Catulus, the firm supporter of the senate; but without literary acquirement, for, under the teach-
the censors, in consequence of their political disc ing of the Peripatetic Alexander, he had gained
cordance, passed the period of their office without a moderate proficiency in history and philosophy.
the censors, in consequence of their political disc ing of the Peripatetic Alexander, he had gained
cordance, passed the period of their office without a moderate proficiency in history and philosophy.
William Smith - 1844 - Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities - a
C.
sided in Asia, he was in the habit of giving judg. 87, he was put to death by the horsemen of Fim-
ment to those who resorted to his tribunal in any bria, who belonged to the party of Marius, and, ac-
one of five dialects in which they preferred their cording to Florus (iii. 21. § 14), was massacred
claim. (Quintil. xi. 2, fin. ) Cicero extols him as before his father's eyes. Appian (B. C. i. p. 394)
a good orator and jurist (Cic. Brut. 26 ; compare differs from other historians in his account of this
Dig. 1. tit. 2. s. 4), and Gellius (who gives an example transaction. He relates that the father, after slay-
of the strictness of his military discipline) says that, ing his son, was himself slaughtered by the party
according to Sempronius Asellio and other writers in pursuit.
of Roman history, he possessed five of the best of 16. LICINIUS Crassus Dives, a younger bra
good things, " quod esset ditissimus, quod nobilis- ther of No. 15. His praenomen is unknown, and
biinus, quod eloquentissimus, quod jurisconsultissi- the only particulars of his history which have been
mus, quod pontifex maximus. ” (Geil. i. 13. ) How recorded are the fact of his marriage in the lifetime
the legal lore of Crassus was on one occasion well- of his parents, and his escape from the massacre of
nigh foiled in contest with the superior eloquence the year B. c. 87. (Plut. Crass. 1, 4. )
of Ser. Sulpicius Galba (whose son married the 17. M. LICINIUS P. F. M. N. Crassus Dives,
daughter of Crassus) may be read in Cicero ( ue the younger son of No. 14. The date of his birth
Orat. i. 56). By Heineccius (Hist. Jur. Rom. i. is noi precisely recorded, but it is probable that
143) and many others, he has been confounded he was born about the year B. c. 105, for Plutarch
with L. Licinius Crassus, the orator, No. 23. states, that he was younger than Pompey (Plut
(Rutilius, l'itae JCtorum, c. xviii. )
Crass. 6), and that he was more than sixty years
9. M. LICINIUS CRASSUS AGELASTUS, son of old when he departed (in the year B. c. 55) to
No. 7, and grand father of Crassus the triumvir. He make war against the Parthians. (16. 17. )
derived his cognomen from having never laughed In the year B. c. 87, when his-father and bra
(Plin. H. N. vii. 18), or, as Cicero says, he was ther suffered death for their resistance to Marius
not the less entitled to the designation, though and Cinna, he was not considered of sufficient im-
Lucilius reports that he laughed once in bis life. portance to be involved in the same doom ; but he
(Cic. de Fin. v. 30. )
was closely watched, and after some time he
10, 11, 12. LICINIAE. [LICINIA. ]
thought it prudent to make his escape to Spain,
13. M. Licisius CRASSUS, son of No. 9, was which he had visited some years before, when his
praetor B. c. 107.
father had the command in that country. How
14. P. Licinius M. f. P. N. CRASSUS Dives, he concealed himself in a cavern near the sea upon
brother of No. 13 and father of the triumvir. He the estate of Vibius Paciaecus, and how he passed
was the proposer of the lex Licinia, mentioned by his life in this strange retreat, is related in detail
Gellius (ii. 24), to prevent excessive expense and by the lively and amusing pen of Plutarch. After
gluttony in banquets. The exact date of this law a retirement of eight months, the death of Cinna
is uncertain, but it was alluded to by the poet (B. C. 81) relieved him from his voluntary confine
Lucilius, who died before the consulship of Crassus, went. He put himself at the head of a needy
which took place B. C. 97. The sumptuary law of rabble, for whose sustenance he provided by ma-
Crassus was so much approved of, that it was rauding excursions, and, with 2500 men, made his
directed by a decree of the senate to take effect way to Malaca. Thence, seizing the vessels in
immediately after its publication, and before it had the port, he set sail for Africa, where he met Q.
been actually passed by the populus. (Macrob. ii. Metellus Pius, who had escaped from the party of
13. ) It was abolished at the proposition of Duro- Marius. He soon quarrelled with Metellus, and
nius in B. c. 98. (Val. Max. ii. 9. $ 5. ) The extrava- did not remain long in Africa, for when Sulla
gance of the games and shows given by the (B. C. 83) landed in Italy, Crassus proceeded to
aediles had now become unreasonably great, and join that successful general.
Crassus during his aedileship yielded to the pre- He was now brought into competition with
vailing prodigality. (Cic. de Off. ii. 16. ) During Pompey, who also served under Sulla. The mind
the consulship of Crassus, the serate made a re- of Crassus was of an essentially vulgar type. He
## p. 875 (#895) ############################################
CRASSUS.
875
CRASSUS.
means.
was noted for envy, but his envy was low and From such pursuits Crassus was called to action
cavilling : it was not energetic enough to be cruel | by that servile war which sprang from and indi-
and revengeful, even when successful, and it was cated the deplorable state of domestic life in Italy,
so far under the control of pusillanimity and self- and was signalized by the romantic adventures
interest, as to abstain from the open opposition of and reverses of the daring but ill-fated Spartacus.
manly hatred. It was with such feelings that Spartacus had for many months successfully re-
Crassus regarded Pompey; and Sulla played off sisted the generals who had been sent to oppose
the rivals against each other. He understood his him. A revolt so really dangerous had begun to
tools. He gratified Pompey by external marks of create alarm, and no confidence was placed in the
honour, and Crassus with gold. The ruling pas- military talents of the consuls for the year B. c. 71,
sion of Crassus was avarice, and to repair and who regularly, according to a still-prevailing custom,
increase the fortunes of his family he was willing would have divided between them the command of
to submit to servile dependence, to encounter any the army. But the occasion called for more experi-
risk, and undergo any hardship. He undertook a enced leaders, and, in the absence of Pompey, who
service of considerable danger in levying troops was fighting in Spain, the command of six legions
for Sulla among the Marsi, and he afterwards and of the troops already in the field was given to
(B. C. 83) distinguished himself in a successful Crassus, who was created praetor. After several
campaign in Umbria. He was personally brave, engagements fought with various success (Spar-
and, by fighting against the remains of the Marian racus), Crassus at length brought the rebel chief
faction, he was avenging the wrongs of his house. to a decisive battle in Lucania. Spartacus was
Sulla put him in mind of this, and rewarded him slain with 12,300 (Plut. Pomp. 21), or, according
by donations of confiscated property, or by allow- to Livy (Epit. 97), 60,000 of his followers; and of
ing him to purchase at an almost nominal value the slaves that were taken prisoners, 6000 were
the estates of those who were proscribed. Crassus crucified along the road between Rome and Capua.
was reported to have sought for gain by dishonest Crassus had hastened operations in order to anti-
He was accused of unduly appropriating cipate the arrival of Pompey, who he feared might
the booty taken at Tuder (an Umbrian colony not reap the credit without having shared the dangers
far from the Tiber), and of placing, without autho- of the campaign. His fears were in some degree
rity, a name in the proscribed lists, in order that verified, for Pompey came in time to cut off 5000
he might succeed to an inheritance.
fugitives, and wrote to the senate, “ Crassus, in-
The desire of wealth which absorbed Crassus deed, has defeated the enemy, but I have extir-
was neither the self-sufficing love of possession, pated the war by the roots. " Though the victory
which enables the miser to despise the hiss of the of Crassus was of great importance, yet, as being
people while he contemplates the coin in his chest, achieved over slaves, it was not thought worthy of
nor did it spring from that valuptuousness which a triumph ; but Crassus was honoured with an
made Lucullus value the means of material enjoy- ovation, and allowed the distinction of wearing a
ment, nor from that lofty ambition which made triumphal crown of bay (laurus) instead of the
Sulla and Caesar look upon gold as a mere instru- myrtle, which was appropriate to an ovation.
ment of empire. Crassus sought wealth because Crassus now aspired to the consulship, and was
he loved the reputation of being rich, liked to have not abore applying for assistance to his rival Pom-
the power of purchasing vulgar popularity, and pey, who had also announced himself a candidate.
prized the kind of influence which the capitalist Pompey assumed with pleasure the part of pro-
acquires over the debtor, and over the man who tector, and declared to the people that he should
wants to borrow or hopes to profit. To these ob- consider his own election valueless, unless it were
jects the administration of civil affairs and warlike accompanied with that of Crassus. Both were
command were, in his view, subordinate. He elected. (B. C. 70. ) Already had Pompey become
possessed very great ability and steady industry a favourite of the people, and already begun to
in obtaining what he desired, and soon began to incur the distrust of the optimates, while Caesar
justify his hereditary surname, Dives. He ex- endeavoured to increase the estrangement by pro-
tended his influence by acting as an advocate be- moting a union between Pompey and Crassus in
fore the courts, by giving advice in domestic affairs, popular measures. With their united support, the
by canvassing for votes in favour of his friends, lex Aurelia was carried, by which the judices
and by lending money. At one time of his life, were selected from the populus (represented by
there was scarcely a senator who was not under the tribuni aerarii) and equites as well as the
some private obligation to him. He was affable senate, whereas the senate had possessed the
in his demeanour to the common people, taking judicia exclusively during the preceding twelve
them by the hand, and addressing them by name. years by the lex Cornelia of Sulla. The jealousy
Rich legacies and inheritances rewarded his assi- of Crassus, however, prevented any cordiality of
duity and complaisance to the old and wealthy. sentiment, or general unity of action. He saw
He was a keen and sagacious speculator. He himself overborne by the superior authority of his
bought multitudes of slaves, and, in order to in- colleague. To gain favour, he entertained the po-
crease their value, had them instructed in lucrative pulace at a banquet of 10,000 tables, and distri-
arts, and sometimes assisted personally in their buted corn enough to supply the family of every
education. Order and economy reigned in his citizen for three months; but all this was insuffi-
household. He worked silver-mines, cultivated cient to outweigh the superior personal considera-
farms, and built houses, which he let at high rents. tion of Pompey. The coolness between the con-
He took advantage of the distresses and dangers suls became a matter of public observation, and,
of others to make cheap purchases. Was there a on the last day of the year, the knight C. Aurelius
fire in the city, Crassus might be seen among the (probably at the instigation of Caesar) mounted
throng, bargaining for the houses that were burn- the tribune, and announced to the assembled mul-
ing or in danger of being burnt.
titude that Jupiter, who had appeared to him in a
## p. 876 (#896) ############################################
876
CRASSUS.
CRASSUS.
:
dream the night before, invited the consuls to be principle and steady virtue, looked with greater
reconciled before they left office. Pompcy re- favour upon Pompey, - there was a considerable
mained cold and inflexible, but Crassus took the mass of plain, moderate, practical men, who saw
first step by offering his hand to his rival, in the much that they liked in Crassus. Independently
midst of general acclamations. The reconciliation of the actual influence which he acquired by the
was hollow, for the jealousy of Crassus continued. means we have explained, he had the sympathy
He privily opposed the Gabinian rogation, which of those who, without being noble, were jealous
commissioned Pompey to clear the sea of pirates ; of the nobility, and were rich or were occupied
and Cicero's support of the Manilian law, which in making money. They sympathised with him,
conferred the command against Mithridates upon because the love of gain was a strong trait in the
Pompey, rankled in the mind of Crassus. When Roman character, and they saw that his unequi-
Pompey returned victorious, Crassus, from timnidity vocal success in his pursuit was a proof of at
or disgust, retired for a time from Rome.
least one unquestionable talent -a talent of the
In the year B. C. 65, Crassus was censor with most universal practical utility. He was not
Q.
Catulus, the firm supporter of the senate; but without literary acquirement, for, under the teach-
the censors, in consequence of their political disc ing of the Peripatetic Alexander, he had gained
cordance, passed the period of their office without a moderate proficiency in history and philosophy.
holding a census or a muster of the equites. In | There was no profligacy in his private conduct
the following year, Crassus failed in his wish to to shock decent and respectable mediocrity. He
obtain the rich province of Egypt.
was not above ordinary comprehension. The many
Crassus was suspected by some, probably with could appreciate a worldly and vulgar-minded but
out sufficient reason, of being privy to the first safe man, whose principles sat loosely but conve-
conspiracy of Catiline ; and again, in the year B. c. niently upon him, who was not likely to innorate
63, L. Tarquinius, when he was arrested on his rashly, to dazzle by eccentric brilliancy, or to put
way to Catiline, affirmed that he was sent by to shame by an overstrained rigidity of virtue.
Crassus with a message inviting Catiline to come Thus it was more prudent to combine with Cras
with speed to the rescue of his friends at Rome; sus as an ally, than to incur the opposition of his
but the senate denounced the testimony of L. Tar-party, and to risk the counter-influence of an
quinius as a calumny, and Crassus himself attri- enormous fortune, which made the name of Cras-
buted the charge to the subornation of Cicero. sus proverbial for wealth. Pliny (H. N. xxxiij.
(Sall. B. C. 48. ) The interests of Crassus were 47) values his estates in the country alone at two
opposed to the success of the conspiracy ; for it hundred millions of sesterces. He might have
would have required a man of higher order to maintained no despicable army at his own cost.
seize and retain the helm in the confusion that Without the means of doing this, he thought that
would have ensued.
no one deserved to be called rich. In other less
In the whole intercourse between Crassus and stirring times he might have lived and died with-
Cicero may be observed a real coldness, with oc- out leavin in history any marked traces of his
casional alterations of affected friendship. (Comp. existence; but in the period of transition and
Cic. ad Att. i. 14 and 16, ad Fam. xiv. 2, pro commotion which preceded the fall of the republic,
Sext. 17, ad Fam. i. 9. § 6, v. 8. ) In his such elements of power as he possessed could
intercourse with others, Crassus was equally un- scarcely remain neglected and quiescent.
steady in his likings and enmities. They were, in It was part of the triumviral contract-renewed
fact, not deeply-seated, and, without the practice at an interview between the parties in Luca--that
of much hypocrisy, could be assumed or withdrawn Pompey and Crassus should be a second time con-
as temporary expediency might suggest.
suls together, should share the arinies and pro-
It was from motives of self-interest, without vinces of the ensuing year, and should exert their
actual community of feeling or purpose, that the influence to secure the prolongation for five years
so-called triumvirate was formed between Caesar, of Caesar's command in Gaul
. Notwithstanding
Pompey, and Crassus. Each hoped to gain the the strenuous opposition of L. Domitius Aheno
first place for himself by using the others for his barbus, backed by all. the authority of Cato of
purposes, though there can be no doubt that the Utica (who was forced on the day of election to
confederacy was really most profitable to Caesar, leave the field of Mars with his followers after a
and that, of the three, Crassus would have been scene of serious riot and uproar), both Pompey
the least able to rule alone. Caesar had already and Crassus were elected consuls, B. c. 55. A law
found Crassus a convenient friend ; for in B. c. 61, was passed at the rogation of the tribune C. Tre-
when Caesar was about to proceed to his province bonius, by which Syria and the two Spains, with
in Further Spain, Crassus became security for his the right of peace and war, were assigned to the
debts to a large amount. It may, at first view, consuls for five years, while the Gauls and Illyri-
excite surprise that a person of so little independent cum were handed over to Caesar for a similar
greatness as Crassus should have occupied the period. In the distribution of the consular pro-
position that he filled, and that men of wider vinces, Crassus took Syria.
capacity should have entered into a compact to Crassus was anxious to distinguish himself in
share with him the honours and profits of the
mpey, he saw, had subjugated the Pirates
commonwealth. But the fact is to be accounted and Mithridates : Caesar had conquered Gaul, and
for by considering, that the character of Crassus was marching his army victoriously to Germany
represented in many points a large portion of and Britain. Mortified at successes which made
the public. While the young, the daring and him feel his inferiority to both, he chose rather to
the ambitious, the needy, the revolutionary, enter upon an undertaking for which he had no
and the democratic, adhered to Caesar, — while genius than to continne the pursuit of wealth and
the aristocracy, the party of the old constitu- influence at home. Armed hv the lex Trebonia
tion, those who affecied the reputation of high, with power to make war, be determined to exer-
war.
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CRASSUS.
877
CRASSUS.
1
cisc his authority by attacking the Parthians. India. Ile did not attempt to take advantage of
This was a stretch and perversion of the law, the intestine dissensions in Parthin, did not form
for the Parthians were not expressly named in the any cordial union with the Armenians and other
lex Trebonia, and the Senate, who constitutionally tribes who were hostile to the Parthians, and did
were the proper arbiters of peace and war, refused not obtain correct information as to the position of
to sanction hostilities by their decree. Indeed the enemy's force, and the nature of the country.
there was not the slightest pretext for hostil. On the contrary, he listened to flatterers; he
ities, and nothing could be more flagrantly un- suffered himself to be grossly deceived and misled,
just than the determination of Crassus. It was and he alienated, by ill-treatment and insolence,
in express violation of treaties, for in the year 6. C. those who might have been useful, and were dis-
92, Sulla had concluded a treaty of peace with the posed to be friendly. After crossing the Euphrates,
Parthians, and the treaty had been renewed by and taking Zenodotium in Mesopotamia (a suc-
Pompey with their king Phraates. The Romans cess on which he prided himself as if it were a
were not very scrupulous in their carcer of con- great exploit), he did not follow up the attack
quest, and they often fought from motives of gain upon Parthia, but gave time to the enemy to as-
or ainbition, but their ostensible rensons generally semble his forces and concert his plans and choose
bore some show of plausibility, and a total disre- his ground. He was advised by Cassius to keep
gard of form was offensive to a people who were the banks of the Euplirates, to make himself mas-
accustomed in their international dealings to ob- ter of Seleuceia (which was situate on a canal con-
serve certain legal and religious technicalities. It necting the Euphrates and the Tigris), and to take
was not surprising, therefore, that, apart from all Babylon, since both these cities were always at
political considerations, the feelings of common jus- enmity with the Parthians. He chose, however,
tice should excite a strong repugnance to the plans after leaving 7000 infantry and 1000 cavalry in
of Cmssus, who, having gained his immediate garrison in Mesopotamia, to recross the Euphrates
object in obtaining Syria as his province, broke with the rest of his forces, and to pass the winter
out into a display of childish vanity and boastful- in northern Syria. In Syria he behaved more
ness, which were alien from his usual demeanour. like a revenue officer than a general. He omitted
C. Ateius Capito, the tribune, ordered his officer to to muster and exercise the troops, or to review the
arrest Crassus, but was obliged to release him by armour and military stores. It is true that he
the intercession of his colleagues. However, he ordered the neighbouring tribes and chieftains to
ran on to the gate of the city to intercept the furnish recruits and bring supplies, but these re-
consul, who was anxious without delay to proceed quisitions he willingly commuted for money. Nor
to his destination, and resolved to set out at once was his cupidity satisfied by such gains. At
without waiting for the termination of his year of Hierapolis there was a wealthy temple, dedicated
office. Posted at the gate, Ateius kindled a fire, to the Syrian goddess Derceto or Atargatis (the
and with certain fumigations and libations and in- Ashtaroth of Scripture), who presided over the
vocations of strange and terrible deities, mingled elements of nature and the productive seeds of
the most awful curses and imprecations against things. (Plin. H. N. v. 19; Strab. xvi. in
Crassus. This was done in pursuance of an an- fin. ) This temple he plundered of its treasures,
cient Roman rite, which was never solemnized on which it took several days to examine and weigh.
light grounds ; for, while it was believed to be fatal One of the ill omens mentioned by Plutarch
to the person devoted, it was also thought to bring occurred here. Crassus had a son Publinis, who
calamity upon the person who devoted another. had lately arrived from Italy with 1000 Gallic
But Crassus was not deterred. He proceeded on cavalry to join his father's army. The son, on
his way to Brundusium. The evil omen daunted going out of the temple, stumbled on the thresh-
the army, and seems to have occasioned an unusual old, and the father, who was following, fell over
attention to disastrous auguries and forebodings, him. Josephus (Ant. xiv. 7, Bell. Jud. i. 8)
for Plutarch is copious in his account of tokens of gives a circumstantial account of the plunder of the
misfortune in almost every stage of the expedition. temple at Jerusalem by Crassus, but the narrative
The route of Crassus lay through Macedonia, is not free from suspicion, for Jerusalem lay en-
Thrace, the Hellespont, Galatia, and the northern tirely out of the route of Crassus, and was at a
part of Syria to Mesopotamia. Throughout the distance of between 400 and 500 Roman miles
whole campaign he exhibited so much imprudence from the winter quarters of the army; and we
and such a complete neglect of the first principles believe that no historian but Josephus mentions
of military art, that premature age may be thought the occurrence, if we except the author of the Latin
to have impaired his faculties, though be was now work “ De Bello Judaico,” (i. 21,) which is little
but little more than sixty years old.
He was
more than an enlarged translation of Josephus, and
deaf, and looked older than he really was. The passes under the name of Hegesippus. To the
aged Deiotarus, whom he met in Galatia, rallied divine judgment for his sacrilege on this occasion,
him on his coming late into the field. He was Dr. Prideaux (Connexion, part 2) attributes the
accompanied by some able men, especially the subsequent infatuation of Crassus. According to
quaestor C. Cassius Longinus (afterwards one of this account, Eleazar, treasurer of the temple, had,
Caesar's murderers) and the legate Octavius, but for security, put a bar of gold of the weight of 300
he did not profit by their advice. He was quite Hebrew minae into a hollowed beam, and to this
uninformed as to the character and resources of the beam was attached the veil which separated the
enemy he was going to attack ; fancied that he Holy Place from the Holy of Holies. "Perceiving
should have an easy conquest over un warlike peo- that Crassus intended to plunder the temple,
ple; that countless treasures lay before him, and Eleazar endeavoured to compound with him, by
that it would be a matter of no difficulty to out-giving him the bar of gold on condition that he
strip the glory of his predecessors, Scipio, Lucullus, would spare the other treasures. This Crassus
Pompey, and push on his army to Bactria and promised with an oath, but had no sooner received
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CRASSUS.
CRASSUS.
the gold, than he seized, not only 2000 talents | Crassus in this emergency was mai ked by irreso
in money, which Pompey had left untouched, but i lution. lle first drew up his infantry in line, and
everything else that he thought worth carrying placed his cavalry at the wings-an arrangement
away, to the value of 8000 talents more.
which would have obviated the murderous success
Orodes (Arsaces XIV. ), the king of Parthia, of the Parthian archers, and would have prevented
was himself engaged with part of his army, in an the troops from being outflanked by the Parthian
invasion of Armenia, but he despatched Surenas, horse ; but he then altered his mind, and formed
the most illustrious of his nobles and a young ac- the infantry in a solid square flanked by squadrons
complished general, into Mesopotamia with the of cavalry. To his son he gave one wing, to Cas-
rest of his forces, to hold Crassus in check. Be-sius the other, and placed himself in the centre.
fore proceeding to hostilities, he sent ambassadors in the battle that ensued, the Parthians exhibited
to Crassus to say that if the Roman general made their usual tactics, advancing with tertific shouts
war by the authority of the senate, the war and the noise of kettle-drums. They worried the
could only terminate by the destruction of one or densely marshalled Romans with showers of arrows
other of the parties, but if at the prompting of his and javelins, every one of which struck its man.
own desire, the king would take compassion on his Crassus was disheartened at finding that there was
old age, and allow him to withdraw his troops in no chance of their missiles being exhausted, as a
safety. Crassus replied that he would give his number of camels were laden with a large supply.
answer at Seleuceia. “ Sooner," said the ambas- By feigned retreats, during which they continued
sador, Vagises, “shall hair grow on the palm of to discharge their arrows, they led the Romans
this hand, than thy eres behold Seleuceia. ” Ar- into disadvantageous positions ; then they suddenly
tavasdes, the king of Armenia, requested Crassus rallied and charged, while the enemy was in dis-
to join him in Armenia, in order that they might order and blinded by dust.
oppose Orodes with their united forces; he pointed For the details of the engagement, which was dis-
out to the Roman general that Armenia being a tinguished by errors and misfortunes and unavailing
rough mountainous country, the cavalry, of which bravery, we must refer to the account of Plutarch.
the Parthian army was almost wholly composed, Crassus lost his son in the battle, and endeavoured
would there be useless, and he promised to take to encourage the soldiers under a calamity which,
care that in Armenia the Roman army should be he said, concerned him alone. He talked to them
supplied with all necessaries. In Mesopotamia, of honour and their country, but the faint and lan-
on the other hand, the Romans would be exposed guid shout with which they responded to his
to extreme danger on their march through sandy harangue, attested their dejection. When night
deserts, where they would be unable to procure came on the Parthians retired, it being contrary to
water and provisions. Crassus, however, deter- their custom to pass the night near an enemy, be-
mined to march through Mesopotamia, and engaged cause they never fortified their camps, and be-
Artavasdes to supply him with auxiliary troops ; cause their horses and arrows could be of little
but the king never sent the promised forces, excus- use in the dark. In this miserable state of affairs,
ing himself on the ground that they were necessary Octavius and Cassius found Crassus lying upon
for his own defence against Orodes.
the ground, as if he were stunned and senseless.
Crassus, in pursuing the imprudent course which They held a council of war, and determined to re-
he determined upon, was misled by a crafty Ara treat at once, leaving the wounded on the field.
bian chieftain, called by Plutarch, Ariamnes. * Crassus, with such of the troops as bad strength
This Arab had formerly served under Pompey, to march, retired to Carrhae (ibe Haran of Scrip-
and was well known to many in the army of ture), and, on the following morning, the Parthians
Crassus, for which reason he was selected by entered the Roman camp, and massacred the sick
Surenas to betray the Romans. He offered him and wounded, to the number of 4000. They then
self as a guide to conduct them by the shortest pursued and overtook four cohorts, which had lost
way to the enemy. He told the Roman general, their way in the dark, and put all but twenty men
that the Parthians durst not stand before him ; to the sword.
that unless he made haste, they would escape from Surenas, having ascertained that Crassus and the
him, and rob him of the fruits of victory. Cas- principal officers of the Roman army were shut up in
sius, the legate, suspected Ariamnes of treachery, Carthae, and fearing that they might altogether es-
and warned Crassus, instead of following him, to cape, again had recourse to stratagem and treachery.
retire to the mountains ; but Crassus, deceived by Crassus was induced to take a guide, Andromachus,
his fair words and fooled by his flattery, was led who acted as a traitor, and led the army into dan-
by him to the open plains of Mesopotamia. Ari- gerous defiles. Having escaped from this snare,
amnes, haring accomplished his object, seized a he was forced by the mutinous threats of the
frivolous pretext, and rode off to inforin Surenas troops, though his eyes were open to the inevitable
that the Roman army was delivered into his hands, result, to accept a perfidious invitation from Sure-
and Crassus soon learned from his scouts, that nas, who offered a pacific interview, and held out
the Parthians were advancing. The conduct of hopes that the Romans would be allowed to retire
without molestation. At the interview, a horse,
From the Roman ignorance of oriental lan- with rich trappings, was led out as a present
guages, there is a great variation among historians from the king to Crassus, who was forcibly placed
in the oriental names that occur in the expedition upon the saddle. Octavius, seeing plainly that
of Crassus. Thus, this chieftain is called by Dion it was the object of the Parthians to take Cras-
Cassius, Augarus or Abgarus, and by the compiler sus alive, seized the horse by the bridle. А
of the Historia Romanorum Parthica, attributed scuffle ensued, and Crassus fell by some un-
to Appian, he is called Acbarus. Florus (iii. 11. known hand. Whether he was despatched by an
$7) names him Mazaras. Again, the Armenian enemy, or by some friend who desired to save him
king is called by Dion Cassius (xl. 16) Artabazes. I from the disgrace of becoming a prisoner, is uncer-
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CRASSUS.
tain. In the course of this expedition,-one of | he refused to provide for his own safety, and, as
the most disastrous in which the Romans were his hand was disabled by being transfixed with an
ever engged against a foreign enemy,-Crassus is arrow, he ordered his sword-bearer to run him
said to have lost 20,000 men killed, and 10,000 through the body. Though he was more ambitious
taken prisoners.
At the time of his death, of military renown than of the fame of eloquence,
Artavasdes had made peace with Orodes, and had he was fond of literature. He was a proficient in
given one of his daughters in marriage to Pacorus, the art of dancing (Macrob. ii. 10 fin. ), and under
the son of the Parthian. They were sitting to the teaching of his friend and freedman Apollonius,
gether at the nuptial banquet, and listening to the became well skilled in Greck. (Cic. ad Fam.
representation of the Bacchae of Euripides, when a xiii. 16. ) There is extant a Roman denarius
messenger arrived from Surenas, and brought in the (post, p. 802) which has been usually supposed to
head and hand of Crassus. To the great delight refer to him, although the name inscribed and the
of the spectators, passages from the drama (1. 1168 device on the reverse would equally or better apply
&c. ) were applied by the actors to the lifeless to his grandfather, Publius the censor, No. 14.
head. Orodes afterwards caused melted gold to be See below, p. 882, a. (Eckhel, v. p. 232 ; Spanh.
poured into the mouth of his fallen enemy, saying, ii. p. 99. )
“ Sate thyself now with that metal of which in 21. M. LICINIUS M. F. CRASSUS Dives, son of
life thou wert so greedy. ” (Dion Cass. xl.
sided in Asia, he was in the habit of giving judg. 87, he was put to death by the horsemen of Fim-
ment to those who resorted to his tribunal in any bria, who belonged to the party of Marius, and, ac-
one of five dialects in which they preferred their cording to Florus (iii. 21. § 14), was massacred
claim. (Quintil. xi. 2, fin. ) Cicero extols him as before his father's eyes. Appian (B. C. i. p. 394)
a good orator and jurist (Cic. Brut. 26 ; compare differs from other historians in his account of this
Dig. 1. tit. 2. s. 4), and Gellius (who gives an example transaction. He relates that the father, after slay-
of the strictness of his military discipline) says that, ing his son, was himself slaughtered by the party
according to Sempronius Asellio and other writers in pursuit.
of Roman history, he possessed five of the best of 16. LICINIUS Crassus Dives, a younger bra
good things, " quod esset ditissimus, quod nobilis- ther of No. 15. His praenomen is unknown, and
biinus, quod eloquentissimus, quod jurisconsultissi- the only particulars of his history which have been
mus, quod pontifex maximus. ” (Geil. i. 13. ) How recorded are the fact of his marriage in the lifetime
the legal lore of Crassus was on one occasion well- of his parents, and his escape from the massacre of
nigh foiled in contest with the superior eloquence the year B. c. 87. (Plut. Crass. 1, 4. )
of Ser. Sulpicius Galba (whose son married the 17. M. LICINIUS P. F. M. N. Crassus Dives,
daughter of Crassus) may be read in Cicero ( ue the younger son of No. 14. The date of his birth
Orat. i. 56). By Heineccius (Hist. Jur. Rom. i. is noi precisely recorded, but it is probable that
143) and many others, he has been confounded he was born about the year B. c. 105, for Plutarch
with L. Licinius Crassus, the orator, No. 23. states, that he was younger than Pompey (Plut
(Rutilius, l'itae JCtorum, c. xviii. )
Crass. 6), and that he was more than sixty years
9. M. LICINIUS CRASSUS AGELASTUS, son of old when he departed (in the year B. c. 55) to
No. 7, and grand father of Crassus the triumvir. He make war against the Parthians. (16. 17. )
derived his cognomen from having never laughed In the year B. c. 87, when his-father and bra
(Plin. H. N. vii. 18), or, as Cicero says, he was ther suffered death for their resistance to Marius
not the less entitled to the designation, though and Cinna, he was not considered of sufficient im-
Lucilius reports that he laughed once in bis life. portance to be involved in the same doom ; but he
(Cic. de Fin. v. 30. )
was closely watched, and after some time he
10, 11, 12. LICINIAE. [LICINIA. ]
thought it prudent to make his escape to Spain,
13. M. Licisius CRASSUS, son of No. 9, was which he had visited some years before, when his
praetor B. c. 107.
father had the command in that country. How
14. P. Licinius M. f. P. N. CRASSUS Dives, he concealed himself in a cavern near the sea upon
brother of No. 13 and father of the triumvir. He the estate of Vibius Paciaecus, and how he passed
was the proposer of the lex Licinia, mentioned by his life in this strange retreat, is related in detail
Gellius (ii. 24), to prevent excessive expense and by the lively and amusing pen of Plutarch. After
gluttony in banquets. The exact date of this law a retirement of eight months, the death of Cinna
is uncertain, but it was alluded to by the poet (B. C. 81) relieved him from his voluntary confine
Lucilius, who died before the consulship of Crassus, went. He put himself at the head of a needy
which took place B. C. 97. The sumptuary law of rabble, for whose sustenance he provided by ma-
Crassus was so much approved of, that it was rauding excursions, and, with 2500 men, made his
directed by a decree of the senate to take effect way to Malaca. Thence, seizing the vessels in
immediately after its publication, and before it had the port, he set sail for Africa, where he met Q.
been actually passed by the populus. (Macrob. ii. Metellus Pius, who had escaped from the party of
13. ) It was abolished at the proposition of Duro- Marius. He soon quarrelled with Metellus, and
nius in B. c. 98. (Val. Max. ii. 9. $ 5. ) The extrava- did not remain long in Africa, for when Sulla
gance of the games and shows given by the (B. C. 83) landed in Italy, Crassus proceeded to
aediles had now become unreasonably great, and join that successful general.
Crassus during his aedileship yielded to the pre- He was now brought into competition with
vailing prodigality. (Cic. de Off. ii. 16. ) During Pompey, who also served under Sulla. The mind
the consulship of Crassus, the serate made a re- of Crassus was of an essentially vulgar type. He
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CRASSUS.
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CRASSUS.
means.
was noted for envy, but his envy was low and From such pursuits Crassus was called to action
cavilling : it was not energetic enough to be cruel | by that servile war which sprang from and indi-
and revengeful, even when successful, and it was cated the deplorable state of domestic life in Italy,
so far under the control of pusillanimity and self- and was signalized by the romantic adventures
interest, as to abstain from the open opposition of and reverses of the daring but ill-fated Spartacus.
manly hatred. It was with such feelings that Spartacus had for many months successfully re-
Crassus regarded Pompey; and Sulla played off sisted the generals who had been sent to oppose
the rivals against each other. He understood his him. A revolt so really dangerous had begun to
tools. He gratified Pompey by external marks of create alarm, and no confidence was placed in the
honour, and Crassus with gold. The ruling pas- military talents of the consuls for the year B. c. 71,
sion of Crassus was avarice, and to repair and who regularly, according to a still-prevailing custom,
increase the fortunes of his family he was willing would have divided between them the command of
to submit to servile dependence, to encounter any the army. But the occasion called for more experi-
risk, and undergo any hardship. He undertook a enced leaders, and, in the absence of Pompey, who
service of considerable danger in levying troops was fighting in Spain, the command of six legions
for Sulla among the Marsi, and he afterwards and of the troops already in the field was given to
(B. C. 83) distinguished himself in a successful Crassus, who was created praetor. After several
campaign in Umbria. He was personally brave, engagements fought with various success (Spar-
and, by fighting against the remains of the Marian racus), Crassus at length brought the rebel chief
faction, he was avenging the wrongs of his house. to a decisive battle in Lucania. Spartacus was
Sulla put him in mind of this, and rewarded him slain with 12,300 (Plut. Pomp. 21), or, according
by donations of confiscated property, or by allow- to Livy (Epit. 97), 60,000 of his followers; and of
ing him to purchase at an almost nominal value the slaves that were taken prisoners, 6000 were
the estates of those who were proscribed. Crassus crucified along the road between Rome and Capua.
was reported to have sought for gain by dishonest Crassus had hastened operations in order to anti-
He was accused of unduly appropriating cipate the arrival of Pompey, who he feared might
the booty taken at Tuder (an Umbrian colony not reap the credit without having shared the dangers
far from the Tiber), and of placing, without autho- of the campaign. His fears were in some degree
rity, a name in the proscribed lists, in order that verified, for Pompey came in time to cut off 5000
he might succeed to an inheritance.
fugitives, and wrote to the senate, “ Crassus, in-
The desire of wealth which absorbed Crassus deed, has defeated the enemy, but I have extir-
was neither the self-sufficing love of possession, pated the war by the roots. " Though the victory
which enables the miser to despise the hiss of the of Crassus was of great importance, yet, as being
people while he contemplates the coin in his chest, achieved over slaves, it was not thought worthy of
nor did it spring from that valuptuousness which a triumph ; but Crassus was honoured with an
made Lucullus value the means of material enjoy- ovation, and allowed the distinction of wearing a
ment, nor from that lofty ambition which made triumphal crown of bay (laurus) instead of the
Sulla and Caesar look upon gold as a mere instru- myrtle, which was appropriate to an ovation.
ment of empire. Crassus sought wealth because Crassus now aspired to the consulship, and was
he loved the reputation of being rich, liked to have not abore applying for assistance to his rival Pom-
the power of purchasing vulgar popularity, and pey, who had also announced himself a candidate.
prized the kind of influence which the capitalist Pompey assumed with pleasure the part of pro-
acquires over the debtor, and over the man who tector, and declared to the people that he should
wants to borrow or hopes to profit. To these ob- consider his own election valueless, unless it were
jects the administration of civil affairs and warlike accompanied with that of Crassus. Both were
command were, in his view, subordinate. He elected. (B. C. 70. ) Already had Pompey become
possessed very great ability and steady industry a favourite of the people, and already begun to
in obtaining what he desired, and soon began to incur the distrust of the optimates, while Caesar
justify his hereditary surname, Dives. He ex- endeavoured to increase the estrangement by pro-
tended his influence by acting as an advocate be- moting a union between Pompey and Crassus in
fore the courts, by giving advice in domestic affairs, popular measures. With their united support, the
by canvassing for votes in favour of his friends, lex Aurelia was carried, by which the judices
and by lending money. At one time of his life, were selected from the populus (represented by
there was scarcely a senator who was not under the tribuni aerarii) and equites as well as the
some private obligation to him. He was affable senate, whereas the senate had possessed the
in his demeanour to the common people, taking judicia exclusively during the preceding twelve
them by the hand, and addressing them by name. years by the lex Cornelia of Sulla. The jealousy
Rich legacies and inheritances rewarded his assi- of Crassus, however, prevented any cordiality of
duity and complaisance to the old and wealthy. sentiment, or general unity of action. He saw
He was a keen and sagacious speculator. He himself overborne by the superior authority of his
bought multitudes of slaves, and, in order to in- colleague. To gain favour, he entertained the po-
crease their value, had them instructed in lucrative pulace at a banquet of 10,000 tables, and distri-
arts, and sometimes assisted personally in their buted corn enough to supply the family of every
education. Order and economy reigned in his citizen for three months; but all this was insuffi-
household. He worked silver-mines, cultivated cient to outweigh the superior personal considera-
farms, and built houses, which he let at high rents. tion of Pompey. The coolness between the con-
He took advantage of the distresses and dangers suls became a matter of public observation, and,
of others to make cheap purchases. Was there a on the last day of the year, the knight C. Aurelius
fire in the city, Crassus might be seen among the (probably at the instigation of Caesar) mounted
throng, bargaining for the houses that were burn- the tribune, and announced to the assembled mul-
ing or in danger of being burnt.
titude that Jupiter, who had appeared to him in a
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CRASSUS.
CRASSUS.
:
dream the night before, invited the consuls to be principle and steady virtue, looked with greater
reconciled before they left office. Pompcy re- favour upon Pompey, - there was a considerable
mained cold and inflexible, but Crassus took the mass of plain, moderate, practical men, who saw
first step by offering his hand to his rival, in the much that they liked in Crassus. Independently
midst of general acclamations. The reconciliation of the actual influence which he acquired by the
was hollow, for the jealousy of Crassus continued. means we have explained, he had the sympathy
He privily opposed the Gabinian rogation, which of those who, without being noble, were jealous
commissioned Pompey to clear the sea of pirates ; of the nobility, and were rich or were occupied
and Cicero's support of the Manilian law, which in making money. They sympathised with him,
conferred the command against Mithridates upon because the love of gain was a strong trait in the
Pompey, rankled in the mind of Crassus. When Roman character, and they saw that his unequi-
Pompey returned victorious, Crassus, from timnidity vocal success in his pursuit was a proof of at
or disgust, retired for a time from Rome.
least one unquestionable talent -a talent of the
In the year B. C. 65, Crassus was censor with most universal practical utility. He was not
Q.
Catulus, the firm supporter of the senate; but without literary acquirement, for, under the teach-
the censors, in consequence of their political disc ing of the Peripatetic Alexander, he had gained
cordance, passed the period of their office without a moderate proficiency in history and philosophy.
holding a census or a muster of the equites. In | There was no profligacy in his private conduct
the following year, Crassus failed in his wish to to shock decent and respectable mediocrity. He
obtain the rich province of Egypt.
was not above ordinary comprehension. The many
Crassus was suspected by some, probably with could appreciate a worldly and vulgar-minded but
out sufficient reason, of being privy to the first safe man, whose principles sat loosely but conve-
conspiracy of Catiline ; and again, in the year B. c. niently upon him, who was not likely to innorate
63, L. Tarquinius, when he was arrested on his rashly, to dazzle by eccentric brilliancy, or to put
way to Catiline, affirmed that he was sent by to shame by an overstrained rigidity of virtue.
Crassus with a message inviting Catiline to come Thus it was more prudent to combine with Cras
with speed to the rescue of his friends at Rome; sus as an ally, than to incur the opposition of his
but the senate denounced the testimony of L. Tar-party, and to risk the counter-influence of an
quinius as a calumny, and Crassus himself attri- enormous fortune, which made the name of Cras-
buted the charge to the subornation of Cicero. sus proverbial for wealth. Pliny (H. N. xxxiij.
(Sall. B. C. 48. ) The interests of Crassus were 47) values his estates in the country alone at two
opposed to the success of the conspiracy ; for it hundred millions of sesterces. He might have
would have required a man of higher order to maintained no despicable army at his own cost.
seize and retain the helm in the confusion that Without the means of doing this, he thought that
would have ensued.
no one deserved to be called rich. In other less
In the whole intercourse between Crassus and stirring times he might have lived and died with-
Cicero may be observed a real coldness, with oc- out leavin in history any marked traces of his
casional alterations of affected friendship. (Comp. existence; but in the period of transition and
Cic. ad Att. i. 14 and 16, ad Fam. xiv. 2, pro commotion which preceded the fall of the republic,
Sext. 17, ad Fam. i. 9. § 6, v. 8. ) In his such elements of power as he possessed could
intercourse with others, Crassus was equally un- scarcely remain neglected and quiescent.
steady in his likings and enmities. They were, in It was part of the triumviral contract-renewed
fact, not deeply-seated, and, without the practice at an interview between the parties in Luca--that
of much hypocrisy, could be assumed or withdrawn Pompey and Crassus should be a second time con-
as temporary expediency might suggest.
suls together, should share the arinies and pro-
It was from motives of self-interest, without vinces of the ensuing year, and should exert their
actual community of feeling or purpose, that the influence to secure the prolongation for five years
so-called triumvirate was formed between Caesar, of Caesar's command in Gaul
. Notwithstanding
Pompey, and Crassus. Each hoped to gain the the strenuous opposition of L. Domitius Aheno
first place for himself by using the others for his barbus, backed by all. the authority of Cato of
purposes, though there can be no doubt that the Utica (who was forced on the day of election to
confederacy was really most profitable to Caesar, leave the field of Mars with his followers after a
and that, of the three, Crassus would have been scene of serious riot and uproar), both Pompey
the least able to rule alone. Caesar had already and Crassus were elected consuls, B. c. 55. A law
found Crassus a convenient friend ; for in B. c. 61, was passed at the rogation of the tribune C. Tre-
when Caesar was about to proceed to his province bonius, by which Syria and the two Spains, with
in Further Spain, Crassus became security for his the right of peace and war, were assigned to the
debts to a large amount. It may, at first view, consuls for five years, while the Gauls and Illyri-
excite surprise that a person of so little independent cum were handed over to Caesar for a similar
greatness as Crassus should have occupied the period. In the distribution of the consular pro-
position that he filled, and that men of wider vinces, Crassus took Syria.
capacity should have entered into a compact to Crassus was anxious to distinguish himself in
share with him the honours and profits of the
mpey, he saw, had subjugated the Pirates
commonwealth. But the fact is to be accounted and Mithridates : Caesar had conquered Gaul, and
for by considering, that the character of Crassus was marching his army victoriously to Germany
represented in many points a large portion of and Britain. Mortified at successes which made
the public. While the young, the daring and him feel his inferiority to both, he chose rather to
the ambitious, the needy, the revolutionary, enter upon an undertaking for which he had no
and the democratic, adhered to Caesar, — while genius than to continne the pursuit of wealth and
the aristocracy, the party of the old constitu- influence at home. Armed hv the lex Trebonia
tion, those who affecied the reputation of high, with power to make war, be determined to exer-
war.
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CRASSUS.
1
cisc his authority by attacking the Parthians. India. Ile did not attempt to take advantage of
This was a stretch and perversion of the law, the intestine dissensions in Parthin, did not form
for the Parthians were not expressly named in the any cordial union with the Armenians and other
lex Trebonia, and the Senate, who constitutionally tribes who were hostile to the Parthians, and did
were the proper arbiters of peace and war, refused not obtain correct information as to the position of
to sanction hostilities by their decree. Indeed the enemy's force, and the nature of the country.
there was not the slightest pretext for hostil. On the contrary, he listened to flatterers; he
ities, and nothing could be more flagrantly un- suffered himself to be grossly deceived and misled,
just than the determination of Crassus. It was and he alienated, by ill-treatment and insolence,
in express violation of treaties, for in the year 6. C. those who might have been useful, and were dis-
92, Sulla had concluded a treaty of peace with the posed to be friendly. After crossing the Euphrates,
Parthians, and the treaty had been renewed by and taking Zenodotium in Mesopotamia (a suc-
Pompey with their king Phraates. The Romans cess on which he prided himself as if it were a
were not very scrupulous in their carcer of con- great exploit), he did not follow up the attack
quest, and they often fought from motives of gain upon Parthia, but gave time to the enemy to as-
or ainbition, but their ostensible rensons generally semble his forces and concert his plans and choose
bore some show of plausibility, and a total disre- his ground. He was advised by Cassius to keep
gard of form was offensive to a people who were the banks of the Euplirates, to make himself mas-
accustomed in their international dealings to ob- ter of Seleuceia (which was situate on a canal con-
serve certain legal and religious technicalities. It necting the Euphrates and the Tigris), and to take
was not surprising, therefore, that, apart from all Babylon, since both these cities were always at
political considerations, the feelings of common jus- enmity with the Parthians. He chose, however,
tice should excite a strong repugnance to the plans after leaving 7000 infantry and 1000 cavalry in
of Cmssus, who, having gained his immediate garrison in Mesopotamia, to recross the Euphrates
object in obtaining Syria as his province, broke with the rest of his forces, and to pass the winter
out into a display of childish vanity and boastful- in northern Syria. In Syria he behaved more
ness, which were alien from his usual demeanour. like a revenue officer than a general. He omitted
C. Ateius Capito, the tribune, ordered his officer to to muster and exercise the troops, or to review the
arrest Crassus, but was obliged to release him by armour and military stores. It is true that he
the intercession of his colleagues. However, he ordered the neighbouring tribes and chieftains to
ran on to the gate of the city to intercept the furnish recruits and bring supplies, but these re-
consul, who was anxious without delay to proceed quisitions he willingly commuted for money. Nor
to his destination, and resolved to set out at once was his cupidity satisfied by such gains. At
without waiting for the termination of his year of Hierapolis there was a wealthy temple, dedicated
office. Posted at the gate, Ateius kindled a fire, to the Syrian goddess Derceto or Atargatis (the
and with certain fumigations and libations and in- Ashtaroth of Scripture), who presided over the
vocations of strange and terrible deities, mingled elements of nature and the productive seeds of
the most awful curses and imprecations against things. (Plin. H. N. v. 19; Strab. xvi. in
Crassus. This was done in pursuance of an an- fin. ) This temple he plundered of its treasures,
cient Roman rite, which was never solemnized on which it took several days to examine and weigh.
light grounds ; for, while it was believed to be fatal One of the ill omens mentioned by Plutarch
to the person devoted, it was also thought to bring occurred here. Crassus had a son Publinis, who
calamity upon the person who devoted another. had lately arrived from Italy with 1000 Gallic
But Crassus was not deterred. He proceeded on cavalry to join his father's army. The son, on
his way to Brundusium. The evil omen daunted going out of the temple, stumbled on the thresh-
the army, and seems to have occasioned an unusual old, and the father, who was following, fell over
attention to disastrous auguries and forebodings, him. Josephus (Ant. xiv. 7, Bell. Jud. i. 8)
for Plutarch is copious in his account of tokens of gives a circumstantial account of the plunder of the
misfortune in almost every stage of the expedition. temple at Jerusalem by Crassus, but the narrative
The route of Crassus lay through Macedonia, is not free from suspicion, for Jerusalem lay en-
Thrace, the Hellespont, Galatia, and the northern tirely out of the route of Crassus, and was at a
part of Syria to Mesopotamia. Throughout the distance of between 400 and 500 Roman miles
whole campaign he exhibited so much imprudence from the winter quarters of the army; and we
and such a complete neglect of the first principles believe that no historian but Josephus mentions
of military art, that premature age may be thought the occurrence, if we except the author of the Latin
to have impaired his faculties, though be was now work “ De Bello Judaico,” (i. 21,) which is little
but little more than sixty years old.
He was
more than an enlarged translation of Josephus, and
deaf, and looked older than he really was. The passes under the name of Hegesippus. To the
aged Deiotarus, whom he met in Galatia, rallied divine judgment for his sacrilege on this occasion,
him on his coming late into the field. He was Dr. Prideaux (Connexion, part 2) attributes the
accompanied by some able men, especially the subsequent infatuation of Crassus. According to
quaestor C. Cassius Longinus (afterwards one of this account, Eleazar, treasurer of the temple, had,
Caesar's murderers) and the legate Octavius, but for security, put a bar of gold of the weight of 300
he did not profit by their advice. He was quite Hebrew minae into a hollowed beam, and to this
uninformed as to the character and resources of the beam was attached the veil which separated the
enemy he was going to attack ; fancied that he Holy Place from the Holy of Holies. "Perceiving
should have an easy conquest over un warlike peo- that Crassus intended to plunder the temple,
ple; that countless treasures lay before him, and Eleazar endeavoured to compound with him, by
that it would be a matter of no difficulty to out-giving him the bar of gold on condition that he
strip the glory of his predecessors, Scipio, Lucullus, would spare the other treasures. This Crassus
Pompey, and push on his army to Bactria and promised with an oath, but had no sooner received
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CRASSUS.
CRASSUS.
the gold, than he seized, not only 2000 talents | Crassus in this emergency was mai ked by irreso
in money, which Pompey had left untouched, but i lution. lle first drew up his infantry in line, and
everything else that he thought worth carrying placed his cavalry at the wings-an arrangement
away, to the value of 8000 talents more.
which would have obviated the murderous success
Orodes (Arsaces XIV. ), the king of Parthia, of the Parthian archers, and would have prevented
was himself engaged with part of his army, in an the troops from being outflanked by the Parthian
invasion of Armenia, but he despatched Surenas, horse ; but he then altered his mind, and formed
the most illustrious of his nobles and a young ac- the infantry in a solid square flanked by squadrons
complished general, into Mesopotamia with the of cavalry. To his son he gave one wing, to Cas-
rest of his forces, to hold Crassus in check. Be-sius the other, and placed himself in the centre.
fore proceeding to hostilities, he sent ambassadors in the battle that ensued, the Parthians exhibited
to Crassus to say that if the Roman general made their usual tactics, advancing with tertific shouts
war by the authority of the senate, the war and the noise of kettle-drums. They worried the
could only terminate by the destruction of one or densely marshalled Romans with showers of arrows
other of the parties, but if at the prompting of his and javelins, every one of which struck its man.
own desire, the king would take compassion on his Crassus was disheartened at finding that there was
old age, and allow him to withdraw his troops in no chance of their missiles being exhausted, as a
safety. Crassus replied that he would give his number of camels were laden with a large supply.
answer at Seleuceia. “ Sooner," said the ambas- By feigned retreats, during which they continued
sador, Vagises, “shall hair grow on the palm of to discharge their arrows, they led the Romans
this hand, than thy eres behold Seleuceia. ” Ar- into disadvantageous positions ; then they suddenly
tavasdes, the king of Armenia, requested Crassus rallied and charged, while the enemy was in dis-
to join him in Armenia, in order that they might order and blinded by dust.
oppose Orodes with their united forces; he pointed For the details of the engagement, which was dis-
out to the Roman general that Armenia being a tinguished by errors and misfortunes and unavailing
rough mountainous country, the cavalry, of which bravery, we must refer to the account of Plutarch.
the Parthian army was almost wholly composed, Crassus lost his son in the battle, and endeavoured
would there be useless, and he promised to take to encourage the soldiers under a calamity which,
care that in Armenia the Roman army should be he said, concerned him alone. He talked to them
supplied with all necessaries. In Mesopotamia, of honour and their country, but the faint and lan-
on the other hand, the Romans would be exposed guid shout with which they responded to his
to extreme danger on their march through sandy harangue, attested their dejection. When night
deserts, where they would be unable to procure came on the Parthians retired, it being contrary to
water and provisions. Crassus, however, deter- their custom to pass the night near an enemy, be-
mined to march through Mesopotamia, and engaged cause they never fortified their camps, and be-
Artavasdes to supply him with auxiliary troops ; cause their horses and arrows could be of little
but the king never sent the promised forces, excus- use in the dark. In this miserable state of affairs,
ing himself on the ground that they were necessary Octavius and Cassius found Crassus lying upon
for his own defence against Orodes.
the ground, as if he were stunned and senseless.
Crassus, in pursuing the imprudent course which They held a council of war, and determined to re-
he determined upon, was misled by a crafty Ara treat at once, leaving the wounded on the field.
bian chieftain, called by Plutarch, Ariamnes. * Crassus, with such of the troops as bad strength
This Arab had formerly served under Pompey, to march, retired to Carrhae (ibe Haran of Scrip-
and was well known to many in the army of ture), and, on the following morning, the Parthians
Crassus, for which reason he was selected by entered the Roman camp, and massacred the sick
Surenas to betray the Romans. He offered him and wounded, to the number of 4000. They then
self as a guide to conduct them by the shortest pursued and overtook four cohorts, which had lost
way to the enemy. He told the Roman general, their way in the dark, and put all but twenty men
that the Parthians durst not stand before him ; to the sword.
that unless he made haste, they would escape from Surenas, having ascertained that Crassus and the
him, and rob him of the fruits of victory. Cas- principal officers of the Roman army were shut up in
sius, the legate, suspected Ariamnes of treachery, Carthae, and fearing that they might altogether es-
and warned Crassus, instead of following him, to cape, again had recourse to stratagem and treachery.
retire to the mountains ; but Crassus, deceived by Crassus was induced to take a guide, Andromachus,
his fair words and fooled by his flattery, was led who acted as a traitor, and led the army into dan-
by him to the open plains of Mesopotamia. Ari- gerous defiles. Having escaped from this snare,
amnes, haring accomplished his object, seized a he was forced by the mutinous threats of the
frivolous pretext, and rode off to inforin Surenas troops, though his eyes were open to the inevitable
that the Roman army was delivered into his hands, result, to accept a perfidious invitation from Sure-
and Crassus soon learned from his scouts, that nas, who offered a pacific interview, and held out
the Parthians were advancing. The conduct of hopes that the Romans would be allowed to retire
without molestation. At the interview, a horse,
From the Roman ignorance of oriental lan- with rich trappings, was led out as a present
guages, there is a great variation among historians from the king to Crassus, who was forcibly placed
in the oriental names that occur in the expedition upon the saddle. Octavius, seeing plainly that
of Crassus. Thus, this chieftain is called by Dion it was the object of the Parthians to take Cras-
Cassius, Augarus or Abgarus, and by the compiler sus alive, seized the horse by the bridle. А
of the Historia Romanorum Parthica, attributed scuffle ensued, and Crassus fell by some un-
to Appian, he is called Acbarus. Florus (iii. 11. known hand. Whether he was despatched by an
$7) names him Mazaras. Again, the Armenian enemy, or by some friend who desired to save him
king is called by Dion Cassius (xl. 16) Artabazes. I from the disgrace of becoming a prisoner, is uncer-
## p. 879 (#899) ############################################
CRASSUS.
879
CRASSUS.
tain. In the course of this expedition,-one of | he refused to provide for his own safety, and, as
the most disastrous in which the Romans were his hand was disabled by being transfixed with an
ever engged against a foreign enemy,-Crassus is arrow, he ordered his sword-bearer to run him
said to have lost 20,000 men killed, and 10,000 through the body. Though he was more ambitious
taken prisoners.
At the time of his death, of military renown than of the fame of eloquence,
Artavasdes had made peace with Orodes, and had he was fond of literature. He was a proficient in
given one of his daughters in marriage to Pacorus, the art of dancing (Macrob. ii. 10 fin. ), and under
the son of the Parthian. They were sitting to the teaching of his friend and freedman Apollonius,
gether at the nuptial banquet, and listening to the became well skilled in Greck. (Cic. ad Fam.
representation of the Bacchae of Euripides, when a xiii. 16. ) There is extant a Roman denarius
messenger arrived from Surenas, and brought in the (post, p. 802) which has been usually supposed to
head and hand of Crassus. To the great delight refer to him, although the name inscribed and the
of the spectators, passages from the drama (1. 1168 device on the reverse would equally or better apply
&c. ) were applied by the actors to the lifeless to his grandfather, Publius the censor, No. 14.
head. Orodes afterwards caused melted gold to be See below, p. 882, a. (Eckhel, v. p. 232 ; Spanh.
poured into the mouth of his fallen enemy, saying, ii. p. 99. )
“ Sate thyself now with that metal of which in 21. M. LICINIUS M. F. CRASSUS Dives, son of
life thou wert so greedy. ” (Dion Cass. xl.
