His Horace presented over 700 unfamiliar readings; and these
novelties, instead of being relegated to the foot of the page, were
promoted to the text.
novelties, instead of being relegated to the foot of the page, were
promoted to the text.
Cambridge History of English Literature - 1908 - v09
vol.
x, chapter III, post.
6 See The Fool of Quality, ed. Baker, E. A. , 1906, pp. 30, 31, 33, 39, 133-6,
142, 258–60, 328—30, 836, 867-9, 394.
1
9
## p. 328 (#352) ############################################
328
William Law and the Mystics
The Fool of Quality found favour with John Wesley, who
reprinted it in 1781, under the title The History of Henry Earl
of Moreland. In doing this, he reduced it from five volumes to
two, omitting, as he says in his preface, 'a great part of the mystic
Divinity, as it is more philosophical than Scriptural. ' He goes on
to speak of the book with the highest praise, 'I now venture to
recommend the following Treatise as the most excellent in its kind
of any that I have seen, either in the English, or any other lan-
guage'; its greatest excellence being that it continually strikes at
the heart. . . I know not who can survey it with tearless eyes, unless
he has a heart of stone. ' Launched thus, with the imprimatur of
their great leader, it became favourite reading with generations of
devout Wesleyans, and, in this form, passed through many editions!
Mystics, unlike other thinkers, scientific or philosophical, have
little chronological development, since mysticism can neither age nor
die. They rarely found schools of thought in their own day. It is,
therefore, not surprising that, in spite of various strains of a mystic
tendency, the mysticism of Law and his small circle of followers
had no marked influence on the main stream of eighteenth century
thought. The atmosphere of the age was antagonistic to it, and it
remained an undercurrent only, the impulse given by Law in this
direction spending itself finally among little-known dreamers and
eccentrics?
Later, some of the root - ideas of Boehme returned to
England by way of Hegel, Schelling, Jung-Stilling and Friedrich
Schlegel, or through Boehme's French disciple, Louis-Claude de
Saint-Martin. They influenced Coleridges, and profoundly modified
nineteenth century conceptions, thus preparing the way for the
better understanding of mystical thought. Blake's prophetic books
are only now, after a hundred years, beginning to find readers,
and, undoubtedly, Law's Appeal, if it were more widely known,
would, in the twentieth century, win the response for which it has
long been waiting.
1 Wesley's alterations in wording are most instructive and interesting, for he has
not hesitated to alter as well as to omit passages. Cf. Clinton's account of the
nature of man and God in Wesley, ed. of 1781, vol. II, pp. 286—7, with Brooke, 1 vol.
ed. 1906, p. 367.
3 As, for instance, Francis Okely, or, later, J. P. Greaves and Christopher Walton.
There remains, however, to be traced an influence which bore fruit in the nineteenth
century. Thomas Erskine of Linlathen was indebted to both Law and Boehme, and
he, in his turn, influenced F. D. Maurice and others.
8 Coleridge also knew both Law and Boehme at first hand; for his appreciation of
them see Biographia Literaria, chap. IX, Aids to Reflexion, conclusion, and notes to
Southey's Life of Wesley, 3rd ed. , 1846, vol. 1, p. 476. For his projected work on
Boehme, and in connection with his philosophy, see letter to Lady Beaumont, 1810, in
Memorials of Coleorton, ed. Knight, W. , 1887, vol. II, pp. 105—7.
## p. 329 (#353) ############################################
CHAPTER XIII
SCHOLARS AND ANTIQUARIES
I. BENTLEY AND CLASSICAL SCHOLARSHIP
At the end of the seventeenth century, the history of scholar-
ship is illuminated by the great name of Richard Bentley. From
1699, when his Dissertation on the Epistles of Phalaris was pub-
lished, until the end of his long life in 1742, each successive work
that came from his pen was expected with impatience and welcomed
with enthusiasm by the learned all over Europe, who, by their
common use of Latin, were able more easily than now to under-
stand and to communicate with each other.
When Bentley was born in 1662, there were already men in
England of great learning. But most of these busied themselves
with theology, chronology and patristic study rather than with
the classical authors. Five names may be mentioned here. The
first of these is John Pearson, successively master of Trinity
college, Cambridge, and bishop of Chester. The Exposition of
the Creed and the Vindication of certain epistles attributed to
Ignatius of Antioch, have been already treated in an earlier
volume? Bentley wrote of him as 'the most excellent Bishop
Pearson, the very dust of whose writings is gold' John Fell
was successively dean of Christ Church and bishop of Oxford.
His chief work is a critical edition of the works of Cyprian.
The epigram by which his name is chiefly known at the present
day was probably written by Tom Brown, while an undergraduate
at Christ Church? William Lloyd, bishop of St Asaph and,
later, of Worcester, is famous as one of the seven bishops. He
wrote chiefly on church history and is appealed to by Bentley
as 'that incomparable historian and chronologer. ' Henry Dodwell
was elected Camden professor of history at Oxford in 1688. The
most important of his very numerous works discussed ancient
See ante, vol. vin, p. 297.
* As to Fell, cf. ante, vol. VII, p. 457.
## p. 330 (#354) ############################################
330
Scholars and Antiquaries
chronology; and Bentley, in his Phalaris, while controverting
Dodwell's views, constantly refers to his book De Cydis, then in
the press, as 'that noble work, and to the author as 'the very
learned Mr Dodwell. ' John Moore was bishop of Ely and, as
such, became Bentley's judge in 1710. His library, one of the
best collections of books and MSS in Europe, was eventually
presented by George I to Cambridge university.
Richard Bentley was born on 27 January 1662, at Oulton,
in Yorkshire, and educated at Wakefield grammar school and
St John's college, Cambridge. He took the degree of B. A. with
distinction in 1680 and, after acting for about a year as master of
Spalding school, was chosen as tutor to his son by Stillingfleet,
then dean of St Paul's and, from 1689, bishop of Worcester. For
six years Bentley was a member of Stillingfleet's household. The
dean's library was famous and now forms part of archbishop
Marsh's library in Dublin ; but one may suppose that these books
have never again found a reader so ardent and so apt as Bentley.
Johnson once said to Boswell that he had never known a man
who studied hard, but that he concluded, from the effects, that
some men had done so; and he named Bentley as an example,
This may be illustrated by Bentley's own words :
I wrote, before I was twenty-four years of age, a sort of Hexapla; a thick
volume in quarto, in the first column of which I inserted every word of the
Hebrew Bible alphabetically; and, in five other columns, all the various inter-
pretations of those words in the Chaldee, Syriac, Vulgate Latin, Septuagint,
and Aquila, Symmachus, and Theodotion, that occur in the whole Bible.
Yet biblical study was only a small part of Bentley's labours.
In 1689, when young Stillingfleet went to Oxford, Bentley went
with him and became a member of the university. To him, one of
the chief attractions of the place must have been the Bodleian
library. Two years later appeared his first published work, the
Epistola ad Millium.
The Sheldonian press was about to print a manuscript chronicle
by a medieval writer named Joannes Malelas ; and John Mill,
famous for his critical edition of the New Testament, sent the
proof-sheets of Malelas to Bentley, on condition that he should
contribute something to the book. Of the published book, the last
hundred pages are taken up by Bentley's Latin letter. Of the many
.
subjects discussed in the Epistola, the chief are the plays of the
Attic dramatists and the lexicon of Hesychius. Bentley's Epistola
gave evidence of a knowledge which embraced all the known
writers of antiquity and extended even to the unprinted MSS
## p. 331 (#355) ############################################
Epistola ad Millium
331
of the Oxford libraries. But it showed more than this : Bentley
was absolute master of his erudition and could apply it with the
nicest precision to solve the problems presented by his author,
The Greek texts which he quoted were often so corrupt as to
be unintelligible ; but, again and again, he restored meaning by
emendations as certain as they are wonderful. For such work as
this, he had one immense advantage over all his predecessors : he
had learnt for himself the laws of Greek metre, which were very
imperfectly understood even by such men as Grotius and Casaubon.
The whole work bears, in the highest degree, the impress of con-
scious power. It was soon perceived by the few men in Europe who
were competent to judge what Bentley had done that a star of
the first magnitude had risen above the horizon.
In 1692, when Robert Boyle, eminent as a natural philosopher,
had left money to found a lectureship in defence of the Christian
religion, Bentley, who had now been ordained, was chosen as the
first lecturer. He delivered eight lectures in two London churches,
taking as his subject 'A confutation of Atheism. ' The last three
lectures drew arguments from the origin and frame of the world';
and, for this part of his work, Bentley sought the aid of Isaac
Newton, whose Principia had been published five years before.
Newton sent full replies to Bentley's enquiries and expressed
satisfaction that his discoveries should be used as an argument
against atheism. Bentley showed great power as a contro-
versialist : his argument, acute and logical, is expressed in a style
of remarkable force and vigour. The lectures were printed at
once and soon translated into Latin, French, German and Dutch.
Bentley was now a man of mark, and, in 1694, he was appointed
keeper of the royal libraries, with official lodgings in St James's
palace. We learn from one of his letters that a small group of his
friends were in the habit of meeting there once or twice a week;
their names were John Evelyn, John Locke, Christopher Wren
and Isaac Newton.
From his Boyle lectures, he went back to the Greek poets.
John George Graevius, professor at Utrecht and the foremost
Latin scholar of the day, was about to issue an edition of
Callimachus ; and Bentley undertook to collect for this work all
the fragments of Callimachus extant in Greek literature. Graevius,
who had read the Epistola ad Millium with the keenest enthusiasm,
expected much of Bentley and got even more than he expected.
For Bentley discovered twice as many fragments as had been
previously known ; his metrical knowledge enabled him, in many
## p. 332 (#356) ############################################
332
Scholars and Antiquaries
seen.
cases, to correct them where corrupt; and his penetration could
often point out the relation of one fragment to another. No such
collection of the fragments of a classical author had ever been
Until his death in 1703 Graevius remained one of Bentley's
heartiest admirers.
The time was now coming when Bentley's friends were to be
put to the proof. By no fault of his own, he became involved in a
famous controversy, in which he was supposed, by the ignorant, to
have had the worst of it, although, in fact, he was completely
victorious over his antagonists and, in the course of his reply, also
made an immense contribution to the knowledge of antiquity.
The subject of this controversy was the genuineness of certain
letters attributed to Phalaris, the half-legendary ruler of Agri-
gentum, who roasted his enemies in a brazen bull. An idle com-
parison between ancient and modern learning, begun in France,
had spread to England ; and Sir William Temple, then eminent as
a man of letters, published an essay, in 1690, in which he gave the
preference to ancient literature, in general, and praised the letters
of Phalaris, in particular, as superior
to anything since written of the
same kind. Temple's essay having turned attention to Phalaris, a
new edition of the letters was published in 1695 by Charles Boyle,
then an undergraduate at Christ Church, a grandnephew of Robert
Boyle, the founder of the lectures. In his preface, the editor made
an insulting reference to Bentley and complained of his discourteous
conduct in refusing the use of a MS of Phalaris kept in the royal
library. Bentley wrote at once to Boyle, explaining that there
had been a mistake, and that he had intended no discourtesy; but
Boyle, acting on the advice of others, refused to make any amends.
His reply was practically a defiance to Bentley to do his worst.
Bentley was the last man to swallow such an insult, and it was not
long before he had an opportunity to say something for himself.
His friend, William Wotton, had, in 1694, entered the lists against
Sir William Temple in defence of modern learning ; and, in 1697,
a second edition of his book included an appendix in which
Bentley briefly stated his proofs that the letters of Phalaris were
spurious, and then gave the true version of the affair of the MS.
But he went further : in language of decided asperity, he pointed
out errors in Boyle's edition, blaming his teachers for them more
than ‘the young gentleman' himself.
By some of the resident members of Christ Church, this censure
was bitterly resented ; and it was determined to crush Bentley.
The members of this society were numerous and united by an
## p. 333 (#357) ############################################
The Phalaris Controversy 333
unusually strong corporate feeling, as nearly all of them had been
educated at Westminster. Though, in point of learning, they were
children compared to Bentley, yet they were formidable antagonists
in any controversy at the bar of public opinion. They were wits
and men of the world ; they had much influence in literary and
academic circles; and, though their erudition was meagre, they
showed a marvellous dexterity in the use of what they had. The
ringleader in the conspiracy against Bentley was Francis Atter-
burył: of the book, which appeared in 1698 and bore the name of
Charles Boyle, he wrote the greater part and revised the whole.
This joint production, to which Boyle seems to have con-
tributed nothing except his name, was read with avidity by a
public quite incompetent to judge of the matter in dispute. The
book had merits which all could understand : in a polished and
pleasant style, it exhausted every art of the controversialist in
throwing ridicule on Bentley as a dull pedant without the manners
of a gentleman or the taste of a genuine man of letters. Nor
was ridicule the only weapon employed : charges of dishonesty,
plagiarism and even heterodoxy were scattered up and down its
pages. Public opinion, prejudiced in Boyle's favour by his youth
and high birth, soon declared decisively against Bentley. It was
at this time that Swift, then residing in Sir William Temple's
family, ridiculed Bentley in his Battle of the Books ; and Garth's
poem, The Dispensary, published in 1699, is chiefly remembered
by the foolish couplet in which he expressed his agreement with
the prevailing sentiment of polite society :
So diamonds take a lustre from their foil,
And to a Bentley 'tis we owe a Boyle.
Atterbury and his friends had good reason to suppose that they
had crushed Bentley and destroyed not only his reputation for
learning but, also, his character.
But it was not easy to crush Bentley. It was about this time
that he replied to the condolence of a friend : ‘Indeed, I am in no
pain about the matter; for it is a maxim with me that no man
was ever written out of reputation but by himself. ' He set to
work to revise and enlarge what he had already written about
Phalaris, and his full reply appeared early in 1699. The Dis-
sertation did not instantly convert public opinion to Bentley's
side; but competent scholars, not, at that day, a large company,
saw at once that Bentley had not only disproved for ever the
1 As to Atterbury see the chapter Divines of the Church of England in vol. 1, post.
## p. 334 (#358) ############################################
334
Scholars and Antiquaries
authenticity of the letters of Phalaris, but had also made large
additions to the sum of existing knowledge on every subject which
he bad occasion to discuss. Nor was it in learning only that
Bentley's immense superiority was shown: he was a far more
cogent reasoner than his assailants ; his language, if sometimes
severe, was nowhere scurrilous; and he even came near to beating
the Oxford men with their own weapon of ridicule. If he could
not rival the rapier thrust of Atterbury, he made uncommonly
pretty play with his quarterstaff and brought it down again and
again with astonishing precision on the heads of his antagonists.
It is needless here to review the different matters illuminated
by Bentley in the course of his discussion. It will be more to the
purpose to quote two passages which illustrate his view of language
and of literature. Discussing the Greek in which the Epistles are
written, he says:
Even the Attic of the true Phalaris's age is not there represented, but a
more recent idiom and style, that by the whole thread and colour of it betrays
itself to be many centuries younger than he. Every living language, like
the perspiring bodies of living creatures, is in perpetual motion and alteration;
some words go off and become obsolete; others are taken in and by degrees
grow into common use; or the same word is inverted to a new sense and
notion, which in tract of time makes as observable a change in the air and
features of a language as age makes in the lines and mien of a face. All are
sensible of this in their own native tongues, where continual use makes every
man a critic. For what Englishman does not think himself able, from the
very turn and fashion of the style, to distinguish a fresh English composition
from another a hundred years old ? Now, there are as real and sensible
differences in the several ages of Greek, were there as many that could discern
them. But very few are so versed and practised in that language as ever to
arrive at that subtilty of taste.
The second extract describes the matter of the Epistles and
directly contradicts the well-turned sentences in which Temple
had expressed his worthless opinion of their unequalled merit:
'T would be endless to prosecute this part and show all the silliness and
impertinency in the matter of the Epistles. For, take them in the whole
bulk, they are a fardle of commonplaces, without any life or spirit from
action and circumstance. Do but cast your eye upon Cicero's letters, or any
statesman's, as Phalaris was: what lively characters of men there! what
descriptions of place! what notifications of time! what peculiarity of circum-
stances! what multiplicity of designs and events! When you return to these
again, you feel, by the emptiness and deadness of them, that you converse
with some dreaming pedant with his elbow on his desk; not with an active,
ambitious tyrant, with his hand on his sword, commanding a million of
subjects.
In the same year (1699), Bentley received a practical proof
of the estimate formed of his character and learning by men
## p. 335 (#359) ############################################
Master of Trinity College 335
who were learned themselves. The two archbishops, with bishops
Burnet, Lloyd, Stillingfleet and Moore, had been appointed by king
William to act as a commission for filling offices in the gift of the
crown; and, by their unanimous vote, Bentley was appointed to
the mastership of Trinity college, Cambridge. He was admitted
to his new office on 1 February 1700. It is not the business of this
narrative to describe the war which began at once and went on for
thirty-eight years between Bentley and the fellows of Trinity
college. It is enough to say that Bentley was twice tried for his
misdemeanours before judges who cannot be suspected of any
bias against him, and twice sentenced to be deprived of his office.
In each case, the judge was the bishop of Ely, who had been
declared visitor of the college. In 1714, bishop Moore, who had
been one of Bentley's electors fourteen years before, died before
he could pronounce the judgment which he had written. In 1734,
bishop Greene pronounced sentence of deprivation ; yet Bentley's
ingenuity and pertinacity proved equal even to this emergency,
and he remained at Trinity lodge until his death in 1742. But
the inscription placed upon his grave in the chapel denies, by its
wording, his right to be called master of the college. In his con-
duct as master, there is much that is inexcusable, but the worst
feature is his sordid rapacity. This ugly vice seems alien to his
character, which, if proud and overbearing, showed a marked
strain of magnanimity in most of the circumstances of his life.
But there is another and a more agreeable side to Bentley's
life during these forty-two years. He did much to reform the
discipline and promote the studies of the undergraduates. He
showed great zeal in encouraging learning; and it is a remarkable
proof of the largeness of his mind that he was quite as favourable
to other studies as to those in which he had made his own reputa-
tion. Thus, the first lectures delivered by Vigani as professor
of chemistry (1702) were given in a laboratory (then called an
elaboratory) fitted up by Bentley in the rooms now occupied by
the bursar at Trinity. For Roger Cotes, Newton's greatest pupil,
he built an observatory over the central gate of the college. His
urgent pressure induced the reluctant Newton to prepare the
second and improved edition of the Principia, in 1713; and he
himself defrayed the cost of the publication. In 1705, he brought
Henry Syke, a learned orientalist, from Utrecht to be Hebrew
professor at Cambridge and made him a tutor of Trinity. To
Ludolf Küster, a Westphalian scholar then residing in Cambridge,
he gave such help as no other man living could have given, for his
## p. 336 (#360) ############################################
336
Scholars and Antiquaries
editions of Suidas and Aristophanes. More than all this, Bentley
set a great example to an academic society by the devotion of his
whole life to study. He never went abroad; it seems that, after
his marriage in 1701, he never left Cambridge except for London,
where he had still an official residence as royal librarian; he took
no exercise except a walk in his garden; he never appeared at
social gatherings, though he enjoyed the society of a few intimate
friends at his own house. The business of his life was to exhaust
learning; and he said he should be willing to die at 80, as he
should then have read everything worth reading. The books
which he published must not be supposed to mark the limits of
his study. Thus, he devoted years of labour to Homer and to the
text of the Greek Testament; and, though he published nothing
in either subject, the manuscript materials which he left have
profoundly affected the subsequent study of both. Everything
which he wrote for the press was prepared in great haste; and his
enemies said, with some appearance of truth, that his main motive
for appearing in print was his wish to conciliate public opinion,
when one of his many law-suits seemed likely to go against him.
He probably regarded his books as an interruption to the more
pressing business of study. Still, they are the landmarks of
his life; and a short account will be given here of the works
published by him after 1700.
The first of these was polemical and appeared at Utrecht in
1710, under the pseudonym Phileleutherus Lipsiensis. A certain
John Le Clerc, who, with little real learning of any kind, had
contrived to become a considerable figure in European literature,
undertook, in an evil hour, to edit the fragments of Menander
and Philemon. Of his qualifications for the enterprise, it is enough
to say that he knew little of the Greek language and nothing of
Greek metre. Bentley wrote out in great haste comments upon
323 of the fragments, exposing the incompetence of the editor and
suggesting corrections of his own. He then sent the manuscript
to Peter Burmann at Utrecht by the hands of Francis Hare, then
serving as chaplain-general to Marlborough's army. Burmann
published the notes with a preface of his own. It was at once
recognised as Bentley's work and eagerly read : in three weeks,
there was not a copy to be had. The unerring sagacity of the
critic and the liveliness of the style make it one of the most
attractive of Bentley's books.
In 1711 appeared his Horace. It was dedicated to Harley,
the tory prime minister, of whose powerful aid Bentley was then
## p. 337 (#361) ############################################
Edition of Horace
337
sorely in need, at a critical stage in his battle with the college.
Horace was the first Latin author whom Bentley had edited : till
then, his published work had dealt mainly with Greek writers.
The object aimed at was a complete revision of the text, and all
accessible authorities were used for the purpose ; but Bentley
relied more upon his power of emendation than upon any MSS.
His Horace presented over 700 unfamiliar readings; and these
novelties, instead of being relegated to the foot of the page, were
promoted to the text. All the old power and erudition were shown
in the notes in which the editor sought to justify his innovations.
The reader who is inclined to reject some change proposed turns
to the note and finds it almost impossible to resist the dialectical
force of the editor. But there are faults in this work wbich had
not been conspicuous before in Bentley's books—arrogance in
asserting his own merits and a tendency to think more of exhibit-
ing his own skill in argument than of discovering what his author
really wrote. For the first time, too, he begins to force upon
the
author his own standards of taste, a fault which betrayed him later
into the great literary blunder of his life. The book brought him
much praise and as much criticism. The two are pleasantly com-
bined in the language of Atterbury, now dean of Christ Church
and on civil terms with Bentley, when he acknowledged the gift of
& copy :
I am indebted to you, Sir, for the great pleasure and instruction I have
received from that excellent performance; though at the same time I cannot
but own to you the uneasyness I felt when I found how many things in
Horace there were, which, after thirty years' acquaintance with him, I did
not understand.
Bentley's next book was published under his old pseudonym
Phileleutherus Lipsiensis ; but, this time, the language was English
and very racy English too. A Discourse of Free-thinking, an
anonymous work by Anthony Collins, appeared in 1713 and was
instantly followed by a swarm of refutations. But all these
were eclipsed by Bentley's Remarks. Collins had appealed to
antiquity in support of his opinions ; but he did not know Greek
or Latin well enough to draw the true conclusions from his authors.
Here, Bentley was in his element: he lays about him with rare
zest and had no difficulty in showing that Collins had undertaken
'to interpret the Prophets and Solomon without Hebrew, Plutarch
and Zosimus without Greek, and Cicero and Lucan without Latin. '
He treats the anonymous author unceremoniously enough ; but his
language does not go beyond what was then thought permissible
CH. XIII,
22
E. L. IX.
## p. 338 (#362) ############################################
338
Scholars and Antiquaries
a
and even praiseworthy in the mouth of a champion of orthodoxy.
To the scholar, the chief interest of this book is to watch Bentley
for once interpreting the thought, rather than the language, of the
ancients. The mastery with which he extracts the whole meaning
and nothing but the meaning from a difficult passage of Lucan
(IX 546—568) shows what he could have done, had he chosen, in
this part of a scholar's business.
Of Bentley's edition of Terence, published in 1726, the most
remarkable feature is his explanation of a problem which previous
editors had declared insoluble. Bentley gave a clear statement of
the principles which differentiate the metre of Plautus and Terence
from that of Horace and Vergil; and, with this instrument, he was
able to correct many corruptions in the text of Terence. All later
discussion of this subject starts from the point where Bentley
left it.
Manilius was the last Latin poet of whom a revised text was pub-
lished by Bentley. Early in his career, he had prepared an edition
of this poet, but 'dearness of paper and the want of good types
and some other occasions' prevented its appearance till 1739, when
Bentley was seventy-seven years old. The astronomical poem of
Manilius is difficult and the text very corrupt. To contemporary
critics, the changes which Bentley made in the text seemed to pass
all permissible limits. But deeply-seated corruptions cannot be
cured by trilling alterations; and more than one competent judge
has pronounced that Manilius, rather than Horace or Phalaris, is
the chief monument of Bentley's genius.
Of the other work of Bentley's old age, it can only be said that
few reputations except his own could have survived it. When the
prince regent proposed that Jane Austen should write a romance
to glorify the august house of Coburg, she had the good sense to
decline the task; it is a pity that Bentley was not equally wise,
when queen Caroline expressed her wish that he should edit
Milton. The queen may have supposed that he would illustrate
Milton's language from Homer and Vergil ; but Bentley preferred
to revise the text of Paradise Lost. It was a task for which he
was ill equipped. His turn of mind was prosaic. He thought
more of correctness than of poetry, and was quick to find 'vitious
construction' or 'absonous numbers' where Milton rises above the
laws of critics. And, though he occasionally quotes from Ariosto
and Tasso, from Chaucer and Spenser, he was not really familiar
with the poetry and romance which had helped to nourish the
youth of Milton.
## p. 339 (#363) ############################################
Edition of Paradise Lost 339
Starting from the known fact that Milton, being then blind,
could not write down his verses or read his proof-sheets, Bentley
discovered a large number of what he took to be errors of the
amanuensis or of the printer. Next, he invented a hypothesis that
some friend, employed by Milton as 'editor,' abused his trust by
inserting in the poem many passages, and some long ones, of his
own composition. Bentley professed to correct the misprints and
to detect the spurious passages. Further, in very many places he
frankly abandons all pretence of recovering Milton's text and
corrects the poet himself. The book was published in 1732, shortly
before Bentley's second trial before the bishop of Ely. The
corrections were printed in the margin in italics ; the insertions of
the imaginary editor were enclosed between brackets and were
also printed in italics ; the notes at the foot of the page seek to
justify the corrections and excisions.
This strange production cannot be excused on the ground that
Bentley was in his dotage. The notes show that his mind was still
working with the old vigour. But his undoubted superiority in a
different field had apparently persuaded him that he would prove
equally successful in an unfamiliar enterprise. He has generally
a sort of prosaic logic on his side, and sometimes he has more.
A very favourable specimen of his notes will be found on Paradise
Lost v1 332, where Milton speaks of a stream of nectarous humour
issuing from Satan's wound. Bentley notes that nectar was the
drink of the gods; next he shows conclusively that Milton is
translating a line in Homer, which says that the blood of the gods
is ichor; and he ends by saying that Milton wrote 'ichorous
humour. ' This is a notable criticism : if Milton did not write
‘ichorous,' he certainly should have written it. But Bentley's very
next note is typical of the perversity which runs through the whole
commentary. On the line,
And with fierce ensigns pierc'd the deep array1
the note is as follows:
Another Blunder again, though not quite so vile as the last. Why are
Ensigns, the Colours, called fierce; the tamest things in the whole Battel?
And how could they pierce an Array that are never used for striking? The
Author gave it,
And with fierce Onset piero'd the deep array.
The book was read with amazement; and, while some made
fun of the author, others wrote serious refutations. It is probable,
i Paradise Lost, bk. VI, 1. 356.
22_2
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6
however, that the taste of that age did not resent the outrage as
keenly as we might suppose. It is a remarkable fact that, on the
margin of his own copy, Pope signified his approval of many of the
new readings, though, in his published poems, he attacked Bentley
repeatedly for his treatment of Milton. Pope's hostility may
have been partly inherited from Atterbury and Swift. He had
a grievance of his own as well, if the story be true that Bentley
said to him of his translation of Homer: 'a pretty poem, Mr Pope,
but you must not call it Homer. ' When Bentley was asked, late in
life, why Pope assailed him, he said: 'I talked against his Homer,
and the portentous cub never forgives. '
Bentley wrote one piece of English verse which is preserved in
Boswell's Life of Johnson. Johnson praised the verses highly on
one occasion and recited them with his usual energy. ' He added:
‘they are the forcible verses of a man of strong mind but not
accustomed to write verse ; for there is some uncouthness in the
expression. ' The verses describe the arduous labours and scanty
rewards of a scholar's life; and Johnson's praise and his blame are
alike just.
Bentley died in Trinity college after a few days' illness on
14 July 1742. Four months earlier, Pope had published, in the
fourth book of The Dunciad, his full-length caricature of the most
famous scholar in Europe, now over eighty years old. It suited
Pope's purpose or his humour to represent Bentley as one of the
dullest of men. But the truth is that no greater intellect than
his has ever been devoted to the study and elucidation of ancient
literature.
Of Bentley's contemporaries at Cambridge and elsewhere,
several made a reputation for learning and scholarship; and these
will be briefly mentioned here. Of Joseph Wasse, Bentley said:
“When I die, Wasse will be the most learned man in England'
He was a fellow of Queens' college and edited Sallust, besides
preparing material for an edition of Thucydides. John Davies,
president of Queens' college and one of Bentley's few intimates,
edited many of the philosophical works of Cicero. Conyers
Middleton, fellow of Trinity college and protobibliothecarius
of the university (1721), bore a prominent part in the warfare
against Bentley. During his lifetime, he enjoyed a great reputa-
tion as a keen controversialist and the master of an excellent style.
Of his numerous works, the chief are his Life of Cicero, which
brought him much profit, and his Free Enquiry, which involved
him in prolonged controversy with more orthodox divines. William
## p. 341 (#365) ############################################
Markland.
Taylor. Dawes
341
Warburton, bishop of Gloucester, cannot be called a scholar,
in the strict sense of the word : his knowledge of the ancient
languages and literature was very small. Yet he had vigour
of mind and much miscellaneous reading, so that his chief
work, The Divine Legation, was regarded by many of his con-
temporaries as a genuine masterpiece.
The influence of Bentley is clearly seen in the work of three
Cambridge scholars who belong to the generation after him.
Jeremiah Markland, fellow of Peterhouse, had some intimacy
with Bentley in his studious old age, and devoted his own life
to study and retirement. He twice refused to stand for the
Greek chair at Cambridge. He edited several Greek plays; but
his masterpiece is his edition of the Silvae of Statius. It shows
great acumen, together with a wide and exact knowledge of the
Latin poets ; and it still remains the best commentary on this
author. John Taylor, fellow of St John's college, and librarian
(1732) of the university, won his reputation by learned editions
of portions of the Greek orators. Richard Dawes, fellow of
Emmanuel and, afterwards, a schoolmaster at Newcastle, published
only one book, his Miscellanea Critica ; but it marks a distinct
advance in Greek scholarship. Though it pleases him to speak
slightingly of Bentley, yet it is clear that he had studied Bentley's
writings with minute attention; and thus he was enabled to make
important discoveries in Greek syntax and Greek metre, which no
one would have applauded more heartily than Bentley, had he lived
to hear of them.
II. ANTIQUARIES
6
This summer (1656) came to Oxon 'The Antiquities of Warwickshire,
&c. written by William Dugdale, and adorn'd with many cuts. This being
accounted the best book of its kind that hitherto was made extant, my pen
cannot enough describe how A. Wood's tender affections and insatiable desire
of knowledg were ravish'd and melted downe by the reading of that book.
It was in these words that Anthony Wood? greeted the
appearance of a book which represented the firstfruits of a new
movement in the study of local history and antiquities. This
movement, which becomes noticeable in the seventeenth century,
For a list of scholars whose names belong to the history of this period of
literature, but are mainly associated with studies other than classical, see the
bibliography to this chapter.
? Life and Times of Anthony Wood, ed. Clark, A. , vol. 1, p. 209.
2
## p. 342 (#366) ############################################
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Scholars and Antiquaries
approached the subject from a new standpoint, and, in place of
depending upon bald and hackneyed compilations by previous
writers, sought to found its history on the study of original
documents and records, supplemented by local topographical
investigation. With immense industry and untiring patience,
'collections' were made from every accessible source. Charters,
registers, muniments, genealogies, monumental inscriptions,
heraldic achievements, were all made to yield their quota; and
if, in the amassing of material, the collectors were sometimes
too uncritical of their 'originals,' or in the maze of detail
have lost sight of broader issues, they at least preserved from
oblivion a multitude of valuable records and paved the way for
the remarkable series of county histories and other kindred works
produced in the succeeding century.
The centre of the new school was at Oxford, where, since the
opening of its doors in 1602, the library of Sir Thomas Bodley had
been rapidly accumulating materials and extending its collections,
until it became a great storehouse of sources, and served as the
nursing-ground of a remarkable group of men, which includes the
names of Wood, Hearne, Rawlinson, and Tanner.
To these may be added the author of The Antiquities of
Warwickshire, for, though Sir William Dugdale was not an
alumnus of the university, yet, during his sojourn in Oxford, in
1642—6, he fell under the spell of the Bodleian and collected there
abundant material for the works he was at that time projecting.
The book which Wood greeted so enthusiastically was not
undeserving of the encomium. In its fulness, its method, its
reliance upon original sources, and its general accuracy, it was
much beyond anything that had hitherto appeared. It set a new
standard in topographical history, and inspired succeeding writers
to emulate its merits. If, among its author's many works, the
Warwickshire volume may be esteemed his masterpiece, yet the
book which, at the present day, most notably maintains Dugdale's
fame is Monasticon Anglicanum, an account of English monastic
houses, consisting, to a large extent, of charters of foundation and
other original documents. In this undertaking, he collaborated
with Roger Dodsworth, an indefatigable worker who spent his life
in the study of genealogy and ecclesiastical and monastic history,
and whose enormous manuscript collections now repose in the
Bodleian. Wood says of him that he was a person of
wonderful industry, but less judgment, was always collecting and
1 Fasti Oxon. , ed. Bliss, P. , vol. 11, p. 24.
## p. 343 (#367) ############################################
Dodsworth and Dugdale 343
transcribing, but never published anything': a characterisation
that would describe equally well many another antiquary whose
ambitious schemes have failed of fruition.
The first volume of Monasticon appeared in 1655, the year
after Dodsworth’s death and just seventeen years after the
authors began their joint work. The second volume, which was
delayed until the sale of the first should produce funds to defray
some of the expense, came out in 1661; and, in 1673, Dugdale
published a third volume containing Additamenta and documents
relating to the foundation of cathedral and collegiate churches.
The precise share in this work with which the respective authors
are to be credited has been, almost from the first, a subject of
controversy; but this is a matter of little moment. Dugdale
claimed that a full third of the collection was his, and that the
work had wholly rested on his shoulders? ; and there can be no
doubt that, apart from his contributions to the text, the work
owes its appearance in print to Dugdale's energy and methodical
scholarship. In 1722—3, captain John Stevens, to whom is
attributed the English abridgment of Monasticon which appeared
in 1718, brought out two supplementary volumes to the original
work, containing additional charters and the records of the friaries.
By a happy chance, there came into Dugdale's hands, about
the year 1656, a large collection of manuscripts and documents
relating to St Paul's cathedral, amounting 'to no lesse than ten
porters burthens'; and, setting to work upon these, he produced
two years later his History of St Paul's Cathedral, and thus
preserved a valuable record of the building and monuments that
were, within a few years, to be destroyed in the great fire.
The History of Imbanking and Drayning of divers Fenns and
Marshes (1662), which was undertaken at the request of Lord
Gorges, surveyor-general of the Bedford level, suggests a subject
somewhat outside the scope of Dugdale's activities; but his wide
acquaintance with manuscript sources and the contents of state
archives, aided by a journey through the district in 1657, enabled
him to compose a treatise abounding in historical and antiquarian
interest. He takes leave to interpret the limits of his subject
very widely, and is quite aware of the irrelevancy of his digres-
sions. The isle of Ely gives an opening for narrating at large
the life of Saint Audrey (translated from a Cottonian manuscript),
and then follows the whole story of the feats of Hereward in
defence of the isle against William the conqueror and his knights.
1 Life, Diary, and Correspondence of Sir William Dugdale, ed. Hamper, W. , p. 284.
a
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It is in this unexpected quarter that the accomplished antiquary
reveals himself as an entertaining story-teller.
Dugdale's genius for painstaking research found a thoroughly
suitable theme in his Origines juridiciales (1666), a historical
account of English laws, courts of justice, inns of court, and
other cognate matters, in which is embodied much curious
information respecting ancient forms and customs observed
therein ; while The Baronage of England, which he began during
his stay in Oxford and published in 1675—6, is a monument to
his industry. His 'church and king' principles found expression
in A short view of the late troubles in England, which appeared
anonymously in 1681, though he had not at first intended to
make it public during his lifetime.
In several respects Dugdale was particularly fortunate, though
it must be allowed that this good fortune was worthily bestowed.
Early in his career, he received help and encouragement from
influential friends, notably Sir Henry Spelman and Lord Hatton ;
and an official position in the College of Arms secured for him
ready access to important collections of manuscripts and records
which he used to good purpose. His books are always methodically
arranged, and his text, devoid of superfluous verbiage, is carefully
and fully documented by references to his authorities. In works
involving a multitude of details and covering fields previously
little explored, it is not surprising to find that charges of in-
accuracy were levelled at the author ; but, in truth, the wonder is,
not that errors may be discovered, but at the admirable work
in which they are embedded. Certain lapses from a critical
discernment of the evidences as to the genuineness of documents
were gently pointed out to Dugdale in a courteous letter from
his friend Sir Roger Twysden, student of constitutional law and
upholder of ancient rights and liberties. Wood, also, says that
he sent Dugdale at least sixteen sheets of corrections to The
Baronage, and he does not hesitate to repeat other aspersions
on Dugdale's accuracy ; but he concludes with this tribute :
Yet however what he hath done, is prodigious . . . and therefore his memory
ought to be venerated and had in everlasting remembrance for those things
which he hath already published, which otherwise might have perished and
been eternally buried in oblivion 2.
The most prominent and characteristic name in the Oxford
group is that of Anthony Wood, or Anthony à Wood as, in later
years, he pedantically styled himself. Born in Oxford, in 1632,
1 Hamper, u. 8. , p. 335.
? Fasti, u. s. , vol. II, p. 28.
## p. 345 (#369) ############################################
6
Anthony Wood
345
he spent, practically, his whole life there, and died, in 1695, in the
house in which he was born. During his undergraduate days, he
did not show any particular aptitude for academic studies; but his
natural bent towards those antiquarian pursuits which afterwards
claimed his whole energies soon declared itself, and at seventeen
years of age he had begun to take notes of inscriptions. His
graduation as B. A. , in 1652, secured for him admission to the
Bodleian library, 'which he took to be the happiness of his life,
and into which he never entred without great veneration”. '
There he browsed at large, and gave himself up to his beloved
studies of English history, antiquities, heraldry, and genealogies,
with music as his chief recreation.
But it seems to have been Dugdale's Warwickshire that gave
his studies a special objective. It fired him to attempt a similar
work for his own county, and, with this object, he began tran-
scribing the monumental inscriptions and arms in the various
churches. As his researches and collections progressed, the scope
of his undertaking was enlarged; and, presently, his original idea
of preserving a record of extant monuments developed into that
of a comprehensive survey which should include the antiquities
of the city, a history of the university and colleges, and the
biographical records contained in his Athenae and Fasti. In
pursuance of this object, he explored all accessible sources : the
manuscripts in the Bodleian, including the collections of John
Leland, of which he made much use, the archives of the university,
to which he was allowed free access, and the muniments of the
several colleges; he also visited London for the purpose of working
in the libraries there.
At length, in 1669, the university treatise being completed,
the university press offered to publish the work, stipulating that
the author should consent to its being translated into Latin 'for
the honour of the University in forreigne countries. ' Dr John
Fell, dean of Christ Church, the prime mover in this design,
undertook at his own charge the translating and printing.
Richard Peers and Richard Reeve were commissioned to make
the Latin version, and Fell took the editing into his own hands.
His high-handed methods caused the author much heart-burning,
and he thus (11 August 1670) graphically describes the situation :
All the proofs that came from the press went thro the Doctor's hands, which
he would correct, alter, or dash out or put in what he pleased, which created
i Life, 4. 8. , vol. 1, p. 182.
9 As to Fell, of, ante, vol. VII, p. 457.
## p. 346 (#370) ############################################
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a great trouble to the composer and author: but there was no help. He was
a great man, and carried all things at his pleasure.
Wood's diary, at this period, contains many complaints about
the liberties taken with his book; and for the misdoings of
Peers he cannot find words hard enough. But, in spite of his
declaration that he would scarce own the book, he was not able
to suppress a natural pride in the two handsome volumes which,
in 1674, made their appearance under the title Historia et
Antiquitates Universitatis Oxoniensis. Nevertheless, Wood's
dissatisfaction with the Latin version was quite genuine, and, very
soon afterwards, he began an English transcription of the whole
work, continuing the general history to the year 1660. This
recension was not printed in Wood's lifetime ; but he bequeathed
the manuscript to the university, and it was eventually published
by John Gutch in 1786–96.
The other section of Wood's work on Oxford, Survey of the
Antiquities of the City, or, as it was entitled in Peshall's
edition, The Antient and Present State of the City of Oxford,
was probably begun before the idea of a separate work on the
university took definite form, and a considerable portion of it
was written between 1661 and 1663. At this point, his interest
seems to have been absorbed by the university treatise, and,
though he worked on the manuscript to the end of his life,
continually revising it and adding fresh notes, the scheme was
never actually completed. While a certain lack of form and pro-
portion in the work may, therefore, be disregarded, there can be no
question about its value as a minute record and reconstruction
of the past, the details of which were industriously garnered from
a great variety of sources and carefully collated with personal
investigation of the localities.
When pursuing his researches among the university archives,
Wood must have come across the papers of Brian Twyne, a
diligent Oxford antiquary who had done much pioneer spade-
work in the same field; but his diaries are curiously reticent
on the subject. This silence may have been unintentional; but,
as a matter of fact, he drew extensively upon this store; indeed,
his latest editor goes so far as to say that 'there was no originality
in his work, for he merely put into shape Twyne's materials. '
But, whatever the extent of his indebtedness, no fraudulent
motive need be attributed to Wood, for he makes constant
* Andrew Clark, in Dict. of Nat. Biog. , vol. win, art.
6 See The Fool of Quality, ed. Baker, E. A. , 1906, pp. 30, 31, 33, 39, 133-6,
142, 258–60, 328—30, 836, 867-9, 394.
1
9
## p. 328 (#352) ############################################
328
William Law and the Mystics
The Fool of Quality found favour with John Wesley, who
reprinted it in 1781, under the title The History of Henry Earl
of Moreland. In doing this, he reduced it from five volumes to
two, omitting, as he says in his preface, 'a great part of the mystic
Divinity, as it is more philosophical than Scriptural. ' He goes on
to speak of the book with the highest praise, 'I now venture to
recommend the following Treatise as the most excellent in its kind
of any that I have seen, either in the English, or any other lan-
guage'; its greatest excellence being that it continually strikes at
the heart. . . I know not who can survey it with tearless eyes, unless
he has a heart of stone. ' Launched thus, with the imprimatur of
their great leader, it became favourite reading with generations of
devout Wesleyans, and, in this form, passed through many editions!
Mystics, unlike other thinkers, scientific or philosophical, have
little chronological development, since mysticism can neither age nor
die. They rarely found schools of thought in their own day. It is,
therefore, not surprising that, in spite of various strains of a mystic
tendency, the mysticism of Law and his small circle of followers
had no marked influence on the main stream of eighteenth century
thought. The atmosphere of the age was antagonistic to it, and it
remained an undercurrent only, the impulse given by Law in this
direction spending itself finally among little-known dreamers and
eccentrics?
Later, some of the root - ideas of Boehme returned to
England by way of Hegel, Schelling, Jung-Stilling and Friedrich
Schlegel, or through Boehme's French disciple, Louis-Claude de
Saint-Martin. They influenced Coleridges, and profoundly modified
nineteenth century conceptions, thus preparing the way for the
better understanding of mystical thought. Blake's prophetic books
are only now, after a hundred years, beginning to find readers,
and, undoubtedly, Law's Appeal, if it were more widely known,
would, in the twentieth century, win the response for which it has
long been waiting.
1 Wesley's alterations in wording are most instructive and interesting, for he has
not hesitated to alter as well as to omit passages. Cf. Clinton's account of the
nature of man and God in Wesley, ed. of 1781, vol. II, pp. 286—7, with Brooke, 1 vol.
ed. 1906, p. 367.
3 As, for instance, Francis Okely, or, later, J. P. Greaves and Christopher Walton.
There remains, however, to be traced an influence which bore fruit in the nineteenth
century. Thomas Erskine of Linlathen was indebted to both Law and Boehme, and
he, in his turn, influenced F. D. Maurice and others.
8 Coleridge also knew both Law and Boehme at first hand; for his appreciation of
them see Biographia Literaria, chap. IX, Aids to Reflexion, conclusion, and notes to
Southey's Life of Wesley, 3rd ed. , 1846, vol. 1, p. 476. For his projected work on
Boehme, and in connection with his philosophy, see letter to Lady Beaumont, 1810, in
Memorials of Coleorton, ed. Knight, W. , 1887, vol. II, pp. 105—7.
## p. 329 (#353) ############################################
CHAPTER XIII
SCHOLARS AND ANTIQUARIES
I. BENTLEY AND CLASSICAL SCHOLARSHIP
At the end of the seventeenth century, the history of scholar-
ship is illuminated by the great name of Richard Bentley. From
1699, when his Dissertation on the Epistles of Phalaris was pub-
lished, until the end of his long life in 1742, each successive work
that came from his pen was expected with impatience and welcomed
with enthusiasm by the learned all over Europe, who, by their
common use of Latin, were able more easily than now to under-
stand and to communicate with each other.
When Bentley was born in 1662, there were already men in
England of great learning. But most of these busied themselves
with theology, chronology and patristic study rather than with
the classical authors. Five names may be mentioned here. The
first of these is John Pearson, successively master of Trinity
college, Cambridge, and bishop of Chester. The Exposition of
the Creed and the Vindication of certain epistles attributed to
Ignatius of Antioch, have been already treated in an earlier
volume? Bentley wrote of him as 'the most excellent Bishop
Pearson, the very dust of whose writings is gold' John Fell
was successively dean of Christ Church and bishop of Oxford.
His chief work is a critical edition of the works of Cyprian.
The epigram by which his name is chiefly known at the present
day was probably written by Tom Brown, while an undergraduate
at Christ Church? William Lloyd, bishop of St Asaph and,
later, of Worcester, is famous as one of the seven bishops. He
wrote chiefly on church history and is appealed to by Bentley
as 'that incomparable historian and chronologer. ' Henry Dodwell
was elected Camden professor of history at Oxford in 1688. The
most important of his very numerous works discussed ancient
See ante, vol. vin, p. 297.
* As to Fell, cf. ante, vol. VII, p. 457.
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chronology; and Bentley, in his Phalaris, while controverting
Dodwell's views, constantly refers to his book De Cydis, then in
the press, as 'that noble work, and to the author as 'the very
learned Mr Dodwell. ' John Moore was bishop of Ely and, as
such, became Bentley's judge in 1710. His library, one of the
best collections of books and MSS in Europe, was eventually
presented by George I to Cambridge university.
Richard Bentley was born on 27 January 1662, at Oulton,
in Yorkshire, and educated at Wakefield grammar school and
St John's college, Cambridge. He took the degree of B. A. with
distinction in 1680 and, after acting for about a year as master of
Spalding school, was chosen as tutor to his son by Stillingfleet,
then dean of St Paul's and, from 1689, bishop of Worcester. For
six years Bentley was a member of Stillingfleet's household. The
dean's library was famous and now forms part of archbishop
Marsh's library in Dublin ; but one may suppose that these books
have never again found a reader so ardent and so apt as Bentley.
Johnson once said to Boswell that he had never known a man
who studied hard, but that he concluded, from the effects, that
some men had done so; and he named Bentley as an example,
This may be illustrated by Bentley's own words :
I wrote, before I was twenty-four years of age, a sort of Hexapla; a thick
volume in quarto, in the first column of which I inserted every word of the
Hebrew Bible alphabetically; and, in five other columns, all the various inter-
pretations of those words in the Chaldee, Syriac, Vulgate Latin, Septuagint,
and Aquila, Symmachus, and Theodotion, that occur in the whole Bible.
Yet biblical study was only a small part of Bentley's labours.
In 1689, when young Stillingfleet went to Oxford, Bentley went
with him and became a member of the university. To him, one of
the chief attractions of the place must have been the Bodleian
library. Two years later appeared his first published work, the
Epistola ad Millium.
The Sheldonian press was about to print a manuscript chronicle
by a medieval writer named Joannes Malelas ; and John Mill,
famous for his critical edition of the New Testament, sent the
proof-sheets of Malelas to Bentley, on condition that he should
contribute something to the book. Of the published book, the last
hundred pages are taken up by Bentley's Latin letter. Of the many
.
subjects discussed in the Epistola, the chief are the plays of the
Attic dramatists and the lexicon of Hesychius. Bentley's Epistola
gave evidence of a knowledge which embraced all the known
writers of antiquity and extended even to the unprinted MSS
## p. 331 (#355) ############################################
Epistola ad Millium
331
of the Oxford libraries. But it showed more than this : Bentley
was absolute master of his erudition and could apply it with the
nicest precision to solve the problems presented by his author,
The Greek texts which he quoted were often so corrupt as to
be unintelligible ; but, again and again, he restored meaning by
emendations as certain as they are wonderful. For such work as
this, he had one immense advantage over all his predecessors : he
had learnt for himself the laws of Greek metre, which were very
imperfectly understood even by such men as Grotius and Casaubon.
The whole work bears, in the highest degree, the impress of con-
scious power. It was soon perceived by the few men in Europe who
were competent to judge what Bentley had done that a star of
the first magnitude had risen above the horizon.
In 1692, when Robert Boyle, eminent as a natural philosopher,
had left money to found a lectureship in defence of the Christian
religion, Bentley, who had now been ordained, was chosen as the
first lecturer. He delivered eight lectures in two London churches,
taking as his subject 'A confutation of Atheism. ' The last three
lectures drew arguments from the origin and frame of the world';
and, for this part of his work, Bentley sought the aid of Isaac
Newton, whose Principia had been published five years before.
Newton sent full replies to Bentley's enquiries and expressed
satisfaction that his discoveries should be used as an argument
against atheism. Bentley showed great power as a contro-
versialist : his argument, acute and logical, is expressed in a style
of remarkable force and vigour. The lectures were printed at
once and soon translated into Latin, French, German and Dutch.
Bentley was now a man of mark, and, in 1694, he was appointed
keeper of the royal libraries, with official lodgings in St James's
palace. We learn from one of his letters that a small group of his
friends were in the habit of meeting there once or twice a week;
their names were John Evelyn, John Locke, Christopher Wren
and Isaac Newton.
From his Boyle lectures, he went back to the Greek poets.
John George Graevius, professor at Utrecht and the foremost
Latin scholar of the day, was about to issue an edition of
Callimachus ; and Bentley undertook to collect for this work all
the fragments of Callimachus extant in Greek literature. Graevius,
who had read the Epistola ad Millium with the keenest enthusiasm,
expected much of Bentley and got even more than he expected.
For Bentley discovered twice as many fragments as had been
previously known ; his metrical knowledge enabled him, in many
## p. 332 (#356) ############################################
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Scholars and Antiquaries
seen.
cases, to correct them where corrupt; and his penetration could
often point out the relation of one fragment to another. No such
collection of the fragments of a classical author had ever been
Until his death in 1703 Graevius remained one of Bentley's
heartiest admirers.
The time was now coming when Bentley's friends were to be
put to the proof. By no fault of his own, he became involved in a
famous controversy, in which he was supposed, by the ignorant, to
have had the worst of it, although, in fact, he was completely
victorious over his antagonists and, in the course of his reply, also
made an immense contribution to the knowledge of antiquity.
The subject of this controversy was the genuineness of certain
letters attributed to Phalaris, the half-legendary ruler of Agri-
gentum, who roasted his enemies in a brazen bull. An idle com-
parison between ancient and modern learning, begun in France,
had spread to England ; and Sir William Temple, then eminent as
a man of letters, published an essay, in 1690, in which he gave the
preference to ancient literature, in general, and praised the letters
of Phalaris, in particular, as superior
to anything since written of the
same kind. Temple's essay having turned attention to Phalaris, a
new edition of the letters was published in 1695 by Charles Boyle,
then an undergraduate at Christ Church, a grandnephew of Robert
Boyle, the founder of the lectures. In his preface, the editor made
an insulting reference to Bentley and complained of his discourteous
conduct in refusing the use of a MS of Phalaris kept in the royal
library. Bentley wrote at once to Boyle, explaining that there
had been a mistake, and that he had intended no discourtesy; but
Boyle, acting on the advice of others, refused to make any amends.
His reply was practically a defiance to Bentley to do his worst.
Bentley was the last man to swallow such an insult, and it was not
long before he had an opportunity to say something for himself.
His friend, William Wotton, had, in 1694, entered the lists against
Sir William Temple in defence of modern learning ; and, in 1697,
a second edition of his book included an appendix in which
Bentley briefly stated his proofs that the letters of Phalaris were
spurious, and then gave the true version of the affair of the MS.
But he went further : in language of decided asperity, he pointed
out errors in Boyle's edition, blaming his teachers for them more
than ‘the young gentleman' himself.
By some of the resident members of Christ Church, this censure
was bitterly resented ; and it was determined to crush Bentley.
The members of this society were numerous and united by an
## p. 333 (#357) ############################################
The Phalaris Controversy 333
unusually strong corporate feeling, as nearly all of them had been
educated at Westminster. Though, in point of learning, they were
children compared to Bentley, yet they were formidable antagonists
in any controversy at the bar of public opinion. They were wits
and men of the world ; they had much influence in literary and
academic circles; and, though their erudition was meagre, they
showed a marvellous dexterity in the use of what they had. The
ringleader in the conspiracy against Bentley was Francis Atter-
burył: of the book, which appeared in 1698 and bore the name of
Charles Boyle, he wrote the greater part and revised the whole.
This joint production, to which Boyle seems to have con-
tributed nothing except his name, was read with avidity by a
public quite incompetent to judge of the matter in dispute. The
book had merits which all could understand : in a polished and
pleasant style, it exhausted every art of the controversialist in
throwing ridicule on Bentley as a dull pedant without the manners
of a gentleman or the taste of a genuine man of letters. Nor
was ridicule the only weapon employed : charges of dishonesty,
plagiarism and even heterodoxy were scattered up and down its
pages. Public opinion, prejudiced in Boyle's favour by his youth
and high birth, soon declared decisively against Bentley. It was
at this time that Swift, then residing in Sir William Temple's
family, ridiculed Bentley in his Battle of the Books ; and Garth's
poem, The Dispensary, published in 1699, is chiefly remembered
by the foolish couplet in which he expressed his agreement with
the prevailing sentiment of polite society :
So diamonds take a lustre from their foil,
And to a Bentley 'tis we owe a Boyle.
Atterbury and his friends had good reason to suppose that they
had crushed Bentley and destroyed not only his reputation for
learning but, also, his character.
But it was not easy to crush Bentley. It was about this time
that he replied to the condolence of a friend : ‘Indeed, I am in no
pain about the matter; for it is a maxim with me that no man
was ever written out of reputation but by himself. ' He set to
work to revise and enlarge what he had already written about
Phalaris, and his full reply appeared early in 1699. The Dis-
sertation did not instantly convert public opinion to Bentley's
side; but competent scholars, not, at that day, a large company,
saw at once that Bentley had not only disproved for ever the
1 As to Atterbury see the chapter Divines of the Church of England in vol. 1, post.
## p. 334 (#358) ############################################
334
Scholars and Antiquaries
authenticity of the letters of Phalaris, but had also made large
additions to the sum of existing knowledge on every subject which
he bad occasion to discuss. Nor was it in learning only that
Bentley's immense superiority was shown: he was a far more
cogent reasoner than his assailants ; his language, if sometimes
severe, was nowhere scurrilous; and he even came near to beating
the Oxford men with their own weapon of ridicule. If he could
not rival the rapier thrust of Atterbury, he made uncommonly
pretty play with his quarterstaff and brought it down again and
again with astonishing precision on the heads of his antagonists.
It is needless here to review the different matters illuminated
by Bentley in the course of his discussion. It will be more to the
purpose to quote two passages which illustrate his view of language
and of literature. Discussing the Greek in which the Epistles are
written, he says:
Even the Attic of the true Phalaris's age is not there represented, but a
more recent idiom and style, that by the whole thread and colour of it betrays
itself to be many centuries younger than he. Every living language, like
the perspiring bodies of living creatures, is in perpetual motion and alteration;
some words go off and become obsolete; others are taken in and by degrees
grow into common use; or the same word is inverted to a new sense and
notion, which in tract of time makes as observable a change in the air and
features of a language as age makes in the lines and mien of a face. All are
sensible of this in their own native tongues, where continual use makes every
man a critic. For what Englishman does not think himself able, from the
very turn and fashion of the style, to distinguish a fresh English composition
from another a hundred years old ? Now, there are as real and sensible
differences in the several ages of Greek, were there as many that could discern
them. But very few are so versed and practised in that language as ever to
arrive at that subtilty of taste.
The second extract describes the matter of the Epistles and
directly contradicts the well-turned sentences in which Temple
had expressed his worthless opinion of their unequalled merit:
'T would be endless to prosecute this part and show all the silliness and
impertinency in the matter of the Epistles. For, take them in the whole
bulk, they are a fardle of commonplaces, without any life or spirit from
action and circumstance. Do but cast your eye upon Cicero's letters, or any
statesman's, as Phalaris was: what lively characters of men there! what
descriptions of place! what notifications of time! what peculiarity of circum-
stances! what multiplicity of designs and events! When you return to these
again, you feel, by the emptiness and deadness of them, that you converse
with some dreaming pedant with his elbow on his desk; not with an active,
ambitious tyrant, with his hand on his sword, commanding a million of
subjects.
In the same year (1699), Bentley received a practical proof
of the estimate formed of his character and learning by men
## p. 335 (#359) ############################################
Master of Trinity College 335
who were learned themselves. The two archbishops, with bishops
Burnet, Lloyd, Stillingfleet and Moore, had been appointed by king
William to act as a commission for filling offices in the gift of the
crown; and, by their unanimous vote, Bentley was appointed to
the mastership of Trinity college, Cambridge. He was admitted
to his new office on 1 February 1700. It is not the business of this
narrative to describe the war which began at once and went on for
thirty-eight years between Bentley and the fellows of Trinity
college. It is enough to say that Bentley was twice tried for his
misdemeanours before judges who cannot be suspected of any
bias against him, and twice sentenced to be deprived of his office.
In each case, the judge was the bishop of Ely, who had been
declared visitor of the college. In 1714, bishop Moore, who had
been one of Bentley's electors fourteen years before, died before
he could pronounce the judgment which he had written. In 1734,
bishop Greene pronounced sentence of deprivation ; yet Bentley's
ingenuity and pertinacity proved equal even to this emergency,
and he remained at Trinity lodge until his death in 1742. But
the inscription placed upon his grave in the chapel denies, by its
wording, his right to be called master of the college. In his con-
duct as master, there is much that is inexcusable, but the worst
feature is his sordid rapacity. This ugly vice seems alien to his
character, which, if proud and overbearing, showed a marked
strain of magnanimity in most of the circumstances of his life.
But there is another and a more agreeable side to Bentley's
life during these forty-two years. He did much to reform the
discipline and promote the studies of the undergraduates. He
showed great zeal in encouraging learning; and it is a remarkable
proof of the largeness of his mind that he was quite as favourable
to other studies as to those in which he had made his own reputa-
tion. Thus, the first lectures delivered by Vigani as professor
of chemistry (1702) were given in a laboratory (then called an
elaboratory) fitted up by Bentley in the rooms now occupied by
the bursar at Trinity. For Roger Cotes, Newton's greatest pupil,
he built an observatory over the central gate of the college. His
urgent pressure induced the reluctant Newton to prepare the
second and improved edition of the Principia, in 1713; and he
himself defrayed the cost of the publication. In 1705, he brought
Henry Syke, a learned orientalist, from Utrecht to be Hebrew
professor at Cambridge and made him a tutor of Trinity. To
Ludolf Küster, a Westphalian scholar then residing in Cambridge,
he gave such help as no other man living could have given, for his
## p. 336 (#360) ############################################
336
Scholars and Antiquaries
editions of Suidas and Aristophanes. More than all this, Bentley
set a great example to an academic society by the devotion of his
whole life to study. He never went abroad; it seems that, after
his marriage in 1701, he never left Cambridge except for London,
where he had still an official residence as royal librarian; he took
no exercise except a walk in his garden; he never appeared at
social gatherings, though he enjoyed the society of a few intimate
friends at his own house. The business of his life was to exhaust
learning; and he said he should be willing to die at 80, as he
should then have read everything worth reading. The books
which he published must not be supposed to mark the limits of
his study. Thus, he devoted years of labour to Homer and to the
text of the Greek Testament; and, though he published nothing
in either subject, the manuscript materials which he left have
profoundly affected the subsequent study of both. Everything
which he wrote for the press was prepared in great haste; and his
enemies said, with some appearance of truth, that his main motive
for appearing in print was his wish to conciliate public opinion,
when one of his many law-suits seemed likely to go against him.
He probably regarded his books as an interruption to the more
pressing business of study. Still, they are the landmarks of
his life; and a short account will be given here of the works
published by him after 1700.
The first of these was polemical and appeared at Utrecht in
1710, under the pseudonym Phileleutherus Lipsiensis. A certain
John Le Clerc, who, with little real learning of any kind, had
contrived to become a considerable figure in European literature,
undertook, in an evil hour, to edit the fragments of Menander
and Philemon. Of his qualifications for the enterprise, it is enough
to say that he knew little of the Greek language and nothing of
Greek metre. Bentley wrote out in great haste comments upon
323 of the fragments, exposing the incompetence of the editor and
suggesting corrections of his own. He then sent the manuscript
to Peter Burmann at Utrecht by the hands of Francis Hare, then
serving as chaplain-general to Marlborough's army. Burmann
published the notes with a preface of his own. It was at once
recognised as Bentley's work and eagerly read : in three weeks,
there was not a copy to be had. The unerring sagacity of the
critic and the liveliness of the style make it one of the most
attractive of Bentley's books.
In 1711 appeared his Horace. It was dedicated to Harley,
the tory prime minister, of whose powerful aid Bentley was then
## p. 337 (#361) ############################################
Edition of Horace
337
sorely in need, at a critical stage in his battle with the college.
Horace was the first Latin author whom Bentley had edited : till
then, his published work had dealt mainly with Greek writers.
The object aimed at was a complete revision of the text, and all
accessible authorities were used for the purpose ; but Bentley
relied more upon his power of emendation than upon any MSS.
His Horace presented over 700 unfamiliar readings; and these
novelties, instead of being relegated to the foot of the page, were
promoted to the text. All the old power and erudition were shown
in the notes in which the editor sought to justify his innovations.
The reader who is inclined to reject some change proposed turns
to the note and finds it almost impossible to resist the dialectical
force of the editor. But there are faults in this work wbich had
not been conspicuous before in Bentley's books—arrogance in
asserting his own merits and a tendency to think more of exhibit-
ing his own skill in argument than of discovering what his author
really wrote. For the first time, too, he begins to force upon
the
author his own standards of taste, a fault which betrayed him later
into the great literary blunder of his life. The book brought him
much praise and as much criticism. The two are pleasantly com-
bined in the language of Atterbury, now dean of Christ Church
and on civil terms with Bentley, when he acknowledged the gift of
& copy :
I am indebted to you, Sir, for the great pleasure and instruction I have
received from that excellent performance; though at the same time I cannot
but own to you the uneasyness I felt when I found how many things in
Horace there were, which, after thirty years' acquaintance with him, I did
not understand.
Bentley's next book was published under his old pseudonym
Phileleutherus Lipsiensis ; but, this time, the language was English
and very racy English too. A Discourse of Free-thinking, an
anonymous work by Anthony Collins, appeared in 1713 and was
instantly followed by a swarm of refutations. But all these
were eclipsed by Bentley's Remarks. Collins had appealed to
antiquity in support of his opinions ; but he did not know Greek
or Latin well enough to draw the true conclusions from his authors.
Here, Bentley was in his element: he lays about him with rare
zest and had no difficulty in showing that Collins had undertaken
'to interpret the Prophets and Solomon without Hebrew, Plutarch
and Zosimus without Greek, and Cicero and Lucan without Latin. '
He treats the anonymous author unceremoniously enough ; but his
language does not go beyond what was then thought permissible
CH. XIII,
22
E. L. IX.
## p. 338 (#362) ############################################
338
Scholars and Antiquaries
a
and even praiseworthy in the mouth of a champion of orthodoxy.
To the scholar, the chief interest of this book is to watch Bentley
for once interpreting the thought, rather than the language, of the
ancients. The mastery with which he extracts the whole meaning
and nothing but the meaning from a difficult passage of Lucan
(IX 546—568) shows what he could have done, had he chosen, in
this part of a scholar's business.
Of Bentley's edition of Terence, published in 1726, the most
remarkable feature is his explanation of a problem which previous
editors had declared insoluble. Bentley gave a clear statement of
the principles which differentiate the metre of Plautus and Terence
from that of Horace and Vergil; and, with this instrument, he was
able to correct many corruptions in the text of Terence. All later
discussion of this subject starts from the point where Bentley
left it.
Manilius was the last Latin poet of whom a revised text was pub-
lished by Bentley. Early in his career, he had prepared an edition
of this poet, but 'dearness of paper and the want of good types
and some other occasions' prevented its appearance till 1739, when
Bentley was seventy-seven years old. The astronomical poem of
Manilius is difficult and the text very corrupt. To contemporary
critics, the changes which Bentley made in the text seemed to pass
all permissible limits. But deeply-seated corruptions cannot be
cured by trilling alterations; and more than one competent judge
has pronounced that Manilius, rather than Horace or Phalaris, is
the chief monument of Bentley's genius.
Of the other work of Bentley's old age, it can only be said that
few reputations except his own could have survived it. When the
prince regent proposed that Jane Austen should write a romance
to glorify the august house of Coburg, she had the good sense to
decline the task; it is a pity that Bentley was not equally wise,
when queen Caroline expressed her wish that he should edit
Milton. The queen may have supposed that he would illustrate
Milton's language from Homer and Vergil ; but Bentley preferred
to revise the text of Paradise Lost. It was a task for which he
was ill equipped. His turn of mind was prosaic. He thought
more of correctness than of poetry, and was quick to find 'vitious
construction' or 'absonous numbers' where Milton rises above the
laws of critics. And, though he occasionally quotes from Ariosto
and Tasso, from Chaucer and Spenser, he was not really familiar
with the poetry and romance which had helped to nourish the
youth of Milton.
## p. 339 (#363) ############################################
Edition of Paradise Lost 339
Starting from the known fact that Milton, being then blind,
could not write down his verses or read his proof-sheets, Bentley
discovered a large number of what he took to be errors of the
amanuensis or of the printer. Next, he invented a hypothesis that
some friend, employed by Milton as 'editor,' abused his trust by
inserting in the poem many passages, and some long ones, of his
own composition. Bentley professed to correct the misprints and
to detect the spurious passages. Further, in very many places he
frankly abandons all pretence of recovering Milton's text and
corrects the poet himself. The book was published in 1732, shortly
before Bentley's second trial before the bishop of Ely. The
corrections were printed in the margin in italics ; the insertions of
the imaginary editor were enclosed between brackets and were
also printed in italics ; the notes at the foot of the page seek to
justify the corrections and excisions.
This strange production cannot be excused on the ground that
Bentley was in his dotage. The notes show that his mind was still
working with the old vigour. But his undoubted superiority in a
different field had apparently persuaded him that he would prove
equally successful in an unfamiliar enterprise. He has generally
a sort of prosaic logic on his side, and sometimes he has more.
A very favourable specimen of his notes will be found on Paradise
Lost v1 332, where Milton speaks of a stream of nectarous humour
issuing from Satan's wound. Bentley notes that nectar was the
drink of the gods; next he shows conclusively that Milton is
translating a line in Homer, which says that the blood of the gods
is ichor; and he ends by saying that Milton wrote 'ichorous
humour. ' This is a notable criticism : if Milton did not write
‘ichorous,' he certainly should have written it. But Bentley's very
next note is typical of the perversity which runs through the whole
commentary. On the line,
And with fierce ensigns pierc'd the deep array1
the note is as follows:
Another Blunder again, though not quite so vile as the last. Why are
Ensigns, the Colours, called fierce; the tamest things in the whole Battel?
And how could they pierce an Array that are never used for striking? The
Author gave it,
And with fierce Onset piero'd the deep array.
The book was read with amazement; and, while some made
fun of the author, others wrote serious refutations. It is probable,
i Paradise Lost, bk. VI, 1. 356.
22_2
## p. 340 (#364) ############################################
340
Scholars and Antiquaries
6
however, that the taste of that age did not resent the outrage as
keenly as we might suppose. It is a remarkable fact that, on the
margin of his own copy, Pope signified his approval of many of the
new readings, though, in his published poems, he attacked Bentley
repeatedly for his treatment of Milton. Pope's hostility may
have been partly inherited from Atterbury and Swift. He had
a grievance of his own as well, if the story be true that Bentley
said to him of his translation of Homer: 'a pretty poem, Mr Pope,
but you must not call it Homer. ' When Bentley was asked, late in
life, why Pope assailed him, he said: 'I talked against his Homer,
and the portentous cub never forgives. '
Bentley wrote one piece of English verse which is preserved in
Boswell's Life of Johnson. Johnson praised the verses highly on
one occasion and recited them with his usual energy. ' He added:
‘they are the forcible verses of a man of strong mind but not
accustomed to write verse ; for there is some uncouthness in the
expression. ' The verses describe the arduous labours and scanty
rewards of a scholar's life; and Johnson's praise and his blame are
alike just.
Bentley died in Trinity college after a few days' illness on
14 July 1742. Four months earlier, Pope had published, in the
fourth book of The Dunciad, his full-length caricature of the most
famous scholar in Europe, now over eighty years old. It suited
Pope's purpose or his humour to represent Bentley as one of the
dullest of men. But the truth is that no greater intellect than
his has ever been devoted to the study and elucidation of ancient
literature.
Of Bentley's contemporaries at Cambridge and elsewhere,
several made a reputation for learning and scholarship; and these
will be briefly mentioned here. Of Joseph Wasse, Bentley said:
“When I die, Wasse will be the most learned man in England'
He was a fellow of Queens' college and edited Sallust, besides
preparing material for an edition of Thucydides. John Davies,
president of Queens' college and one of Bentley's few intimates,
edited many of the philosophical works of Cicero. Conyers
Middleton, fellow of Trinity college and protobibliothecarius
of the university (1721), bore a prominent part in the warfare
against Bentley. During his lifetime, he enjoyed a great reputa-
tion as a keen controversialist and the master of an excellent style.
Of his numerous works, the chief are his Life of Cicero, which
brought him much profit, and his Free Enquiry, which involved
him in prolonged controversy with more orthodox divines. William
## p. 341 (#365) ############################################
Markland.
Taylor. Dawes
341
Warburton, bishop of Gloucester, cannot be called a scholar,
in the strict sense of the word : his knowledge of the ancient
languages and literature was very small. Yet he had vigour
of mind and much miscellaneous reading, so that his chief
work, The Divine Legation, was regarded by many of his con-
temporaries as a genuine masterpiece.
The influence of Bentley is clearly seen in the work of three
Cambridge scholars who belong to the generation after him.
Jeremiah Markland, fellow of Peterhouse, had some intimacy
with Bentley in his studious old age, and devoted his own life
to study and retirement. He twice refused to stand for the
Greek chair at Cambridge. He edited several Greek plays; but
his masterpiece is his edition of the Silvae of Statius. It shows
great acumen, together with a wide and exact knowledge of the
Latin poets ; and it still remains the best commentary on this
author. John Taylor, fellow of St John's college, and librarian
(1732) of the university, won his reputation by learned editions
of portions of the Greek orators. Richard Dawes, fellow of
Emmanuel and, afterwards, a schoolmaster at Newcastle, published
only one book, his Miscellanea Critica ; but it marks a distinct
advance in Greek scholarship. Though it pleases him to speak
slightingly of Bentley, yet it is clear that he had studied Bentley's
writings with minute attention; and thus he was enabled to make
important discoveries in Greek syntax and Greek metre, which no
one would have applauded more heartily than Bentley, had he lived
to hear of them.
II. ANTIQUARIES
6
This summer (1656) came to Oxon 'The Antiquities of Warwickshire,
&c. written by William Dugdale, and adorn'd with many cuts. This being
accounted the best book of its kind that hitherto was made extant, my pen
cannot enough describe how A. Wood's tender affections and insatiable desire
of knowledg were ravish'd and melted downe by the reading of that book.
It was in these words that Anthony Wood? greeted the
appearance of a book which represented the firstfruits of a new
movement in the study of local history and antiquities. This
movement, which becomes noticeable in the seventeenth century,
For a list of scholars whose names belong to the history of this period of
literature, but are mainly associated with studies other than classical, see the
bibliography to this chapter.
? Life and Times of Anthony Wood, ed. Clark, A. , vol. 1, p. 209.
2
## p. 342 (#366) ############################################
342
Scholars and Antiquaries
approached the subject from a new standpoint, and, in place of
depending upon bald and hackneyed compilations by previous
writers, sought to found its history on the study of original
documents and records, supplemented by local topographical
investigation. With immense industry and untiring patience,
'collections' were made from every accessible source. Charters,
registers, muniments, genealogies, monumental inscriptions,
heraldic achievements, were all made to yield their quota; and
if, in the amassing of material, the collectors were sometimes
too uncritical of their 'originals,' or in the maze of detail
have lost sight of broader issues, they at least preserved from
oblivion a multitude of valuable records and paved the way for
the remarkable series of county histories and other kindred works
produced in the succeeding century.
The centre of the new school was at Oxford, where, since the
opening of its doors in 1602, the library of Sir Thomas Bodley had
been rapidly accumulating materials and extending its collections,
until it became a great storehouse of sources, and served as the
nursing-ground of a remarkable group of men, which includes the
names of Wood, Hearne, Rawlinson, and Tanner.
To these may be added the author of The Antiquities of
Warwickshire, for, though Sir William Dugdale was not an
alumnus of the university, yet, during his sojourn in Oxford, in
1642—6, he fell under the spell of the Bodleian and collected there
abundant material for the works he was at that time projecting.
The book which Wood greeted so enthusiastically was not
undeserving of the encomium. In its fulness, its method, its
reliance upon original sources, and its general accuracy, it was
much beyond anything that had hitherto appeared. It set a new
standard in topographical history, and inspired succeeding writers
to emulate its merits. If, among its author's many works, the
Warwickshire volume may be esteemed his masterpiece, yet the
book which, at the present day, most notably maintains Dugdale's
fame is Monasticon Anglicanum, an account of English monastic
houses, consisting, to a large extent, of charters of foundation and
other original documents. In this undertaking, he collaborated
with Roger Dodsworth, an indefatigable worker who spent his life
in the study of genealogy and ecclesiastical and monastic history,
and whose enormous manuscript collections now repose in the
Bodleian. Wood says of him that he was a person of
wonderful industry, but less judgment, was always collecting and
1 Fasti Oxon. , ed. Bliss, P. , vol. 11, p. 24.
## p. 343 (#367) ############################################
Dodsworth and Dugdale 343
transcribing, but never published anything': a characterisation
that would describe equally well many another antiquary whose
ambitious schemes have failed of fruition.
The first volume of Monasticon appeared in 1655, the year
after Dodsworth’s death and just seventeen years after the
authors began their joint work. The second volume, which was
delayed until the sale of the first should produce funds to defray
some of the expense, came out in 1661; and, in 1673, Dugdale
published a third volume containing Additamenta and documents
relating to the foundation of cathedral and collegiate churches.
The precise share in this work with which the respective authors
are to be credited has been, almost from the first, a subject of
controversy; but this is a matter of little moment. Dugdale
claimed that a full third of the collection was his, and that the
work had wholly rested on his shoulders? ; and there can be no
doubt that, apart from his contributions to the text, the work
owes its appearance in print to Dugdale's energy and methodical
scholarship. In 1722—3, captain John Stevens, to whom is
attributed the English abridgment of Monasticon which appeared
in 1718, brought out two supplementary volumes to the original
work, containing additional charters and the records of the friaries.
By a happy chance, there came into Dugdale's hands, about
the year 1656, a large collection of manuscripts and documents
relating to St Paul's cathedral, amounting 'to no lesse than ten
porters burthens'; and, setting to work upon these, he produced
two years later his History of St Paul's Cathedral, and thus
preserved a valuable record of the building and monuments that
were, within a few years, to be destroyed in the great fire.
The History of Imbanking and Drayning of divers Fenns and
Marshes (1662), which was undertaken at the request of Lord
Gorges, surveyor-general of the Bedford level, suggests a subject
somewhat outside the scope of Dugdale's activities; but his wide
acquaintance with manuscript sources and the contents of state
archives, aided by a journey through the district in 1657, enabled
him to compose a treatise abounding in historical and antiquarian
interest. He takes leave to interpret the limits of his subject
very widely, and is quite aware of the irrelevancy of his digres-
sions. The isle of Ely gives an opening for narrating at large
the life of Saint Audrey (translated from a Cottonian manuscript),
and then follows the whole story of the feats of Hereward in
defence of the isle against William the conqueror and his knights.
1 Life, Diary, and Correspondence of Sir William Dugdale, ed. Hamper, W. , p. 284.
a
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It is in this unexpected quarter that the accomplished antiquary
reveals himself as an entertaining story-teller.
Dugdale's genius for painstaking research found a thoroughly
suitable theme in his Origines juridiciales (1666), a historical
account of English laws, courts of justice, inns of court, and
other cognate matters, in which is embodied much curious
information respecting ancient forms and customs observed
therein ; while The Baronage of England, which he began during
his stay in Oxford and published in 1675—6, is a monument to
his industry. His 'church and king' principles found expression
in A short view of the late troubles in England, which appeared
anonymously in 1681, though he had not at first intended to
make it public during his lifetime.
In several respects Dugdale was particularly fortunate, though
it must be allowed that this good fortune was worthily bestowed.
Early in his career, he received help and encouragement from
influential friends, notably Sir Henry Spelman and Lord Hatton ;
and an official position in the College of Arms secured for him
ready access to important collections of manuscripts and records
which he used to good purpose. His books are always methodically
arranged, and his text, devoid of superfluous verbiage, is carefully
and fully documented by references to his authorities. In works
involving a multitude of details and covering fields previously
little explored, it is not surprising to find that charges of in-
accuracy were levelled at the author ; but, in truth, the wonder is,
not that errors may be discovered, but at the admirable work
in which they are embedded. Certain lapses from a critical
discernment of the evidences as to the genuineness of documents
were gently pointed out to Dugdale in a courteous letter from
his friend Sir Roger Twysden, student of constitutional law and
upholder of ancient rights and liberties. Wood, also, says that
he sent Dugdale at least sixteen sheets of corrections to The
Baronage, and he does not hesitate to repeat other aspersions
on Dugdale's accuracy ; but he concludes with this tribute :
Yet however what he hath done, is prodigious . . . and therefore his memory
ought to be venerated and had in everlasting remembrance for those things
which he hath already published, which otherwise might have perished and
been eternally buried in oblivion 2.
The most prominent and characteristic name in the Oxford
group is that of Anthony Wood, or Anthony à Wood as, in later
years, he pedantically styled himself. Born in Oxford, in 1632,
1 Hamper, u. 8. , p. 335.
? Fasti, u. s. , vol. II, p. 28.
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345
he spent, practically, his whole life there, and died, in 1695, in the
house in which he was born. During his undergraduate days, he
did not show any particular aptitude for academic studies; but his
natural bent towards those antiquarian pursuits which afterwards
claimed his whole energies soon declared itself, and at seventeen
years of age he had begun to take notes of inscriptions. His
graduation as B. A. , in 1652, secured for him admission to the
Bodleian library, 'which he took to be the happiness of his life,
and into which he never entred without great veneration”. '
There he browsed at large, and gave himself up to his beloved
studies of English history, antiquities, heraldry, and genealogies,
with music as his chief recreation.
But it seems to have been Dugdale's Warwickshire that gave
his studies a special objective. It fired him to attempt a similar
work for his own county, and, with this object, he began tran-
scribing the monumental inscriptions and arms in the various
churches. As his researches and collections progressed, the scope
of his undertaking was enlarged; and, presently, his original idea
of preserving a record of extant monuments developed into that
of a comprehensive survey which should include the antiquities
of the city, a history of the university and colleges, and the
biographical records contained in his Athenae and Fasti. In
pursuance of this object, he explored all accessible sources : the
manuscripts in the Bodleian, including the collections of John
Leland, of which he made much use, the archives of the university,
to which he was allowed free access, and the muniments of the
several colleges; he also visited London for the purpose of working
in the libraries there.
At length, in 1669, the university treatise being completed,
the university press offered to publish the work, stipulating that
the author should consent to its being translated into Latin 'for
the honour of the University in forreigne countries. ' Dr John
Fell, dean of Christ Church, the prime mover in this design,
undertook at his own charge the translating and printing.
Richard Peers and Richard Reeve were commissioned to make
the Latin version, and Fell took the editing into his own hands.
His high-handed methods caused the author much heart-burning,
and he thus (11 August 1670) graphically describes the situation :
All the proofs that came from the press went thro the Doctor's hands, which
he would correct, alter, or dash out or put in what he pleased, which created
i Life, 4. 8. , vol. 1, p. 182.
9 As to Fell, of, ante, vol. VII, p. 457.
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a great trouble to the composer and author: but there was no help. He was
a great man, and carried all things at his pleasure.
Wood's diary, at this period, contains many complaints about
the liberties taken with his book; and for the misdoings of
Peers he cannot find words hard enough. But, in spite of his
declaration that he would scarce own the book, he was not able
to suppress a natural pride in the two handsome volumes which,
in 1674, made their appearance under the title Historia et
Antiquitates Universitatis Oxoniensis. Nevertheless, Wood's
dissatisfaction with the Latin version was quite genuine, and, very
soon afterwards, he began an English transcription of the whole
work, continuing the general history to the year 1660. This
recension was not printed in Wood's lifetime ; but he bequeathed
the manuscript to the university, and it was eventually published
by John Gutch in 1786–96.
The other section of Wood's work on Oxford, Survey of the
Antiquities of the City, or, as it was entitled in Peshall's
edition, The Antient and Present State of the City of Oxford,
was probably begun before the idea of a separate work on the
university took definite form, and a considerable portion of it
was written between 1661 and 1663. At this point, his interest
seems to have been absorbed by the university treatise, and,
though he worked on the manuscript to the end of his life,
continually revising it and adding fresh notes, the scheme was
never actually completed. While a certain lack of form and pro-
portion in the work may, therefore, be disregarded, there can be no
question about its value as a minute record and reconstruction
of the past, the details of which were industriously garnered from
a great variety of sources and carefully collated with personal
investigation of the localities.
When pursuing his researches among the university archives,
Wood must have come across the papers of Brian Twyne, a
diligent Oxford antiquary who had done much pioneer spade-
work in the same field; but his diaries are curiously reticent
on the subject. This silence may have been unintentional; but,
as a matter of fact, he drew extensively upon this store; indeed,
his latest editor goes so far as to say that 'there was no originality
in his work, for he merely put into shape Twyne's materials. '
But, whatever the extent of his indebtedness, no fraudulent
motive need be attributed to Wood, for he makes constant
* Andrew Clark, in Dict. of Nat. Biog. , vol. win, art.
