflers, in the opinion of Demetrius, who speak of the
existence of Amazons near Pygela, between Ephesus, Magnesia, and Priene,
for the words “from afar” do not agree with the spot; much less will
they agree with a situation about Mysia, and Teuthrania.

23. [CAS. 551] This may be true, says he, but some expressions are to be
understood as loosely applied, such as these,

“Far from Ascania,”[1173]

and

“His name was Arnæus, given to him by his honoured mother,”[1174]

and

“Penelope seized the well-turned key with her firm hand. ”[1175]

But admitting this, the other assertions are not to be allowed to which
Demetrius is disposed to attend; nor has he refuted in a convincing
manner those persons who maintain that we ought to read “far from
Chalybe. ” For having conceded that, although at present there are not
silver mines among the Chalybes, they might formerly have existed, he
does not grant that they were far-famed, and worthy of notice, like the
iron mines. But some one may say, what should prevent them from being as
famous as the iron mines, or does an abundance of iron make a place
celebrated, and not an abundance of silver? Again, if the silver mines
had obtained celebrity in the age of Homer, but not in the heroic times,
can any one blame the poet’s representation? How did their fame reach
him? How did the fame of the copper mines at Temesa in Italy, or of the
wealth of Thebes in Egypt, reach his ears, although Egyptian Thebes was
situated almost at double the distance of the Chaldæi.

But Demetrius does not altogether agree with those whose opinions he
espouses. For when he is describing the neighbourhood of Scepsis his own
birth-place, he mentions Enea, a village, Argyria, and Alazonia, as near
Scepsis, and the Æsepus;[1176] but if these places exist at all, they
must be near the sources of the Æsepus. Hecatæus places them beyond the
mouths of that river. Palæphatus, who says that the Amazons formerly
occupied Alope, and at present Zeleia, does not advance anything in
agreement with these statements. But if Menecrates agrees with
Demetrius, neither does Menecrates say what this Alope, or Alobe, is,
(or, in whatever manner they please to write the name,) nor yet does
Demetrius himself.

24. With regard to Apollodorus, who mentions these places in his
discourse on the array of the Trojan forces, we have said much before
in reply to him, and we must now speak of him again. [1177] He is of
opinion that we ought not to understand the Halizoni without the Halys,
for no auxiliaries came to Troy from the country on the other side of
the Halys. First, then, we will inquire of him who are the Halizoni
within the Halys, and situated

“far from Alybe, where are silver mines? ”

He will not be able to reply. Next we will ask the reason why he does
not admit that some auxiliaries came from the country on the other side
of the Halys. For if it was the case, that all the rest were living on
this side the Halys, except the Thracians, nothing prevented this one
body of allies from coming from afar, from the country beyond the
Leuco-Syrians? Or, was it possible for the persons immediately engaged
in the war to pass over from those places, and from the country beyond
them, as the Amazons, Treres, and Cimmerians, but impossible for allies
to do so?

The Amazons were not allies, because Priam had fought in alliance with
the Phrygians against them:

“at that time, says Priam, I was among their auxiliaries on
that day, when the Amazons came to attack them. ”[1178]

The people also who were living on the borders of the country of the
Amazons were not situated at so great a distance that it was difficult
to send for them from thence, nor did any animosity exist, I suppose, at
that time to prevent them from affording assistance.

25. Nor is there any foundation for the opinion, that all the ancients
agree that no people from the country beyond the Halys took part in the
Trojan war. Testimony may be found to the contrary. Mæandrius at least
says that Heneti came from the country of the Leuco-Syrians to assist
the Trojans in the war; that they set sail thence with the Thracians,
and settled about the recess of the Adriatic; and that the Heneti, who
had no place in the expedition, were Cappadocians. This account seems to
agree with the circumstance, that the people inhabiting the whole of
that part of Cappadocia near the Halys, which extends along Paphlagonia,
speak two dialects, and that their language abounds with Paphlagonian
names, as [CAS. 553] Bagas, Biasas, Æniates, Rhatotes, Zardoces,
Tibius, Gasys, Oligasys, and Manes. For these names are frequently to be
found in the Bamonitis, the Pimolitis, the Gazaluïtis, and Gazacene, and
in most of the other districts. Apollodorus himself quotes the words of
Homer, altered by Zenodotus;

“from Henete, whence comes a race of wild mules,”

and says, that Hecatæus the Milesian understands Henete to mean Amisus.
But we have shown that Amisus belongs to the Leuco-Syrians, and is
situated beyond the Halys.

26. He also somewhere says that the poet obtained his knowledge of the
Paphlagonians, situated in the interior, from persons who had travelled
through the country on foot, but that he was not acquainted with the
sea-coast any more than with the rest of the territory of Pontus; for
otherwise he would have mentioned it by name. We may, on the contrary,
after the description which has just been given of the country, retort
and say that he has traversed the whole of the sea-coast, and has
omitted nothing worthy of record which existed at that time. It is not
surprising that he does not mention Heracleia, Amastris, or Sinope, for
they were not founded; nor is it strange that he should omit to speak of
the interior of the country; nor is it a proof of ignorance not to
specify by name many places which were well known, as we have shown in a
preceding part of this work.

He says that Homer was ignorant of much that was remarkable in Pontus,
as rivers and nations, otherwise he would have mentioned their names.
This may be admitted with respect to some very remarkable nations and
rivers, as the Scythians, the Palus Mæotis, and the Danube. For he would
not have described the Nomades, by characteristic signs, as living on
milk, Abii, a people without certain means of subsistence, “most just”
and “renowned Hippemolgi,” (milkers of mares,) and not distinguished
them as Scythians, or Sauromatæ, or Sarmatæ, if, indeed, they had these
names among the Greeks (at that time). Nor in mentioning the Thracians
and Mysians, who live near the Danube, would he have passed over in
silence the Danube itself, one of the largest rivers, particularly as,
in other instances, he is inclined to mark the boundaries of places by
rivers; nor in speaking of the Cimmerians would he have omitted the
Bosporus, or the Mæotis.

27. With respect then to places not so remarkable, or not famous at that
time, or not illustrating the subject of his poem, who can blame the
poet for omitting them? As, for example, omitting to mention the Don,
famed only as it is for being the boundary of Asia and Europe. The
persons however of that time were not accustomed to use the name either
of Asia or Europe, nor was the habitable earth divided into three
continents; otherwise he would have mentioned them by name on account of
their strong characteristic marks, as he mentioned by name Libya
(Africa), and the Libs (the south-west wind), blowing from the western
parts of Africa. But as the continents were not yet distinguished, it
was not necessary that he should mention the Don. There were many things
worthy of record, which did not occur to him. For both in actions and in
discourse much is done and said without any cause or motive, by merely
spontaneously presenting itself to the mind.

It is evident from all these circumstances that every person who
concludes that because a certain thing is not mentioned by the poet he
was therefore ignorant of it, uses a bad argument; and we must prove by
several examples that it is bad, for many persons employ this kind of
evidence to a great extent. We must refute them therefore by producing
such instances as these which follow, although we shall repeat what has
been already said.

If any one should maintain that the poet was not acquainted with a river
which he has not mentioned, we should say that his argument is absurd,
for he has not mentioned by name even the river Meles, which runs by
Smyrna, his birth-place according to many writers, while he has
mentioned the rivers Hermus and Hyllus by name, but yet not the
Pactolus,[1179] which discharges itself into the same channel as these
rivers, and rises in the mountain Tmolus. [1180] He does not mention
either Smyrna itself, or the other cities of the Ionians, or most of
those of the Æolians, although he specifies Miletus, Samos, Lesbos, and
Tenedos. He does not mention the Lethæus, which flows beside
Magnesia,[1181] nor the Marsyas, which rivers empty themselves into the
Mæander,[1182] which he mentions by name, as well as [CAS. 554]

“the Rhesus, Heptaporus, Caresus, and Rhodius,”[1183]

and others, many of which are not more than small streams. While he
specifies by name many countries and cities, sometimes he makes an
enumeration of rivers and mountains, sometimes he does not do so. He
does not mention the rivers in Ætolia and Attica, nor many others. And
if, in mentioning people that live afar off, he does not mention those
who are very near, it is certainly not through ignorance of them, for
they were well known to other writers. With respect to people who were
all equally near, he does not observe one rule, for some he mentions,
and not others, as for instance he mentions the Lycii, and Solymi, but
not the Milyæ, nor Pamphylians, nor Pisidians; the Paphlagonians,
Phrygians, and Mysians, but not the Mariandyni, nor Thyni, nor
Bithynians, nor Bebryces; the Amazons, but not the Leuco-Syrians, nor
Syrians, nor Cappadocians, nor Lycaonians, while he frequently speaks of
the Phœnicians, Ægyptians, and Æthiopians. He mentions the Aleian plain,
and the Arimi mountains, but not the nation among which these are
situated.

The argument drawn from this is false; the true argument would have been
to show that the poet has asserted what is not true. Apollodorus has not
succeeded in this attempt, and he has more particularly failed when he
ventures to call by the name of fiction “the renowned Hippemolgi and
Galactophagi. ”[1184] So much then in reply to Apollodorus. I now return
to the part of my description which follows next in order.

28. Above the places about Pharnacia and Trapezus are the Tibareni, and
Chaldæi, extending as far as the Lesser Armenia.

The Lesser Armenia is sufficiently fertile. Like Sophene it was always
governed by princes who were sometimes in alliance with the other
Armenians, and sometimes acting independently. They held in subjection
the Chaldæi and Tibareni. Their dominion extended as far as Trapezus and
Pharnacia. When Mithridates Eupator became powerful, he made himself
master of Colchis, and of all those places which were ceded to him by
Antipater the son of Sisis. He bestowed however so much care upon them,
that he built seventy-five strongholds, in which he deposited the
greatest part of his treasure. The most considerable of these were
Hydara, Basgœdariza, and Sinoria, a fortress situated on the borders of
the Greater Armenia, whence Theophanes parodied the name, and called it
Synoria.

All the mountainous range of the Paryadres has many such convenient
situations for fortresses, being well supplied with water and timber, it
is intersected in many places by abrupt ravines and precipices. Here he
built most of the strongholds for keeping his treasure. At last on the
invasion of the country by Pompey he took refuge in these extreme parts
of the kingdom of Pontus, and occupied a mountain near Dasteira in
Acilisene, which was well supplied with water. The Euphrates also was
near, which is the boundary between Acilisene and the Lesser Armenia.
Mithridates remained there till he was besieged and compelled to fly
across the mountains into Colchis, and thence to Bosporus. Pompey built
near this same place in the Lesser Armenia Nicopolis, a city which yet
subsists, and is well inhabited.

29. The Lesser Armenia, which was in the possession of different persons
at different times, according to the pleasure of the Romans, was at last
subject to Archelaus. The Tibareni, however, and Chaldæi, extending as
far as Colchis, Pharnacia, and Trapezus, are under the government of
Pythodoris, a prudent woman, and capable of presiding over the
management of public affairs. She is the daughter of Pythodorus of
Tralles. She was the wife of Polemo, and reigned conjointly with him for
some time. She succeeded, after his death, to the throne. He died in the
country of the Aspurgiani, a tribe of barbarians living about Sindica.
She had two sons by Polemo, and a daughter who was married to Cotys the
Sapæan. He was treacherously murdered, and she became a widow. She had
children by him, the eldest of whom is now king. Of the sons of
Pythodoris, one as a private person, administers, together with his
mother, the affairs of the kingdom, the other has been lately made king
of the Greater Armenia. Pythodoris however married Archelaus, and
remained with him till his death. At present she is a widow, and in
possession of the countries before mentioned, and of others still more
beautiful, of which we shall next speak.

30. Sidene, and Themiscyra are contiguous to Pharnacia. Above these
countries is situated Phanarœa, containing the best portion of the
Pontus, for it produces excellent oil and [CAS. 556] wine, and
possesses every other property of a good soil. On the eastern side it
lies in front of the Paryadres which runs parallel to it; on the western
side it has the Lithrus, and the Ophlimus. It forms a valley of
considerable length and breadth. The Lycus, coming out of Armenia, flows
through this valley, and the Iris, which issues from the passes near
Amaseia. Both these rivers unite about the middle of the valley. A city
stands at their confluence which the first founder called Eupatoria,
after his own name. Pompey found it half-finished, and added to it a
territory, furnished it with inhabitants, and called it Magnopolis. It
lies in the middle of the plain. Close to the foot of the Paryadres is
situated Cabeira, about 150 stadia further to the south than Magnopolis,
about which distance likewise, but towards the west, is Amaseia. At
Cabeira was the palace of Mithridates, the water-mill, the park for
keeping wild animals, the hunting-ground in the neighbourhood, and the
mines.

31. There also is the Cainochorion, (New Castle,) as it is called, a
fortified and precipitous rock, distant from Cabeira less than 200
stadia. On its summit is a spring, which throws up abundance of water,
and at its foot a river, and a deep ravine. The ridge of rocks on which
it stands is of very great height, so that it cannot be taken by siege.
It is enclosed with an excellent wall, except the part where it has been
demolished by the Romans. The whole country around is so covered with
wood, so mountainous, and destitute of water, that an enemy cannot
encamp within the distance of 120 stadia. There Mithridates had
deposited his most valuable effects, which are now in the Capitol, as
offerings dedicated by Pompey.

Pythodoris is in possession of all this country; (for it is contiguous
to that of the barbarians, which she holds as a conquered country;) she
also holds the Zelitis and the Megalopolitis. After Pompey had raised
Cabeira to the rank of a city, and called it Diospolis, Pythodoris
improved it still more, changed its name to Sebaste, (or Augusta,) and
considers it a royal city.

She has also the temple of Mēn surnamed of Pharnaces, at Ameria, a
village city, inhabited by a large body of sacred menials, and having
annexed to it a sacred territory, the produce of which is always enjoyed
by the priest. The kings held this temple in such exceeding veneration,
that this was the Royal oath, “by the fortune of the king, and by Mēn
of Pharnaces. ” This is also the temple of the moon, like that among the
Albani, and those in Phrygia, namely the temple of Mēn in a place of the
same name, the temple of Ascæus at Antioch in Pisidia, and another in
the territory of Antioch.

32. Above Phanarœa is Comana[1185] in Pontus, of the same name as that
in the Greater Cappadocia, and dedicated to the same goddess. The temple
is a copy of that in Cappadocia, and nearly the same course of religious
rites is practised there; the mode of delivering the oracles is the
same; the same respect is paid to the priests, as was more particularly
the case in the time of the first kings, when twice a year, at what is
called the Exodi of the goddess, (when her image is carried in
procession,) the priest wore the diadem of the goddess and received the
chief honours after the king.

33. We have formerly mentioned Dorylaus the Tactician, who was my
mother’s great grandfather; and another Dorylaus, who was the nephew of
the former, and the son of Philetærus; I said that, although he had
obtained from Mithridates the highest dignities and even the priesthood
of Comana, he was detected in the fact of attempting the revolt of the
kingdom to the Romans. Upon his fall the family also was disgraced. At a
later period however Moaphernes, my mother’s uncle, rose to distinction
near upon the dissolution of the kingdom. But a second time he and his
friends shared in the misfortunes of the king, except those persons who
had anticipated the calamity and deserted him early. This was the case
with my maternal grandfather, who, perceiving the unfortunate progress
of the affairs of the king in the war with Lucullus, and at the same
time being alienated from him by resentment for having lately put to
death his nephew Tibius, and his son Theophilus, undertook to avenge
their wrongs and his own. He obtained pledges of security from Lucullus,
and caused fifteen fortresses to revolt; in return he received
magnificent promises. On the arrival of Pompey, who succeeded Lucullus
in the conduct of the war, he regarded as enemies (in consequence of the
enmity which subsisted between himself and that general) all those
persons who had performed any services that were acceptable to Lucullus.
On his return home at the conclusion of the war he prevailed upon the
senate not to confirm those honours which Lucullus had promised to some
persons of [CAS. 558] Pontus, maintaining it to be unjust towards a
general who had brought the war to a successful issue, that the rewards
and distribution of honours should be placed in the hands of another.

34. The affairs of Comana were administered as has been described in the
time of the kings. Pompey, when he had obtained the power, appointed
Archelaus priest, and assigned to him a district of two schœni, or 60
stadia in circuit, in addition to the sacred territory, and gave orders
to the inhabitants to obey Archelaus. He was their governor, and master
of the sacred slaves who inhabited the city, but had not the power of
selling them. The slaves amounted to no less than six thousand.
This Archelaus was the son of that Archelaus who received honours from
Sylla and the senate; he was the friend of Gabinius, a person of
consular rank. When the former was sent into Syria, he came with the
expectation of accompanying him, when he was making preparations for the
Parthian war, but the senate would not permit him to do so, and he
abandoned this, and conceived a greater design.

Ptolemy, the father of Cleopatra, happened at this time to be ejected
from his kingdom by the Ægyptians. His daughter however, the elder
sister of Cleopatra, was in possession of the throne. When inquiries
were making in order to marry her to a husband of royal descent,
Archelaus presented himself to those who were negotiating the affair,
and pretended to be the son of Mithridates Eupator. He was accepted, but
reigned only six months. He was killed by Gabinius in a pitched battle,
in his attempt to restore Ptolemy.

35. His son however succeeded to the priesthood, and Lycomedes succeeded
him, to whom was assigned an additional district of four schœni (or 120
stadia) in extent. When Lycomedes was dispossessed he was succeeded by
Dyteutus, the son of Adiatorix, who still occupies the post, and appears
to have obtained this honour from Cæsar Augustus on account of his good
conduct on the following occasion.

Cæsar, after leading in triumph Adiatorix, with his wife and children,
had resolved to put him to death together with the eldest of his sons.
Dyteutus was the eldest; but when the second of his brothers told the
soldiers who were leading them away to execution that he was the eldest,
there was a contest between the two brothers, which continued for some
time, till the parents prevailed upon Dyteutus to yield to the younger,
assigning as a reason, that the eldest would be a better person to
protect his mother and his remaining brother. The younger was put to
death together with his father; the elder was saved, and obtained this
office. When Cæsar was informed of the execution of these persons, he
regretted it, and, considering the survivors worthy of his favour and
protection, bestowed upon them this honourable appointment.

36. Comana is populous, and is a considerable mart, frequented by
persons coming from Armenia. Men and women assemble there from all
quarters from the cities and the country to celebrate the festival at
the time of the exodi or processions of the goddess. Some persons under
the obligation of a vow are always residing there, and perform
sacrifices in honour of the goddess.

The inhabitants are voluptuous in their mode of life. All their property
is planted with vines, and there is a multitude of women, who make a
gain of their persons, most of whom are dedicated to the goddess. The
city is almost a little Corinth. On account of the multitude of harlots
at Corinth, who are dedicated to Venus, and attracted by the festivities
of the place, strangers resorted thither in great numbers. Merchants and
soldiers were quite ruined, so that hence the proverb originated,

“every man cannot go to Corinth. ”

Such is the character of Comana.

37. All the country around is subject to Pythodoris, and she possesses
also Phanarœa, the Zelitis, and the Megalopolitis.

We have already spoken of Phanarœa.

In the district Zelitis is the city Zela,[1186] built upon the mound of
Semiramis. It contains the temple of Anaïtis, whom the Armenians also
worship. Sacrifices are performed with more pomp than in other places,
and all the people of Pontus take oaths here in affairs of highest
concern. The multitude of the sacred menials, and the honours conferred
upon the priests, were in the time of the kings, upon the plan which I
have before described. At present, however, everything is under the
power of Pythodoris, but many persons had previously reduced the number
of the sacred attendants, injured the property and diminished the
revenue belonging to the [CAS. 560] temple. The adjacent district of
Zelitis, (in which is the city Zela, on the mound of Semiramis,) was
reduced by being divided into several governments. Anciently, the kings
did not govern Zela as a city, but regarded it as a temple of the
Persian gods; the priest was the director of everything relating to its
administration. It was inhabited by a multitude of sacred menials, by
the priest, who possessed great wealth, and by his numerous attendants;
the sacred territory was under the authority of the priest, and it was
his own property. Pompey added many provinces to Zelitis, and gave the
name of city to Zela, as well as to Megalopolis. He formed Zelitis,
Culupene, and Camisene, into one district. The two latter bordered upon
the Lesser Armenia, and upon Laviansene. Fossile salt was found in them,
and there was an ancient fortress called Camisa, at present in ruins.
The Roman governors who next succeeded assigned one portion of these two
governments to the priests of Comana, another to the priest of Zela, and
another to Ateporix, a chief of the family of the tetrarchs of Galatia;
upon his death, this portion, which was not large, became subject to the
Romans under the name of a province. This little state is a political
body of itself, Carana[1187] being united with it as a colony, and hence
the district has the name of Caranitis. The other parts are in the
possession of Pythodoris, and Dyteutus.

38. There remain to be described the parts of Pontus, situated between
this country and the districts of Amisus, and Sinope, extending towards
Cappadocia, the Galatians, and the Paphlagonians.

Next to the territory of the Amiseni is Phazemonitis,[1188] which
extends as far as the Halys, and which Pompey called Neapolitis. He
raised the village Phazemon to the rank of a city, and increasing its
extent gave to it the name of Neapolis. [1189] The northern side of this
tract is bounded by the Gazelonitis, and by the country of the Amiseni;
the western side by the Halys; the eastern by Phanarœa; the remainder by
the territory of Amasis, my native country, which surpasses all the rest
in extent and fertility.

The part of Phazemonitis towards Phanarœa is occupied by a lake,
sea-like in magnitude, called Stiphane,[1190] which abounds with fish,
and has around it a large range of pasture adapted to all kinds of
animals. Close upon it is a strong fortress, Cizari, [Icizari,] at
present deserted, and near it a royal seat in ruins. The rest of the
country in general is bare, but produces corn.

Above the district of Amasis are the hot springs[1191] of the
Phazemonitæ, highly salubrious, and the Sagylium,[1192] a stronghold
situated on a lofty perpendicular hill, stretching upwards and
terminating in a sharp peak. In this fortress is a reservoir well
supplied with water, which is at present neglected, but was useful, on
many occasions, to the kings. Here the sons of Pharnaces the king
captured and put to death Arsaces, who was governing without the
authority of the Roman generals, and endeavouring to produce a
revolution in the state. The fortress was taken by Polemo and Lycomedes,
both of them kings, by famine and not by storm. Arsaces, being prevented
from escaping into the plains, fled to the mountains without provisions.
There he found the wells choked up with large pieces of rock. This had
been done by order of Pompey, who had directed the fortresses to be
demolished, and to leave nothing in them that could be serviceable to
robbers, who might use them as places of refuge. Such was the settlement
of the Phazemonitis made by Pompey. Those who came afterwards divided
this district among various kings.

39. My native city, Amaseia, lies in a deep and extensive valley,
through which runs the river Iris. [1193] It is indebted to nature and
art for its admirable position and construction. It [CAS. 561] answers
the double purpose of a city and a fortress. It is a high rock,
precipitous on all sides, descending rapidly down to the river: on the
margin of the river, where the city stands, is a wall, and a wall also
which ascends on each side of the city to the peaks, of which there are
two, united by nature, and completely fortified with towers. In this
circuit of the wall are the palace, and the monuments of the kings. The
peaks are connected together by a very narrow ridge, in height five or
six stadia on each side, as you ascend from the banks of the river, and
from the suburbs. From the ridge to the peaks there remains another
sharp ascent of a stadium in length, which defies the attacks of an
enemy. Within the rock are reservoirs of water, the supply from which
the inhabitants cannot be deprived of, as two channels are cut, one in
the direction of the river, the other of the ridge. Two bridges are
built over the river, one leading from the city to the suburbs, the
other from the suburbs to the country beyond; for near this bridge the
mountain, which overhangs the rock, terminates.

A valley extends from the river; it is not very wide at its
commencement, but afterwards increases in breadth, and forms the plain
called the Chiliocomon (The Thousand Villages). Next is the Diacopene,
and the Pimolisene, the whole of which is a fertile district extending
to the Halys.

These are the northern parts of the country of the Amasenses, and are in
length about 500 stadia. Then follows the remainder, which is much
longer, extending as far as Babanomus, and the Ximene,[1194] which
itself reaches to the Halys. The breadth is reckoned from north to
south, to the Zelitis and the Greater Cappadocia, as far as the
Trocmi. [1195] In Ximene there is found fossile salt, (ἅλες, Hales,) from
which it is supposed the river had the name of Halys. There are many
ruined fortresses in my native country, and large tracts of land made a
desert by the Mithridatic war. The whole of it, however, abounds with
trees. It affords pasture for horses, and is adapted to the subsistence
of other animals; the whole of it is very habitable. Amaseia was given
to the kings, but at present it is a (Roman) province.

40. There remains to be described the country within the Halys,
belonging to the province of Pontus, and situated about the
Olgassys,[1196] and contiguous to the Sinopic district. The Olgassys is
a very lofty mountain, and difficult to be passed. The Paphlagonians
have erected temples in every part of this mountain. The country around,
the Blaene, and the Domanītis, through which the river Amnias[1197]
runs, is sufficiently fertile. Here it was that Mithridates Eupator
entirely destroyed[1198] the army of Nicomedes the Bithynian, not in
person, for he himself happened to be absent, but by his generals.
Nicomedes fled with a few followers, and escaped into his own country,
and thence sailed to Italy. Mithridates pursued him, and made himself
master of Bithynia as soon as he entered it, and obtained possession of
Asia as far as Caria and Lycia. Here is situated Pompeiopolis,[1199] in
which city is the Sandaracurgium,[1200] (or Sandaraca works,) it is not
far distant from Pimolisa, a royal fortress in ruins, from which the
country on each side of the river is called Pimolisene. The
Sandaracurgium is a mountain hollowed out by large trenches made by
workmen in the process of mining. The work is always carried on at the
public charge, and slaves were employed in the mine who had been sold on
account of their crimes. Besides the great labour of the employment, the
air is said to be destructive of life, and scarcely endurable in
consequence of the strong odour issuing from the masses of mineral;
hence the slaves are short-lived. The mining is frequently suspended
from its becoming unprofitable, for great expense is incurred by the
employment of more than two hundred workmen, whose number is continually
diminishing by disease and fatal accidents.

So much respecting Pontus.

41. Next to Pompeiopolis is the remainder of the inland parts of
Paphlagonia as far as Bithynia towards the west. This tract, although
small in extent, was governed, a little before our time, by several
princes, but their race is extinct; at present it is in possession of
the Romans. The parts bordering upon Bithynia are called Timonitis; the
country of Gezatorix, [CAS. 562] Marmolitis, Sanisene, and Potamia.
There was also a Cimiatene, in which was Cimiata, a strong fortress
situated at the foot of the mountainous range of the Olgassys.
Mithridates, surnamed Ctistes, (or the Founder,) made it his
head-quarters when engaged in the conquest of Pontus, and his successors
kept possession of it to the time of Mithridates Eupator. The last king
of Paphlagonia was Deïotarus,[1201] son of Castor, and surnamed
Philadelphus, who possessed Gangra,[1202] containing the palace of
Morzeus, a small town, and a fortress.

42. Eudoxus, without defining the spot, says, that fossil fish[1203] are
found in Paphlagonia in dry ground, and in marshy ground also about the
lake Ascanius,[1204] which is below Cius, but he gives no clear
information on the subject.

We have described Paphlagonia bordering upon Pontus; and as the
Bithynians border upon the Paphlagonians towards the west, we shall
endeavour to describe this region also. We shall then set out again from
the Bithynians and the Paphlagonians, and describe the parts of the
country next to these nations lying towards the south; they extend as
far as the Taurus, and are parallel to Pontus and Cappadocia; for some
order and division of this kind are suggested by the nature of the
places.




CHAPTER IV.


1. Bithynia is bounded on the east by the Paphlagonians, Mariandyni, and
by some tribes of the Epicteti; on the north by the line of the
sea-coast of the Euxine, extending from the mouth of the Sangarius[1205]
to the straits at Byzantium and Chalcedon; on the west by the Propontis;
on the south by Mysia and Phrygia Epictetus, as it is called, which has
the name also of Hellespontic Phrygia.

2. Here upon the mouth of the Pontus is situated Chalcedon, founded by
the Megareans,[1206] the village Chrysopolis, and the Chalcedonian
temple. In the country a little above the sea-coast is a fountain,
Azaritia, (Azaretia? ) which breeds small crocodiles.

Next follows the coast of the Chalcedonians, the bay of Astacus,[1207]
as it is called, which is a part of the Propontis.

Here Nicomedia[1208] is situated, bearing the name of one of the
Bithynian kings by whom it was founded. Many kings however have taken
the same name, as the Ptolemies, on account of the fame of the first
person who bore it.

On the same bay was Astacus a city founded by Megareans and Athenians;
it was afterwards again colonized by Dœdalsus. The bay had its name from
the city. It was razed by Lysimachus. The founder of Nicomedia
transferred its inhabitants to the latter city.

3. There is another bay[1209] continuous with that of Astacus, which
advances further towards the east, and where is situated Prusias,[1210]
formerly called Cius. Philip, the son of Demetrius, and father of
Perseus, gave it to Prusias, son of Zelas, who had assisted him in
destroying both this and Myrleia,[1211] a neighbouring city, and also
situated near Prusa. He rebuilt them from their ruins, and called the
city Cius Prusias, after his own name, and Myrleia he called Apameia,
after that of his wife. This is the Prusias who received Hannibal, (who
took refuge with him hither after the defeat of Antiochus,) and retired
from Phrygia[1212] on the Hellespont, according to agreement with the
Attalici. [1213] This country was formerly called Lesser Phrygia, but by
the Attalici Phrygia Epictetus. [1214] Above Prusias is a mountain which
is called Arganthonius. [1215] Here is the scene of the fable of Hylas,
one of the companions of Hercules in the ship Argo, who, having
disembarked in order to obtain water for the vessel, was carried away by
nymphs. Cius, as the story goes, was a friend and companion of Hercules;
on his return from Colchis, he settled there and founded the city which
bears his name. At the present time a festival called Oreibasia, [CAS.
564] is celebrated by the Prusienses, who wander about the mountains and
woods, a rebel rout, calling on Hylas by name, as though in search of
him.

The Prusienses having shown a friendly disposition towards the Romans in
their administration of public affairs, obtained their freedom. But the
Apamies were obliged to admit a Roman colony.

Prusa, situated below the Mysian Olympus, on the borders of the
Phrygians and the Mysians, is a well-governed city; it was founded by
Cyrus,[1216] who made war against Crœsus.

4. It is difficult to define the boundaries of the Bithynians, Mysians,
Phrygians, of the Doliones about Cyzicus, and of the Mygdones and Troes;
it is generally admitted that each of these tribes ought to be placed
apart from the other. A proverbial saying is applied to the Phrygians
and Mysians,

“The boundaries of the Mysi and Phryges are apart from one
another,”

but it is difficult to define them respectively. The reason is this;
strangers who came into the country were soldiers and barbarians; they
had no fixed settlement in the country of which they obtained
possession, but were, for the most part, wanderers, expelling others
from their territory, and being expelled themselves. All these nations
might be supposed to be Thracians, because Thracians occupy the country
on the other side, and because they do not differ much from one another.

5. But as far as we are able to conjecture, we may place Mysia between
Bithynia and the mouth of the Æsepus, contiguous to the sea, and nearly
along the whole of Olympus. Around it, in the interior, is the
Epictetus, nowhere reaching the sea, and extending as far as the eastern
parts of the Ascanian lake and district, for both bear the same name.
Part of this territory was Phrygian, and part Mysian; the Phrygian was
further distant from Troy; and so we must understand the words of the
poet[1217], when he says,

“Phorcys, and the godlike Ascanius, were the leaders of the
Phryges far from Ascania,”

that is, the Phrygian Ascania; for the other, the Mysian Ascania, was
nearer to the present Nicæa, which he mentions, when he says,

“Palmys, Ascanius, and Morys, sons of Hippotion, the leader of
the Mysi, fighting in close combat, who came from the fertile
soil of Ascania, as auxiliaries. ”[1218]

It is not then surprising that he should speak of an Ascanius, a leader
of the Phrygians, who came from Ascania, and of an Ascanius, a leader of
the Mysians, coming also from Ascania, for there is much repetition of
names derived from rivers, lakes, and places.

6. The poet himself assigns the Æsepus as the boundary of the Mysians,
for after having described the country above Ilium, and lying along the
foot of the mountains subject to Æneas, and which he calls Dardania, he
places next towards the north Lycia, which was subject to Pandarus, and
where Zeleia[1219] was situated; he says,

“They who inhabited Zeleia, at the very foot of Ida, Aphneii
Trojans, who drink of the dark stream of Æsepus;”[1220]

below Zeleia, towards the sea, on this side of Æsepus, lies the plain of
Adrasteia, and Tereia, Pitya, and in general the present district of
Cyzicene near Priapus,[1221] which he afterwards describes. He then
returns again to the parts towards the east, and to those lying above,
by which he shows that he considered the country as far as the Æsepus
the northern and eastern boundary of the Troad. Next to the Troad are
Mysia and Olympus. [1222] Ancient tradition then suggests some such
disposition of these nations. But the present changes have produced many
differences in consequence of the continual succession of governors of
the country, who confounded together people and districts, and separated
others. The Phrygians and Mysians were masters of the country after the
capture of Troy; afterwards the Lydians; then the Æolians and Ionians;
next, the Persians and Macedonians; lastly, the Romans, under whose
government most of the tribes have lost even their languages and names,
in consequence of a new partition of the country having been made. It
will be proper to take this into consideration when we describe its
present state, at the same time showing a due regard to antiquity.

7. In the inland parts of Bithynia is Bithynium,[1223] situated above
Tieium,[1224] and to which belongs the country about Salon, [CAS. 565]
affording the best pasturage for cattle, whence comes the cheese of
Salon. Nicæa,[1225] the capital of Bithynia, is situated on the Ascanian
lake. It is surrounded by a very large and very fertile plain, which in
the summer is not very healthy. Its first founder was Antigonus, the son
of Philip, who called it Antigonia. It was then rebuilt by Lysimachus,
who changed its name to that of his wife Nicæa. She was the daughter of
Antipater. The city is situated in a plain. Its shape is quadrangular,
eleven stadia in circuit. It has four gates. Its streets are divided at
right angles, so that the four gates may be seen from a single stone,
set up in the middle of the Gymnasium. A little above the Ascanian lake
is Otrœa, a small town situated just on the borders of Bithynia towards
the east. It is conjectured that Otrœa was so called from Otreus.

8. That Bithynia was a colony of the Mysians, first Scylax of Caryanda
will testify, who says that Phrygians and Mysians dwell around the
Ascanian lake. The next witness is Dionysius, who composed a work on
“the foundation of cities. ” He says that the straits at Chalcedon, and
Byzantium, which are now called the Thracian, were formerly called the
Mysian Bosporus. Some person might allege this as a proof that the
Mysians were Thracians; and Euphorio says,

“by the waters of the Mysian Ascanius;”

and thus also Alexander the Ætolian,

“who have their dwellings near the Ascanian waters, on the
margin of the Ascanian lake, where Dolion dwelt, the son of
Silenus and of Melia. ”

These authors testify the same thing, because the Ascanian lake is found
in no other situation but this.

9. Men distinguished for their learning, natives of Bithynia, were
Xenocrates the philosopher, Dionysius the dialectician, Hipparchus,
Theodosius and his sons the mathematicians, Cleophanes the rhetorician
of Myrleia, and Asclepiades the physician of Prusa. [1226]

10. To the south of the Bithynians are the Mysians about Olympus (whom
some writers call Bithyni Olympeni, and others Hellespontii) and Phrygia
upon the Hellespont. To the south of the Paphlagonians are the
Galatians, and still further to the south of both these nations are the
Greater Phrygia, and Lycaonia, extending as far as the Cilician and
Pisidian Taurus. But since the parts continuous with Paphlagonia adjoin
Pontus, Cappadocia, and the nations which we have just described, it may
be proper first to give an account of the parts in the neighbourhood of
these nations, and then proceed to a description of the places next in
order.




CHAPTER V.


1. To the south of the Paphlagonians are the Galatians, of whom there
are three tribes; two of them, the Trocmi and the Tolistobogii, have
their names from their chiefs; the third, the Tectosages, from the tribe
of that name in Celtica. The Galatians took possession of this country
after wandering about for a long period, and overrunning the country
subject to the Attalic and the Bithynian kings, until they received by a
voluntary cession the present Galatia, or Gallo-Græcia, as it is called.
Leonnorius seems to have been the chief leader of these people when they
passed over into Asia. There were three nations that spoke the same
language, and in no respect differed from one another. Each of them was
divided into four portions called tetrarchies, and had its own tetrarch,
its own judge, and one superintendent of the army, all of whom were
under the control of the tetrarch, and two subordinate superintendents
[CAS. 567] of the army. The Council of the twelve Tetrarchs consisted of
three hundred persons, who assembled at a place called the
Drynemetum. [1227] The council determined causes relative to murder, the
others were decided by the tetrarchs and the judges. Such, anciently,
was the political constitution of Galatia; but, in our time, the
government was in the hands of three chiefs, then of two, and at last it
was administered by Deïotarus, who was succeeded by Amyntas. At present,
the Romans possess this as well as all the country which was subject to
Amyntas, and have reduced it into one province.

2. The Trocmi occupy the parts near Pontus and Cappadocia, which are the
best which the Galatians possess. They have three walled fortresses,
Tavium, a mart for the people in that quarter, where there is a colossal
statue of Jupiter in brass, and a grove, which is used as a place of
refuge; Mithridatium, which Pompey gave to Bogodiatarus, (Deïotarus? )
having separated it from the kingdom of Pontus; and thirdly, Danala,
where Pompey, when he was about to leave the country to celebrate his
triumph, met Lucullus and delivered over to him as his successor the
command of the war.

This is the country which the Trocmi possess.

The Tectosages occupy the parts towards the greater Phrygia near
Pessinus,[1228] and the Orcaorci. They had the fortress Ancyra,[1229] of
the same name as the small Phrygian city towards Lydia near
Blaudus. [1230] The Tolistobogii border upon the Bithynians, and Phrygia
Epictetus, as it is called. They possess the fortresses Blucium,
(Luceium,) which was the royal seat of Deïotarus, and Peïum, which was
his treasure-hold.

3.