Of course, the critical nature of some of my remarks is based on my great admiration of Jameson's work and on a shared solidarity in our
struggle
for the Hegelian legacy in Marx- ism.
Hegel - Zizek - With Hegel Beyond He
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WITH HEGEL BEYOND HEGEL Slavoj Z?
iz?
ek
The Hegel Variations: "On the Phenomenology of the Spirit" by Fredric Jameson. London:
Verso, 2010. pp. 144. $24. 95 cloth.
The essayistic nature of Fred- ric Jameson's short new book on G. W. F. Hegel's Phenomenology of Spirit should not blind us to the fact that the book offers a system- atic interpretation of the entire inner structure of Hegel's first masterpiece. Although The Hegel Variations comes from someone for whom reading Hegel is like eating daily bread, the book is readable as an introduction to Hegel while simultaneously providing precise interpretive hints worthy of the greatest Hegel specialists. In this review, I limit myself to four varia- tions of my own, to four interven- tions into the book's key topics: Hegel and the critique of capitalism, the circle of positing presupposi- tions, Understanding and Reason, and the eventual limits of Hegel. Of course, the critical nature of some of my remarks is based on my great admiration of Jameson's work and on a shared solidarity in our struggle for the Hegelian legacy in Marx- ism. One should remember here the proverb that says only the highest peaks are struck by lightning.
? Criticism Spring 2011, Vol. 53, No. 2, pp. 295-313. ISSN 0011-1589. (C)2011 by Wayne State University Press Detroit, Michigan 48201-1309
295
I
Jameson is right to draw attention to the fact that, "despite his famil- iarity with Adam Smith and emer- gent economic doctrine, Hegel's conception of work and labor--I have specifically characterized it as a handicraft ideology--betrays
? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? 296 SLAVOJ Z? IZ? EK
? ? ? no anticipation of the originali- ties of industrial production or the factory system"--in short, Hegel's analyses of work and production cannot be "transferred to the new industrial situation" (68). There is a series of interconnected reasons for this limitation, all grounded in the constraints of historical experience at Hegel's disposal. First, Hegel's notion of industrial revolution was the Adam Smith-type manufac- ture where the work process is still that of combined individuals using tools, and not yet the factory in which the machinery sets the rhythm and individual workers are reduced de facto to organs serving the machinery, to its appendices.
Second, Hegel could not yet imagine the way abstraction rules in developed capitalism: when Karl Marx describes the mad self-en- hancing circulation of capital, whose solipsistic path of self-fecundation reaches its apogee in today's metare- flexive speculations on futures, it is far too simplistic to claim that the specter of this self-engendering monster that pursues its path dis- regarding any human or environ- mental concern is an ideological abstraction, and that one should never forget that, behind this ab- straction, are real people and natural objects on whose productive capaci- ties and resources capital's circula- tion is based and on which it feeds like a gigantic parasite. The prob- lem is that this "abstraction" is not only in our (financial speculator's)
misperception of social reality, but that it is "real" in the precise sense of determining the structure of the very material social processes: the fate of whole strata of population and sometimes of entire countries can be decided by the solipsistic speculative dance of capital, which pursues its goal of profitability in a blessed indifference with regard to how its movement will affect social reality. Therein resides the funda- mental systemic violence of capi- talism, much more uncanny than the direct precapitalist socio-ideo- logical violence: this violence is no longer attributable to concrete indi- viduals and their "evil" intentions, but is purely "objective," systemic, anonymous. Here we encounter the Lacanian difference between real- ity and the Real: reality is the social reality of the actual people involved in interaction and in the productive processes, whereas the Real is the in- exorable "abstract" spectral logic of capital that determines what occurs in social reality. This gap is palpable in the way the economic situation of a country is considered to be good and stable by the international fi- nancial experts even when the large majority of people are living worse than before. Reality doesn't matter; what matters is the situation of capi- tal. . . . And, again, is this not more true today than ever? Do phenom- ena usually designated as those of virtual capitalism (future trades and similar abstract financial specula- tions) not point toward the reign
? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ON JAMESON'S THE HEGEL VARIATIONS 297
? ? ? of real abstraction at its purest and much more radical than in Marx's time? In short, the highest form of ideology does not reside in getting caught up in ideological spectral- ity, ignoring its foundation in real people and their relations, but pre- cisely in overlooking this Real of spectrality and in pretending to ad- dress directly real people with their real worries. Visitors to the London Stock Exchange receive a free leaf- let explaining that the stock market is not about some mysterious fluc- tuations, but about real people and their products--this is ideology at its purest.
Here, in the analysis of the uni- verse of capital, one should not only project Hegel toward Marx, but Marx himself should be radical- ized: it is only today, in the postin- dustrial form of global capitalism, that, to put it in Hegelian terms, really existing capitalism reaches the level of its notion: perhaps, one should follow again Marx's old anti-evolutionist motto (inciden- tally, taken from Hegel) that the anatomy of man provides the key for the anatomy of a monkey; that is, to deploy the inherent notional structure of a social formation, one must start with its most developed form.
Capital is money that is no longer merely wealth, its univer- sal embodiment, but value that, through its circulation, generates more value--value that medi- ates or posits itself, retroactively
positing its own presuppositions. First, money appears as a mere means of exchanging commodities: instead of the endless bartering, one first exchanges one's product for the universal equivalent of all commodities, which can then be exchanged for any commodity that one may need. Then, once the cir- culation of capital is set in motion, the relationship is inverted, with the means turning into an end in itself; that is, the very passage through the "material" domain of use values (the production of commodities that sat- isfy individuals' particular needs) is posited as a moment of what is substantially the self-movement of capital itself. From that moment onward, the true aim is no lon- ger the satisfaction of individuals' needs, but simply more money, the endless repeating of the circulation as such. . . . This arcane circular movement of self-positing is then equated with the central Christian tenet of the identity of God the Fa- ther and his Son, of the Immaculate Conception by means of which the single father directly (without a female spouse) begets his only son and thus forms what is arguably the ultimate single-parent family.
Is then capital the true Subject/ Substance? Yes and no. For Marx, this self-engendering circular move- ment is--to put it in Freudian terms--precisely the capitalist un- conscious fantasy that parasitizes the proletariat as pure substanceless subjectivity; for this reason, capital's
? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? 298 SLAVOJ Z? IZ? EK
? ? ? speculative self-generating dance has a limit and brings about the conditions of its own collapse. Our everyday experience tells us that the ultimate goal of capital's circulation is the satisfaction of human needs, that capital is just a means to attain this satisfaction more efficiently. Then there is the notion of capi- tal as a self-engendering monster. In actuality, however, capital does not engender itself but exploits the worker's surplus value. There is thus a necessary third level to be added to the simple opposition of subjective experience (of capital as a simple means of efficiently satis- fying people's needs) and objective social reality (of exploitation): the objective deception, the disavowed unconscious fantasy (of the mys- terious self-generating circular movement of capital), which is the truth (although not the reality) of the capitalist process. Again, to quote Jacques Lacan, truth is structured like fiction: the only way to formu- late the truth of capital is to pres- ent this fiction of its "immaculate" self-generating movement. And this insight also enables us to locate the weakness of Jacques Derrida's "deconstructionist" appropriation of Marx's analysis of capitalism: although it emphasizes the endless process of deferral that character- izes this movement, as well as its fundamental inconclusiveness, its self-blockade, the deconstruction- ist retelling still describes the fan- tasy of capital--it describes what
individuals believe, although they don't know it.
What all this means is that the urgent task of the economic analy- sis today is, again, to repeat Marx's critique of political economy with- out succumbing to the temptation of the multitude of the ideologies of postindustrial societies. The key change concerns the status of private property: the ultimate ele- ment of power and control is no longer the last link in the chain of investments, the firm or indi- vidual who really owns the means of production. The ideal capitalist today functions in a wholly dif- ferent way: investing borrowed money, "actually owning" noth- ing, even indebted, but nonetheless controlling things. A corporation is owned by another corporation, which is again borrowing money from banks, which may ultimately manipulate money owned by or- dinary people like ourselves. With Microsoft's Bill Gates, the private property of the means of produc- tion becomes meaningless, at least in the standard meaning of the private property. The paradox of this virtualization of capital- ism is ultimately the same as that of the electron in elementary par- ticle physics. The mass of each el- ement in our reality is composed of its mass at rest plus the surplus provided by the acceleration of its movement; however, an electron's mass at rest is zero; its mass con- sists only of the surplus generated
? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ON JAMESON'S THE HEGEL VARIATIONS 299
? ? ? by the acceleration of its move- ment, as though we are dealing with a nothing that acquires some deceptive substance only by magi- cally spinning itself into an excess of itself. Do today's virtual capital- ists not function in a homologous way? Their net value is zero; they directly operate with just the sur- plus, borrowing from the future.
The irony is not difficult to miss here: the fact that Marx needed Hegel to formulate the logic of capital (the crucial breakthrough in Marx's work occurred in the mid- 1850s, when, after the failure of the 1848 revolutions, he started to read Hegel's Logic again) means that what Hegel wasn't able to see was not some post-Hegelian or postid- ealist reality of the properly Hege- lian aspect of capitalist economy. Here, paradoxically, Hegel was not idealist enough; that is, what he did not see was the properly speculative content of the capitalist specula- tive economy, the way the financial capital functions as a purely virtual notion processing "real people. "
Last but not least, the third critical point concerns the properly modern capitalist class struggle in its difference from traditional caste and feudal hierarchies: since Hegel's notion of domination was limited to traditional struggle be- tween master and servant, what he couldn't envisage was a relation- ship of domination that persists in a postrevolutionary situation (revo- lution, of course, refers here to the
bourgeois revolution doing away with traditional privileges) where all individuals recognize one an- other as autonomous free subjects. This prodigious social leveling of a modern democracy
certainly does not exclude the emergence of wealth and of profound distinctions be- tween rich and poor, even in the socialist countries. Nor is it in any way to be under- stood as the end of classes in their economic sense: there are still workers and man- agers in these societies, there are still profit and exploita- tion, reserve armies of the unemployed, and so on and so forth. But the new cul- tural equality . . . is infused with a powerful hatred of hierarchy and special privi- leges and with a passionate resentment of caste distinc- tions and inherited cultural superiority. It is permitted to be wealthy, so long as the rich man is as vulgar as everyone else. (101)
This is a situation that, one might add, opens up the unexpected pos- sibility of a genuinely proletarian reappropriation of the so-called high culture. All three of these cases seem to call for a Hegelian analysis: laborers reduced to an appendix of machinery; reality; and a hierar- chy persisting in the very form of
? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? 300 SLAVOJ Z? IZ? EK
? ? ? "plebeianization"--paradoxical re- versals that seem to give body to all the twists of the most sophisticated dialectic.
Of course, the critical nature of some of my remarks is based on my great admiration of Jameson's work and on a shared solidarity in our struggle for the Hegelian legacy in Marx- ism. One should remember here the proverb that says only the highest peaks are struck by lightning.
? Criticism Spring 2011, Vol. 53, No. 2, pp. 295-313. ISSN 0011-1589. (C)2011 by Wayne State University Press Detroit, Michigan 48201-1309
295
I
Jameson is right to draw attention to the fact that, "despite his famil- iarity with Adam Smith and emer- gent economic doctrine, Hegel's conception of work and labor--I have specifically characterized it as a handicraft ideology--betrays
? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? 296 SLAVOJ Z? IZ? EK
? ? ? no anticipation of the originali- ties of industrial production or the factory system"--in short, Hegel's analyses of work and production cannot be "transferred to the new industrial situation" (68). There is a series of interconnected reasons for this limitation, all grounded in the constraints of historical experience at Hegel's disposal. First, Hegel's notion of industrial revolution was the Adam Smith-type manufac- ture where the work process is still that of combined individuals using tools, and not yet the factory in which the machinery sets the rhythm and individual workers are reduced de facto to organs serving the machinery, to its appendices.
Second, Hegel could not yet imagine the way abstraction rules in developed capitalism: when Karl Marx describes the mad self-en- hancing circulation of capital, whose solipsistic path of self-fecundation reaches its apogee in today's metare- flexive speculations on futures, it is far too simplistic to claim that the specter of this self-engendering monster that pursues its path dis- regarding any human or environ- mental concern is an ideological abstraction, and that one should never forget that, behind this ab- straction, are real people and natural objects on whose productive capaci- ties and resources capital's circula- tion is based and on which it feeds like a gigantic parasite. The prob- lem is that this "abstraction" is not only in our (financial speculator's)
misperception of social reality, but that it is "real" in the precise sense of determining the structure of the very material social processes: the fate of whole strata of population and sometimes of entire countries can be decided by the solipsistic speculative dance of capital, which pursues its goal of profitability in a blessed indifference with regard to how its movement will affect social reality. Therein resides the funda- mental systemic violence of capi- talism, much more uncanny than the direct precapitalist socio-ideo- logical violence: this violence is no longer attributable to concrete indi- viduals and their "evil" intentions, but is purely "objective," systemic, anonymous. Here we encounter the Lacanian difference between real- ity and the Real: reality is the social reality of the actual people involved in interaction and in the productive processes, whereas the Real is the in- exorable "abstract" spectral logic of capital that determines what occurs in social reality. This gap is palpable in the way the economic situation of a country is considered to be good and stable by the international fi- nancial experts even when the large majority of people are living worse than before. Reality doesn't matter; what matters is the situation of capi- tal. . . . And, again, is this not more true today than ever? Do phenom- ena usually designated as those of virtual capitalism (future trades and similar abstract financial specula- tions) not point toward the reign
? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ON JAMESON'S THE HEGEL VARIATIONS 297
? ? ? of real abstraction at its purest and much more radical than in Marx's time? In short, the highest form of ideology does not reside in getting caught up in ideological spectral- ity, ignoring its foundation in real people and their relations, but pre- cisely in overlooking this Real of spectrality and in pretending to ad- dress directly real people with their real worries. Visitors to the London Stock Exchange receive a free leaf- let explaining that the stock market is not about some mysterious fluc- tuations, but about real people and their products--this is ideology at its purest.
Here, in the analysis of the uni- verse of capital, one should not only project Hegel toward Marx, but Marx himself should be radical- ized: it is only today, in the postin- dustrial form of global capitalism, that, to put it in Hegelian terms, really existing capitalism reaches the level of its notion: perhaps, one should follow again Marx's old anti-evolutionist motto (inciden- tally, taken from Hegel) that the anatomy of man provides the key for the anatomy of a monkey; that is, to deploy the inherent notional structure of a social formation, one must start with its most developed form.
Capital is money that is no longer merely wealth, its univer- sal embodiment, but value that, through its circulation, generates more value--value that medi- ates or posits itself, retroactively
positing its own presuppositions. First, money appears as a mere means of exchanging commodities: instead of the endless bartering, one first exchanges one's product for the universal equivalent of all commodities, which can then be exchanged for any commodity that one may need. Then, once the cir- culation of capital is set in motion, the relationship is inverted, with the means turning into an end in itself; that is, the very passage through the "material" domain of use values (the production of commodities that sat- isfy individuals' particular needs) is posited as a moment of what is substantially the self-movement of capital itself. From that moment onward, the true aim is no lon- ger the satisfaction of individuals' needs, but simply more money, the endless repeating of the circulation as such. . . . This arcane circular movement of self-positing is then equated with the central Christian tenet of the identity of God the Fa- ther and his Son, of the Immaculate Conception by means of which the single father directly (without a female spouse) begets his only son and thus forms what is arguably the ultimate single-parent family.
Is then capital the true Subject/ Substance? Yes and no. For Marx, this self-engendering circular move- ment is--to put it in Freudian terms--precisely the capitalist un- conscious fantasy that parasitizes the proletariat as pure substanceless subjectivity; for this reason, capital's
? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? 298 SLAVOJ Z? IZ? EK
? ? ? speculative self-generating dance has a limit and brings about the conditions of its own collapse. Our everyday experience tells us that the ultimate goal of capital's circulation is the satisfaction of human needs, that capital is just a means to attain this satisfaction more efficiently. Then there is the notion of capi- tal as a self-engendering monster. In actuality, however, capital does not engender itself but exploits the worker's surplus value. There is thus a necessary third level to be added to the simple opposition of subjective experience (of capital as a simple means of efficiently satis- fying people's needs) and objective social reality (of exploitation): the objective deception, the disavowed unconscious fantasy (of the mys- terious self-generating circular movement of capital), which is the truth (although not the reality) of the capitalist process. Again, to quote Jacques Lacan, truth is structured like fiction: the only way to formu- late the truth of capital is to pres- ent this fiction of its "immaculate" self-generating movement. And this insight also enables us to locate the weakness of Jacques Derrida's "deconstructionist" appropriation of Marx's analysis of capitalism: although it emphasizes the endless process of deferral that character- izes this movement, as well as its fundamental inconclusiveness, its self-blockade, the deconstruction- ist retelling still describes the fan- tasy of capital--it describes what
individuals believe, although they don't know it.
What all this means is that the urgent task of the economic analy- sis today is, again, to repeat Marx's critique of political economy with- out succumbing to the temptation of the multitude of the ideologies of postindustrial societies. The key change concerns the status of private property: the ultimate ele- ment of power and control is no longer the last link in the chain of investments, the firm or indi- vidual who really owns the means of production. The ideal capitalist today functions in a wholly dif- ferent way: investing borrowed money, "actually owning" noth- ing, even indebted, but nonetheless controlling things. A corporation is owned by another corporation, which is again borrowing money from banks, which may ultimately manipulate money owned by or- dinary people like ourselves. With Microsoft's Bill Gates, the private property of the means of produc- tion becomes meaningless, at least in the standard meaning of the private property. The paradox of this virtualization of capital- ism is ultimately the same as that of the electron in elementary par- ticle physics. The mass of each el- ement in our reality is composed of its mass at rest plus the surplus provided by the acceleration of its movement; however, an electron's mass at rest is zero; its mass con- sists only of the surplus generated
? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ON JAMESON'S THE HEGEL VARIATIONS 299
? ? ? by the acceleration of its move- ment, as though we are dealing with a nothing that acquires some deceptive substance only by magi- cally spinning itself into an excess of itself. Do today's virtual capital- ists not function in a homologous way? Their net value is zero; they directly operate with just the sur- plus, borrowing from the future.
The irony is not difficult to miss here: the fact that Marx needed Hegel to formulate the logic of capital (the crucial breakthrough in Marx's work occurred in the mid- 1850s, when, after the failure of the 1848 revolutions, he started to read Hegel's Logic again) means that what Hegel wasn't able to see was not some post-Hegelian or postid- ealist reality of the properly Hege- lian aspect of capitalist economy. Here, paradoxically, Hegel was not idealist enough; that is, what he did not see was the properly speculative content of the capitalist specula- tive economy, the way the financial capital functions as a purely virtual notion processing "real people. "
Last but not least, the third critical point concerns the properly modern capitalist class struggle in its difference from traditional caste and feudal hierarchies: since Hegel's notion of domination was limited to traditional struggle be- tween master and servant, what he couldn't envisage was a relation- ship of domination that persists in a postrevolutionary situation (revo- lution, of course, refers here to the
bourgeois revolution doing away with traditional privileges) where all individuals recognize one an- other as autonomous free subjects. This prodigious social leveling of a modern democracy
certainly does not exclude the emergence of wealth and of profound distinctions be- tween rich and poor, even in the socialist countries. Nor is it in any way to be under- stood as the end of classes in their economic sense: there are still workers and man- agers in these societies, there are still profit and exploita- tion, reserve armies of the unemployed, and so on and so forth. But the new cul- tural equality . . . is infused with a powerful hatred of hierarchy and special privi- leges and with a passionate resentment of caste distinc- tions and inherited cultural superiority. It is permitted to be wealthy, so long as the rich man is as vulgar as everyone else. (101)
This is a situation that, one might add, opens up the unexpected pos- sibility of a genuinely proletarian reappropriation of the so-called high culture. All three of these cases seem to call for a Hegelian analysis: laborers reduced to an appendix of machinery; reality; and a hierar- chy persisting in the very form of
? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? 300 SLAVOJ Z? IZ? EK
? ? ? "plebeianization"--paradoxical re- versals that seem to give body to all the twists of the most sophisticated dialectic.
II
Jameson characterizes Understand- ing (Verstand), the "common-sense empirical thinking of externality, formed in the experience of solid objects and obedient to the law of non-contradiction" (119), as a kind of spontaneous ideology of our daily lives, of our immediate expe- rience of reality. As such, it is not merely a historical phenomenon to be dissolved through dialectical critique and the practical change of relations that engender it, but a permanent, transhistorical, fix- ture of our everyday reality. True, Reason (Vernunft) "has the task of transforming the necessary errors of Verstand into new and dialecti- cal kinds of truths" (119), but this transformation leaves intact the everyday efficiency of Understand- ing, its formative role in our ordi- nary experience. All Reason can do is a kind of Kantian critical de- limitation of the proper sphere of Understanding; that is, it only can makes us aware of how, in our daily lives, we are victims of necessary (transcendental) illusions. Under- lying this reading of the opposition of Reason and Understanding is a profoundly non-Marxian notion of ideology (or, rather, a profoundly
non-Marxian split of this notion) probably taken from Louis Al- thusser (and, maybe, Lacan). In a Kantian mode, Jameson seems to imply two modes of ideology: a his- torical one (forms linked to specific historical conditions that disappear when these conditions are abol- ished, like traditional patriarchy) and an a priori transcendental one (a kind of spontaneous tendency to identitarian thinking, to reifica- tion, etc. , that is cosubstantial with language as such, and that, for this reason, can be assimilated to the il- lusion of the big Other as the "sub- ject supposed to know").
Closely linked to this notion of ideology is Jameson's (rarely no- ticed, but all the more persistent) motif of the unsayable, of things bet- ter left unsaid. For example, in his review of my Parallax View (2006) in the London Review of Books, his argument against the notion of parallax is that, as the name for the most elementary split/diffraction, it endeavors to name something that is better left unnamed. In a similar way, Jameson subscribes to the Kantian tendency of (some of) today's brain scientists about the a priori structural unknowability of consciousness:
[W]hat Hegel's contempo- raries called the not-I is that which consciousness is con- scious as its other, and not any absence of consciousness it- self, something inconceivable
? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ON JAMESON'S THE HEGEL VARIATIONS 301
? ? ? except as a kind of science- fictional picture-thinking, a kind of thought of otherness. But it is hard to understand how we could know some- thing without knowing what its absence entails: and it may well be, as Colin McGinn argues, that consciousness is one of those philosophical problems which human be- ings are structurally unfit to solve; and that in that sense Kant's was the right posi- tion to take: that, although its existence is as certain as the Cartesian cogito, con- sciousness must also remain perpetually unknowable as a thing-in-itself. (32)
The least one can say about these lines is that they are profoundly non-Hegelian, even taking into ac- count Jameson's unexpected dialec- tical point: since an element can be properly grasped only through its difference to its opposite, and since the I's opposite--the not-I--is as inaccessible to the I as it is in-itself, the consequence of the unknow- ability of the not-I as it is in-itself, independently of the I, is the un- knowability of consciousness (the I) itself as it is in-itself. The stan- dard solipsist-empiricist point that the subject can only know itself, its sensations, is thus proven wrong: if the not-I is unknowable, the I itself suffers the same lot. The question to be raised here is this: Is this circle
inescapable? Are we caught in it to the end, so that every specula- tion about the outside is always already a retroactive fantasy from the standpoint inside, or, as Hegel would have put it, is every presup- position already posited?
Jameson develops this impossi- bility to break out in his perspicuous reading of the concept of positing as the key to what Hegel means by idealism. His first move is to dia- lectically mediate the very opposi- tion of positing and presupposing: The core of positing is not the direct production of objects, since such a production remains abstractly op- posed to what is simply given. (I as a finite subject finds in front of me material objects and then proceeds to positing by working on them.
The Hegel Variations: "On the Phenomenology of the Spirit" by Fredric Jameson. London:
Verso, 2010. pp. 144. $24. 95 cloth.
The essayistic nature of Fred- ric Jameson's short new book on G. W. F. Hegel's Phenomenology of Spirit should not blind us to the fact that the book offers a system- atic interpretation of the entire inner structure of Hegel's first masterpiece. Although The Hegel Variations comes from someone for whom reading Hegel is like eating daily bread, the book is readable as an introduction to Hegel while simultaneously providing precise interpretive hints worthy of the greatest Hegel specialists. In this review, I limit myself to four varia- tions of my own, to four interven- tions into the book's key topics: Hegel and the critique of capitalism, the circle of positing presupposi- tions, Understanding and Reason, and the eventual limits of Hegel. Of course, the critical nature of some of my remarks is based on my great admiration of Jameson's work and on a shared solidarity in our struggle for the Hegelian legacy in Marx- ism. One should remember here the proverb that says only the highest peaks are struck by lightning.
? Criticism Spring 2011, Vol. 53, No. 2, pp. 295-313. ISSN 0011-1589. (C)2011 by Wayne State University Press Detroit, Michigan 48201-1309
295
I
Jameson is right to draw attention to the fact that, "despite his famil- iarity with Adam Smith and emer- gent economic doctrine, Hegel's conception of work and labor--I have specifically characterized it as a handicraft ideology--betrays
? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? 296 SLAVOJ Z? IZ? EK
? ? ? no anticipation of the originali- ties of industrial production or the factory system"--in short, Hegel's analyses of work and production cannot be "transferred to the new industrial situation" (68). There is a series of interconnected reasons for this limitation, all grounded in the constraints of historical experience at Hegel's disposal. First, Hegel's notion of industrial revolution was the Adam Smith-type manufac- ture where the work process is still that of combined individuals using tools, and not yet the factory in which the machinery sets the rhythm and individual workers are reduced de facto to organs serving the machinery, to its appendices.
Second, Hegel could not yet imagine the way abstraction rules in developed capitalism: when Karl Marx describes the mad self-en- hancing circulation of capital, whose solipsistic path of self-fecundation reaches its apogee in today's metare- flexive speculations on futures, it is far too simplistic to claim that the specter of this self-engendering monster that pursues its path dis- regarding any human or environ- mental concern is an ideological abstraction, and that one should never forget that, behind this ab- straction, are real people and natural objects on whose productive capaci- ties and resources capital's circula- tion is based and on which it feeds like a gigantic parasite. The prob- lem is that this "abstraction" is not only in our (financial speculator's)
misperception of social reality, but that it is "real" in the precise sense of determining the structure of the very material social processes: the fate of whole strata of population and sometimes of entire countries can be decided by the solipsistic speculative dance of capital, which pursues its goal of profitability in a blessed indifference with regard to how its movement will affect social reality. Therein resides the funda- mental systemic violence of capi- talism, much more uncanny than the direct precapitalist socio-ideo- logical violence: this violence is no longer attributable to concrete indi- viduals and their "evil" intentions, but is purely "objective," systemic, anonymous. Here we encounter the Lacanian difference between real- ity and the Real: reality is the social reality of the actual people involved in interaction and in the productive processes, whereas the Real is the in- exorable "abstract" spectral logic of capital that determines what occurs in social reality. This gap is palpable in the way the economic situation of a country is considered to be good and stable by the international fi- nancial experts even when the large majority of people are living worse than before. Reality doesn't matter; what matters is the situation of capi- tal. . . . And, again, is this not more true today than ever? Do phenom- ena usually designated as those of virtual capitalism (future trades and similar abstract financial specula- tions) not point toward the reign
? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ON JAMESON'S THE HEGEL VARIATIONS 297
? ? ? of real abstraction at its purest and much more radical than in Marx's time? In short, the highest form of ideology does not reside in getting caught up in ideological spectral- ity, ignoring its foundation in real people and their relations, but pre- cisely in overlooking this Real of spectrality and in pretending to ad- dress directly real people with their real worries. Visitors to the London Stock Exchange receive a free leaf- let explaining that the stock market is not about some mysterious fluc- tuations, but about real people and their products--this is ideology at its purest.
Here, in the analysis of the uni- verse of capital, one should not only project Hegel toward Marx, but Marx himself should be radical- ized: it is only today, in the postin- dustrial form of global capitalism, that, to put it in Hegelian terms, really existing capitalism reaches the level of its notion: perhaps, one should follow again Marx's old anti-evolutionist motto (inciden- tally, taken from Hegel) that the anatomy of man provides the key for the anatomy of a monkey; that is, to deploy the inherent notional structure of a social formation, one must start with its most developed form.
Capital is money that is no longer merely wealth, its univer- sal embodiment, but value that, through its circulation, generates more value--value that medi- ates or posits itself, retroactively
positing its own presuppositions. First, money appears as a mere means of exchanging commodities: instead of the endless bartering, one first exchanges one's product for the universal equivalent of all commodities, which can then be exchanged for any commodity that one may need. Then, once the cir- culation of capital is set in motion, the relationship is inverted, with the means turning into an end in itself; that is, the very passage through the "material" domain of use values (the production of commodities that sat- isfy individuals' particular needs) is posited as a moment of what is substantially the self-movement of capital itself. From that moment onward, the true aim is no lon- ger the satisfaction of individuals' needs, but simply more money, the endless repeating of the circulation as such. . . . This arcane circular movement of self-positing is then equated with the central Christian tenet of the identity of God the Fa- ther and his Son, of the Immaculate Conception by means of which the single father directly (without a female spouse) begets his only son and thus forms what is arguably the ultimate single-parent family.
Is then capital the true Subject/ Substance? Yes and no. For Marx, this self-engendering circular move- ment is--to put it in Freudian terms--precisely the capitalist un- conscious fantasy that parasitizes the proletariat as pure substanceless subjectivity; for this reason, capital's
? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? 298 SLAVOJ Z? IZ? EK
? ? ? speculative self-generating dance has a limit and brings about the conditions of its own collapse. Our everyday experience tells us that the ultimate goal of capital's circulation is the satisfaction of human needs, that capital is just a means to attain this satisfaction more efficiently. Then there is the notion of capi- tal as a self-engendering monster. In actuality, however, capital does not engender itself but exploits the worker's surplus value. There is thus a necessary third level to be added to the simple opposition of subjective experience (of capital as a simple means of efficiently satis- fying people's needs) and objective social reality (of exploitation): the objective deception, the disavowed unconscious fantasy (of the mys- terious self-generating circular movement of capital), which is the truth (although not the reality) of the capitalist process. Again, to quote Jacques Lacan, truth is structured like fiction: the only way to formu- late the truth of capital is to pres- ent this fiction of its "immaculate" self-generating movement. And this insight also enables us to locate the weakness of Jacques Derrida's "deconstructionist" appropriation of Marx's analysis of capitalism: although it emphasizes the endless process of deferral that character- izes this movement, as well as its fundamental inconclusiveness, its self-blockade, the deconstruction- ist retelling still describes the fan- tasy of capital--it describes what
individuals believe, although they don't know it.
What all this means is that the urgent task of the economic analy- sis today is, again, to repeat Marx's critique of political economy with- out succumbing to the temptation of the multitude of the ideologies of postindustrial societies. The key change concerns the status of private property: the ultimate ele- ment of power and control is no longer the last link in the chain of investments, the firm or indi- vidual who really owns the means of production. The ideal capitalist today functions in a wholly dif- ferent way: investing borrowed money, "actually owning" noth- ing, even indebted, but nonetheless controlling things. A corporation is owned by another corporation, which is again borrowing money from banks, which may ultimately manipulate money owned by or- dinary people like ourselves. With Microsoft's Bill Gates, the private property of the means of produc- tion becomes meaningless, at least in the standard meaning of the private property. The paradox of this virtualization of capital- ism is ultimately the same as that of the electron in elementary par- ticle physics. The mass of each el- ement in our reality is composed of its mass at rest plus the surplus provided by the acceleration of its movement; however, an electron's mass at rest is zero; its mass con- sists only of the surplus generated
? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ON JAMESON'S THE HEGEL VARIATIONS 299
? ? ? by the acceleration of its move- ment, as though we are dealing with a nothing that acquires some deceptive substance only by magi- cally spinning itself into an excess of itself. Do today's virtual capital- ists not function in a homologous way? Their net value is zero; they directly operate with just the sur- plus, borrowing from the future.
The irony is not difficult to miss here: the fact that Marx needed Hegel to formulate the logic of capital (the crucial breakthrough in Marx's work occurred in the mid- 1850s, when, after the failure of the 1848 revolutions, he started to read Hegel's Logic again) means that what Hegel wasn't able to see was not some post-Hegelian or postid- ealist reality of the properly Hege- lian aspect of capitalist economy. Here, paradoxically, Hegel was not idealist enough; that is, what he did not see was the properly speculative content of the capitalist specula- tive economy, the way the financial capital functions as a purely virtual notion processing "real people. "
Last but not least, the third critical point concerns the properly modern capitalist class struggle in its difference from traditional caste and feudal hierarchies: since Hegel's notion of domination was limited to traditional struggle be- tween master and servant, what he couldn't envisage was a relation- ship of domination that persists in a postrevolutionary situation (revo- lution, of course, refers here to the
bourgeois revolution doing away with traditional privileges) where all individuals recognize one an- other as autonomous free subjects. This prodigious social leveling of a modern democracy
certainly does not exclude the emergence of wealth and of profound distinctions be- tween rich and poor, even in the socialist countries. Nor is it in any way to be under- stood as the end of classes in their economic sense: there are still workers and man- agers in these societies, there are still profit and exploita- tion, reserve armies of the unemployed, and so on and so forth. But the new cul- tural equality . . . is infused with a powerful hatred of hierarchy and special privi- leges and with a passionate resentment of caste distinc- tions and inherited cultural superiority. It is permitted to be wealthy, so long as the rich man is as vulgar as everyone else. (101)
This is a situation that, one might add, opens up the unexpected pos- sibility of a genuinely proletarian reappropriation of the so-called high culture. All three of these cases seem to call for a Hegelian analysis: laborers reduced to an appendix of machinery; reality; and a hierar- chy persisting in the very form of
? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? 300 SLAVOJ Z? IZ? EK
? ? ? "plebeianization"--paradoxical re- versals that seem to give body to all the twists of the most sophisticated dialectic.
Of course, the critical nature of some of my remarks is based on my great admiration of Jameson's work and on a shared solidarity in our struggle for the Hegelian legacy in Marx- ism. One should remember here the proverb that says only the highest peaks are struck by lightning.
? Criticism Spring 2011, Vol. 53, No. 2, pp. 295-313. ISSN 0011-1589. (C)2011 by Wayne State University Press Detroit, Michigan 48201-1309
295
I
Jameson is right to draw attention to the fact that, "despite his famil- iarity with Adam Smith and emer- gent economic doctrine, Hegel's conception of work and labor--I have specifically characterized it as a handicraft ideology--betrays
? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? 296 SLAVOJ Z? IZ? EK
? ? ? no anticipation of the originali- ties of industrial production or the factory system"--in short, Hegel's analyses of work and production cannot be "transferred to the new industrial situation" (68). There is a series of interconnected reasons for this limitation, all grounded in the constraints of historical experience at Hegel's disposal. First, Hegel's notion of industrial revolution was the Adam Smith-type manufac- ture where the work process is still that of combined individuals using tools, and not yet the factory in which the machinery sets the rhythm and individual workers are reduced de facto to organs serving the machinery, to its appendices.
Second, Hegel could not yet imagine the way abstraction rules in developed capitalism: when Karl Marx describes the mad self-en- hancing circulation of capital, whose solipsistic path of self-fecundation reaches its apogee in today's metare- flexive speculations on futures, it is far too simplistic to claim that the specter of this self-engendering monster that pursues its path dis- regarding any human or environ- mental concern is an ideological abstraction, and that one should never forget that, behind this ab- straction, are real people and natural objects on whose productive capaci- ties and resources capital's circula- tion is based and on which it feeds like a gigantic parasite. The prob- lem is that this "abstraction" is not only in our (financial speculator's)
misperception of social reality, but that it is "real" in the precise sense of determining the structure of the very material social processes: the fate of whole strata of population and sometimes of entire countries can be decided by the solipsistic speculative dance of capital, which pursues its goal of profitability in a blessed indifference with regard to how its movement will affect social reality. Therein resides the funda- mental systemic violence of capi- talism, much more uncanny than the direct precapitalist socio-ideo- logical violence: this violence is no longer attributable to concrete indi- viduals and their "evil" intentions, but is purely "objective," systemic, anonymous. Here we encounter the Lacanian difference between real- ity and the Real: reality is the social reality of the actual people involved in interaction and in the productive processes, whereas the Real is the in- exorable "abstract" spectral logic of capital that determines what occurs in social reality. This gap is palpable in the way the economic situation of a country is considered to be good and stable by the international fi- nancial experts even when the large majority of people are living worse than before. Reality doesn't matter; what matters is the situation of capi- tal. . . . And, again, is this not more true today than ever? Do phenom- ena usually designated as those of virtual capitalism (future trades and similar abstract financial specula- tions) not point toward the reign
? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ON JAMESON'S THE HEGEL VARIATIONS 297
? ? ? of real abstraction at its purest and much more radical than in Marx's time? In short, the highest form of ideology does not reside in getting caught up in ideological spectral- ity, ignoring its foundation in real people and their relations, but pre- cisely in overlooking this Real of spectrality and in pretending to ad- dress directly real people with their real worries. Visitors to the London Stock Exchange receive a free leaf- let explaining that the stock market is not about some mysterious fluc- tuations, but about real people and their products--this is ideology at its purest.
Here, in the analysis of the uni- verse of capital, one should not only project Hegel toward Marx, but Marx himself should be radical- ized: it is only today, in the postin- dustrial form of global capitalism, that, to put it in Hegelian terms, really existing capitalism reaches the level of its notion: perhaps, one should follow again Marx's old anti-evolutionist motto (inciden- tally, taken from Hegel) that the anatomy of man provides the key for the anatomy of a monkey; that is, to deploy the inherent notional structure of a social formation, one must start with its most developed form.
Capital is money that is no longer merely wealth, its univer- sal embodiment, but value that, through its circulation, generates more value--value that medi- ates or posits itself, retroactively
positing its own presuppositions. First, money appears as a mere means of exchanging commodities: instead of the endless bartering, one first exchanges one's product for the universal equivalent of all commodities, which can then be exchanged for any commodity that one may need. Then, once the cir- culation of capital is set in motion, the relationship is inverted, with the means turning into an end in itself; that is, the very passage through the "material" domain of use values (the production of commodities that sat- isfy individuals' particular needs) is posited as a moment of what is substantially the self-movement of capital itself. From that moment onward, the true aim is no lon- ger the satisfaction of individuals' needs, but simply more money, the endless repeating of the circulation as such. . . . This arcane circular movement of self-positing is then equated with the central Christian tenet of the identity of God the Fa- ther and his Son, of the Immaculate Conception by means of which the single father directly (without a female spouse) begets his only son and thus forms what is arguably the ultimate single-parent family.
Is then capital the true Subject/ Substance? Yes and no. For Marx, this self-engendering circular move- ment is--to put it in Freudian terms--precisely the capitalist un- conscious fantasy that parasitizes the proletariat as pure substanceless subjectivity; for this reason, capital's
? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? 298 SLAVOJ Z? IZ? EK
? ? ? speculative self-generating dance has a limit and brings about the conditions of its own collapse. Our everyday experience tells us that the ultimate goal of capital's circulation is the satisfaction of human needs, that capital is just a means to attain this satisfaction more efficiently. Then there is the notion of capi- tal as a self-engendering monster. In actuality, however, capital does not engender itself but exploits the worker's surplus value. There is thus a necessary third level to be added to the simple opposition of subjective experience (of capital as a simple means of efficiently satis- fying people's needs) and objective social reality (of exploitation): the objective deception, the disavowed unconscious fantasy (of the mys- terious self-generating circular movement of capital), which is the truth (although not the reality) of the capitalist process. Again, to quote Jacques Lacan, truth is structured like fiction: the only way to formu- late the truth of capital is to pres- ent this fiction of its "immaculate" self-generating movement. And this insight also enables us to locate the weakness of Jacques Derrida's "deconstructionist" appropriation of Marx's analysis of capitalism: although it emphasizes the endless process of deferral that character- izes this movement, as well as its fundamental inconclusiveness, its self-blockade, the deconstruction- ist retelling still describes the fan- tasy of capital--it describes what
individuals believe, although they don't know it.
What all this means is that the urgent task of the economic analy- sis today is, again, to repeat Marx's critique of political economy with- out succumbing to the temptation of the multitude of the ideologies of postindustrial societies. The key change concerns the status of private property: the ultimate ele- ment of power and control is no longer the last link in the chain of investments, the firm or indi- vidual who really owns the means of production. The ideal capitalist today functions in a wholly dif- ferent way: investing borrowed money, "actually owning" noth- ing, even indebted, but nonetheless controlling things. A corporation is owned by another corporation, which is again borrowing money from banks, which may ultimately manipulate money owned by or- dinary people like ourselves. With Microsoft's Bill Gates, the private property of the means of produc- tion becomes meaningless, at least in the standard meaning of the private property. The paradox of this virtualization of capital- ism is ultimately the same as that of the electron in elementary par- ticle physics. The mass of each el- ement in our reality is composed of its mass at rest plus the surplus provided by the acceleration of its movement; however, an electron's mass at rest is zero; its mass con- sists only of the surplus generated
? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ON JAMESON'S THE HEGEL VARIATIONS 299
? ? ? by the acceleration of its move- ment, as though we are dealing with a nothing that acquires some deceptive substance only by magi- cally spinning itself into an excess of itself. Do today's virtual capital- ists not function in a homologous way? Their net value is zero; they directly operate with just the sur- plus, borrowing from the future.
The irony is not difficult to miss here: the fact that Marx needed Hegel to formulate the logic of capital (the crucial breakthrough in Marx's work occurred in the mid- 1850s, when, after the failure of the 1848 revolutions, he started to read Hegel's Logic again) means that what Hegel wasn't able to see was not some post-Hegelian or postid- ealist reality of the properly Hege- lian aspect of capitalist economy. Here, paradoxically, Hegel was not idealist enough; that is, what he did not see was the properly speculative content of the capitalist specula- tive economy, the way the financial capital functions as a purely virtual notion processing "real people. "
Last but not least, the third critical point concerns the properly modern capitalist class struggle in its difference from traditional caste and feudal hierarchies: since Hegel's notion of domination was limited to traditional struggle be- tween master and servant, what he couldn't envisage was a relation- ship of domination that persists in a postrevolutionary situation (revo- lution, of course, refers here to the
bourgeois revolution doing away with traditional privileges) where all individuals recognize one an- other as autonomous free subjects. This prodigious social leveling of a modern democracy
certainly does not exclude the emergence of wealth and of profound distinctions be- tween rich and poor, even in the socialist countries. Nor is it in any way to be under- stood as the end of classes in their economic sense: there are still workers and man- agers in these societies, there are still profit and exploita- tion, reserve armies of the unemployed, and so on and so forth. But the new cul- tural equality . . . is infused with a powerful hatred of hierarchy and special privi- leges and with a passionate resentment of caste distinc- tions and inherited cultural superiority. It is permitted to be wealthy, so long as the rich man is as vulgar as everyone else. (101)
This is a situation that, one might add, opens up the unexpected pos- sibility of a genuinely proletarian reappropriation of the so-called high culture. All three of these cases seem to call for a Hegelian analysis: laborers reduced to an appendix of machinery; reality; and a hierar- chy persisting in the very form of
? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? 300 SLAVOJ Z? IZ? EK
? ? ? "plebeianization"--paradoxical re- versals that seem to give body to all the twists of the most sophisticated dialectic.
II
Jameson characterizes Understand- ing (Verstand), the "common-sense empirical thinking of externality, formed in the experience of solid objects and obedient to the law of non-contradiction" (119), as a kind of spontaneous ideology of our daily lives, of our immediate expe- rience of reality. As such, it is not merely a historical phenomenon to be dissolved through dialectical critique and the practical change of relations that engender it, but a permanent, transhistorical, fix- ture of our everyday reality. True, Reason (Vernunft) "has the task of transforming the necessary errors of Verstand into new and dialecti- cal kinds of truths" (119), but this transformation leaves intact the everyday efficiency of Understand- ing, its formative role in our ordi- nary experience. All Reason can do is a kind of Kantian critical de- limitation of the proper sphere of Understanding; that is, it only can makes us aware of how, in our daily lives, we are victims of necessary (transcendental) illusions. Under- lying this reading of the opposition of Reason and Understanding is a profoundly non-Marxian notion of ideology (or, rather, a profoundly
non-Marxian split of this notion) probably taken from Louis Al- thusser (and, maybe, Lacan). In a Kantian mode, Jameson seems to imply two modes of ideology: a his- torical one (forms linked to specific historical conditions that disappear when these conditions are abol- ished, like traditional patriarchy) and an a priori transcendental one (a kind of spontaneous tendency to identitarian thinking, to reifica- tion, etc. , that is cosubstantial with language as such, and that, for this reason, can be assimilated to the il- lusion of the big Other as the "sub- ject supposed to know").
Closely linked to this notion of ideology is Jameson's (rarely no- ticed, but all the more persistent) motif of the unsayable, of things bet- ter left unsaid. For example, in his review of my Parallax View (2006) in the London Review of Books, his argument against the notion of parallax is that, as the name for the most elementary split/diffraction, it endeavors to name something that is better left unnamed. In a similar way, Jameson subscribes to the Kantian tendency of (some of) today's brain scientists about the a priori structural unknowability of consciousness:
[W]hat Hegel's contempo- raries called the not-I is that which consciousness is con- scious as its other, and not any absence of consciousness it- self, something inconceivable
? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ON JAMESON'S THE HEGEL VARIATIONS 301
? ? ? except as a kind of science- fictional picture-thinking, a kind of thought of otherness. But it is hard to understand how we could know some- thing without knowing what its absence entails: and it may well be, as Colin McGinn argues, that consciousness is one of those philosophical problems which human be- ings are structurally unfit to solve; and that in that sense Kant's was the right posi- tion to take: that, although its existence is as certain as the Cartesian cogito, con- sciousness must also remain perpetually unknowable as a thing-in-itself. (32)
The least one can say about these lines is that they are profoundly non-Hegelian, even taking into ac- count Jameson's unexpected dialec- tical point: since an element can be properly grasped only through its difference to its opposite, and since the I's opposite--the not-I--is as inaccessible to the I as it is in-itself, the consequence of the unknow- ability of the not-I as it is in-itself, independently of the I, is the un- knowability of consciousness (the I) itself as it is in-itself. The stan- dard solipsist-empiricist point that the subject can only know itself, its sensations, is thus proven wrong: if the not-I is unknowable, the I itself suffers the same lot. The question to be raised here is this: Is this circle
inescapable? Are we caught in it to the end, so that every specula- tion about the outside is always already a retroactive fantasy from the standpoint inside, or, as Hegel would have put it, is every presup- position already posited?
Jameson develops this impossi- bility to break out in his perspicuous reading of the concept of positing as the key to what Hegel means by idealism. His first move is to dia- lectically mediate the very opposi- tion of positing and presupposing: The core of positing is not the direct production of objects, since such a production remains abstractly op- posed to what is simply given. (I as a finite subject finds in front of me material objects and then proceeds to positing by working on them.
