In the same way a
goddess of fertility was thought to have a male partner, resembling
her in his activities and his name.
goddess of fertility was thought to have a male partner, resembling
her in his activities and his name.
Ovid - 1934 - Metamorphoses in European Culture - v1
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? LEUCOTHOE AND CLYTIE
Cosimo, Paris Bordone, Vanloo, Mignard, Lagrene, Hubert, and
Boucher.
Leucothoe and Clytie
In the tale of Mars and Venus, Ovid had shown why the goddess was
angry with the informing Sun. The story of Leucothoe and Clytie
showed how she avenged herself by making him unhappy in love. This
story, like its predecessor, was told by Leuconoe to the other daugh-
ters of Minyas.
Hesiod appears to have been the earliest author who recorded the
myth. He showed Venus resenting the Sun's disclosure of her adultery
and punishing him with an ill starred affection. In his account
Leucothoe (the Swift White One) was the Moon, who was attended
by her twelve handmaidens, the Months. The rest of the tale has been
lost.
*
An unknown Alexandrian author retold the story with many
changes. He made it one of several tales localized in the distant and
marvellous East. Leucothoe became an oriental princess. Her father
was Orchamus (Ruler) and her mother Eurynome (Wide Ruling).
Her father governed the famous empire of Persia, but he may have
resided in the far southern province of Arabia Sabaea. In this region
Leucothoe was born and grew up, the most beautiful of eastern maid-
ens. The Sun loved her. Taking the form of her mother, Eurynome,
he visited her one night; revealed himself; and made known his affec-
tion. Flattered by the courtship of so glorious a suitor, Leucothoe
accepted him. But another maiden, Clytie (the Praised One), had
loved the Sun without avail. Displeased that he should prefer
Leucothoe, Clytie informed the savage father Orchamus. In vain
Leucothoe pretended that she had been overcome by violence. Deaf
to all excuses, Orchamus caused her to be buried alive under a great
heap of sand. The Sun exhumed, but could not revive, her. In com-
pensation he transformed her to the shrub frankincense, which the
Greeks thought of as native to the sunlit deserts of Arabia, although
in fact it grew chiefly on the opposite coast of Africa. Then the god
inflicted on Orchamus the same cruel death to which he had sentenced
his daughter.
By the destruction of Leucothoe, Clytie hoped to become in her
turn the beloved of the Sun. But he still ignored her. Nine days she
sat observing his course through the heavens, languishing and fasting.
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK IV
Then she changed into the heliotrope, a purple flower which was
thought always to turn in the direction of the Sun. This flower the
Alexandrian author compared to a purple violet. Similar compari-
son of a new flower to another supposedly familiar flower occurred
in Alexandrian accounts of Hyacinthus and Adonis (cf. Bk. 10) and
in all three tales Ovid retained the comparison. For the modern
reader it tends to confuse the effect.
To the Alexandrian version Ovid referred in his Ibis. Orchamus,
he observed, buried his daughter in lowest Tartarus, and the Sun did
the same to him.
In the Metamorphoses Ovid followed his Alexandrian predecessor
by pointing out first that Venus caused the passion of the Sun. By
the example of the Theogony and the Manual, he made the god a child
of Hyperion and, in accord with many Alexandrian and Roman
authors, he identified him with Apollo.
Then Ovid dwelt at some length on the extraordinary effect of the
Sun's violent love. Eager to behold Leucothoe, he declared, the Sun
rose earlier than his appointed time and lingered after he should have
set. Thus he gave undue length to the hours of the winter day. To
Ovid's Roman audience the expression would have appeared wonder-
fully exact. An "hour" in their system of reckoning was not a fixed
interval of time: it was an interval which lengthened or shortened
according to the season. Between dawn and dusk, the sun would pass
invariably over the same area of their sun dials, and this area they
divided into twelve equal sections called "hours. " Throughout the
year, therefore, the Sun would always record twelve "hours" of day-
light, but he would record them slowly in the long days of summer and
quickly in the brief days of winter. Hence the "hours" of summer
should be long intervals of time, and those of winter should be short.
But this law the Sun was too much in love to remember.
In other ways, Ovid continued, the Sun revealed his unusual agita-
tion. Often he grew faint and lost his normal brilliance. And this
was no ordinary eclipse from the intervention of the moon. The Sun
even forgot his sweethearts of an earlier time. Of these Ovid men-
tioned three. One was Clymene, the mother of Phaethon (Bk. 2) ; an-
other was Persis, whom the Odyssey made parent of Aeetes and Circe;
and the last was Rhodes, a nymph personifying the well known Medi-
terranean island. Pindar had recorded that Jupiter, dividing the
earth among his divine followers, forgot the Sun but afterwards
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? SALMACIS AND HERMAPHRODITUS
created for him Rhodes, the island nymph, who bore him seven
sons.
Thus Ovid emphasized this part of the tale effectively for his coun-
trymen, giving it a new relation not only to contemporary science but
also to other myths of the famous past. He then identified briefly the
maiden Leucothoe, who had been the occasion for these remarkable
changes. Following the example of Horace, he declared that
Leucothoe excelled in beauty even her beautiful mother and he referred
to Persia "as the cities of Achaemenes," their mythical founder.
Before returning to the Alexandrian version, Ovid added the pic-
turesque idea that after the toilsome day the Sun allowed his horses
to feed on ambrosia in pastures below the western sky. This was not
easily reconciled with their being ready in the east at dawn. Ovid
retold effectively the incident of the Sun's disguise and courtship.
But he was careful to show that at first Leucothoe was terrified and
to leave the reader uncertain whether she yielded willingly or was
overcome by force. He made it seem more justifiable for her to tell
Orchamus that the Sun had acted against her wish. He repeated the
Alexandrian author's account of Leucothoe's death and transforma-
tion. The punishment of Orchamus, he wisely omitted. The fate of
Clytie Ovid took from his predecessor, but he described her trans-
formation with a wealth of effective detail.
Despite many improvements, Ovid allowed the interest to be divided
over much between Leucothoe and Clytie. And he made rather fre-
quent reference to matters with which readers of later times were not
familiar.
Statius in his Thebaiad recalled the western pastures of the Sun,
identifying them with the fabulous Isles of the Blest. In The Legend
of Good Women Chaucer took suggestions from the transformation
of Clytie for his charming myth of Alcestis, who became a daisy. And
Camoens hoped that neither Leucothoe nor Clytie would rival his
patroness Calliope in the affection of Apollo.
To Alcithoe, the third daughter of Minyas, Ovid gave the last group
of tales. These were six in number, all dealing with adventures near
the western shores of Asia Minor and almost all localized near Mt.
Salmacis and Hebmaphroditus
Five of these tales Ovid dismissed briefly as well
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK IV
known to the daughters of Minyas. Two of them probably were well
known also to the Romans. The other three Ovid thought unsuitable
for lengthy treatment.
The first tale related the tragic fate of Daphnis. This famous
shepherd had entered literature in a lost work of Stesichorus. In his
account, the story ran as follows: Daphnis was a child of the shep-
herd god Mercury and a Sicilian nymph. His mother left him to die
in a beautiful grove of laurels. But other nymphs found the infant
and named him Daphnis, from the sheltering trees. They reared him
as a shepherd. Pan taught him to play the syrinx, and Daphnis him-
self invented the art of pastoral poetry. While pasturing his flock
on the sides of Mt. Aetna, he courted a young nymph called Nais.
Before she became his wife, Nais required him to swear that he would
never yield to the love of any other and warned him that blind-
ness should be the punishment for breaking this oath. For a long
while he resisted all temptation. At last he fell victim to the wiles of
a certain Xenia. Unable by shepherd music to relieve the misery of
his blindness, Daphnis appealed to his father, Mercury, and the god
transported him to heaven. Both Timaeus and Parthenius repeated
this story in prose.
A number of Alexandrian poets became interested in the Sicilian
myth and gave Daphnis adventures in other pastoral regions.
Hermesianax brought him to the island of Euboea. Two lesser poets
gave him adventures in Phrygia and even made him teacher of the un-
fortunate Marsyas (Bk. 6). "Nicander retold the love story, calling
Daphnis a native of Mt. Ida and changing his punishment from blind-
ness to petrifaction.
Undoubtedly Ovid was familiar with more than one version of the
famous myth; but he showed Alcithoe referring clearly to Nicander. 1
The second tale to be mentioned and dismissed related} adventures
of Sithon, who was sometimes a man and at other times* a woman.
Parthenius and Horace had associated the name with TUirace. The
story we know only from Ovid. He probably avoided a l'onger treat-
i
1 Theocritus recorded a still different form of the story. With. Stesichorus he
agreed that Daphnis and Nais lived near Mt. Aetna in Sicily. Ifjut he declared
that Daphnis, not content with swearing loyalty, boasted that Cun,id should never
induce him to break his promise. The god inflamed him with love c4f Xenia. Faith-
ful to his vow, Daphnis refused to yield, but languished in hopeless passion and
died. This fine version does not seem to have been followed by r jther writers; but
it made the subject widely known and gave it lasting fame. << ,
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? SALMACIS AND HERMAPHRODITUS
ment because it was over similar to the famous myth of Caeneus, which
he planned to tell in full (Bk. 12).
Celmis (the Smelter) was the hero of another myth of transforma-
tion. He was one of the three Dactyls, who lived on Mt. Ida in
Phrygia and were credited with the discovery of iron. Nicander
seems to have reported that originally Celmis helped in the care of the
infant Jupiter but that afterwards he declared that Jupiter was only
a mortal. For this he was punished by transformation to adamant.
The Curetes had been the subject of a fourth tale. In the Iliad they
were primitive inhabitants of Aetolia, a region of northwestern Greece.
Callimachus transferred them to Mt. Ida in Crete. Here they pro-
tected the infant Jupiter, clashing their cymbals loudly whenever there
was danger that his cries might reach the jealous ears of Saturn.
Some later Alexandrian writer appears to have recorded their origin
from rain and transferred them to the Mt. Ida in Phrygia. This
account we know only from Ovid.
A fifth tale recorded the metamorphoses of Crocus and Smilax.
Nicander seems to have told it as follows: Crocus was a young man of
Lydia, inhabiting the upper valley of the river Hermus. He loved a
girl named Smilax and was loved by her. The youth was killed acci-
dentally, perhaps by the god Mercury, and his blood became the
flower which bears his name. Smilax lamented him and became the
green briar, a plant sometimes used for mourning. With this tale
the Romans and the later Greeks appear to have been familiar. Ovid
himself was to mention it again in the Fasti. Probably he thought it
less interesting than the transformations^ of Hyacinthus to a flower
and Cyparissus to the funereal tree (Bk. 10).
The last myth dealt with Salmacis and Hermaphroditus. This tale
Ovid caused Alcithoe to recount in full.
In the region of Caria near the southwestern shores of Asia Minor,
a certain pool became quite famous. Any man bathing here, it was
said, would feel ^ mysterious enervation. Among the learned men
of Alexandrian Greece the supposed peculiarity attracted much atten-
tion; and later the Roman scholar, Varro, seems to have mentioned it
as one of the marvels known to science. Ovid repeated Varro's account
in the speech of Pythagoras (Bk. 15).
The Greek inhabitants of Caria attributed the phenomenon to
action of a strange water spirit, which was at once male and female
and attempted to bestow a like nature on any man coming under its
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK IV
influence. The circumstance they explained by the following myth:
Mercury and Venus at one time became parents of a son, who was
called Hermaphroditus from Hermes and Aphrodite, the Greek names
of his father and mother. He grew up to be a youth of extraordinary
beauty. Happening to bathe in the pool, he was loved by the water
nymph Salmacis. She seized him and endeavored to drag him down
to the bottom. But Hermaphroditus resisted obstinately. Unable to
subdue, him, the nymph called on the gods and by their help fused
with the youth in a single preternatural body. Dismayed by the
change, Hermaphroditus asked that his misfortune might not be
unique but that others bathing in this water might also lose the quali-
ties distinguishing a man.
The idea that a local spirit might be at once male and female could
originate from malformations in nature. Among the higher animals
and human beings an individual is always of only one sex. But occa-
sionally there is born an animal or a human being so ill formed that
only careful examination will show whether it is male or female. Such
examples could suggest an ambiguous being of dual nature.
But the Carians might find a suggestion also in many religions of
Asia Minor. Among the Phoenicians and other Asiatic peoples, a god
of fertility was likely to have a goddess cooperating in his work. She
had similar functions and a very similar name.
In the same way a
goddess of fertility was thought to have a male partner, resembling
her in his activities and his name. Imitating Phoenician practice, even
the Greek communities of Cypress gave their Venus (Aphrodite) a
divine consort Aphroditus. And for the worship of these deities, men
put on the attire of women, and women assumed the dress of men.
Such practice was on the whole foreign and incomprehensible to his-
toric Greece. Meeting in Asia with these divine partners a-nd extraor-
dinary rites, the Greeks might imagine that the Asiatics were wor-
shiping a being of dual nature, at once male and female.
The Carian myth of Hermaphroditus and his extraordinary trans-
formation in the pool attracted Nicander. This poet added a number
of preliminary events. The youth, he said, was born on Mt. Ida in
the Troad and reared by naiads until he was fifteen, the age when
according to Alexandrian belief a boy attained his greatest personal
charm. Eager to visit strange countries, the youth left Mt. Ida and
wandered southwards until he arrived in Caria.
While he was approaching the pool of Salmacis, Nicander con-
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? SALMACIS AND HERMAPHRODITUS
tinued, he was observed by the naiad, who had left the water tempo-
rarily to gather flowers. The poet then imitated his account of Echo
courting Narcissus (cf. Bk. 3). Delighted with the boy's appearance,
Salmacis quickly adorned herself and approaching, made overtures
to Hermaphroditus and offered to embrace him. The boy shrank
from her advances, threatening to take refuge in flight. Salmacis, like
Echo, retreated and hid in the forest. At this point Nicander
diverged from his account of Narcissus. Instead of giving up the
courtship Salmacis continued watching Hermaphroditus and waited
for another opportunity. Supposing that she had gone, the boy
ventured to swim in the pool. The naiad, quickly returning, seized
him in an embrace from which he never could escape.
During later Alexandrian times the myth was treated frequently
by painters and sculptors. There still survive three Pompeian fres-
coes of the subject and an equal number of graceful statues.
From Nicander Ovid took the incidents of the tale and perhaps
even a few of the effective similes. But he seems to have given the
narrative far more animation and beauty and to have suited it skil-
fully to the rest of his poem.
Following Nicander, Ovid mentioned the strange effect of the pool
and then repeated briefly the story of Hermaphroditus until he arrived
at the fatal spot. Ovid had already described a clear, still pool which
attracted the young Narcissus. He now gave an account of a similar
delightful pool which appeared before Hermaphroditus. Yet so deftly
did he vary details that one might even read the two accounts succes-
sively without noting an undue likeness. Before proceeding with the
tale, Ovid emphasized carefully the self-indulgent character of
Salmacis. All other naiads, he pointed out, would follow Diana in
hunting or share in athletic sport. But, even when they urged
Salmacis to do likewise, she always refused. The entire time she
passed in adorning herself, or in lying on the soft grass, or at most
in gathering flowers. On one of these latter occasions, she observed
the stranger youth.
Ovid then repeated the incident of Salmacis quickly adorning her-
self and approaching Hermaphroditus. The gracious words of
Ulysses meeting Nausicaa suggested to him the speech of the naiad.
Yet by skilful alterations he transformed a dignified request for aid
into a wanton avowal of love. By three striking comparisons, Ovid
emphasized the boy's embarrassment, and then recorded his refusal.
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK IV
After sporting a while on the grassy margin, Ovid continued, the
boy tried the water with his feet, then laying aside his clothing, went
in eagerly and began to swim. A similar incident was to occur later
in the story of Arethusa (Bk. 5). Yet in these similar passages, Ovid
contrived not only to alter the details but to contrast the noisy, viva-
cious conduct of the boy with the shy, restrained approach of the
maiden.
After mentioning the unhallowed eagerness with which Salmacis
perceived her opportunity, Ovid tried to picture graphically the white
form of the boy gliding under the transparent water. It was, he said,
as if you were to see ivory figures or white lilies encased in clear
glass. To Ovid's contemporaries the likeness may have seemed elegant
and exact. Such illustration was used afterwards by eminent poets
of the Middle Ages and even by Thomson in his Summer. But com-
parison of an attractive object in nature to an example of human
artifice has become repellant to modern taste.
Ovid narrated with animation the naiad's plunging into the water
and struggling with the loved boy. The close and terrifying manner
in which she clung to him, he suggested by the likenesses of a serpent
wrapping about an eagle, ivy growing over a tree, the tentacles of an
octopus closing round its victim. The first of these comparisons was
suggested by a fine passage in the Aeneid. Vergil, narrating how the
horseman Tarchon pulled Venulus from his saddle and battled with
him as they rode across the field, likened him to a tawny eagle carrying
and fighting with a snake. While borrowing Vergil's idea, Ovid altered
it skilfully to suit his own quite different purpose. The strange fusion
of two bodies into one he illustrated aptly by the merging of a grafted
shoot with the original tree.
In this tale Ovid presented his remarkable incidents and beautiful
setting with appropriate energy and skill. He was unfortunate, how-
ever, in his portrayal of Salmacis. It would have been possible to
present the incident of a naiad loving and seizing a youth who swam
imprudently near her dwelling and yet to have observed due restraint
and beauty. For we may find this in works as unlike as Apollonius'
account of Hylas and Hood's narrative of Hero and Leander. By?
adding the nymph's courtship of the youth on the shore, Nicander
had suggested her wanton character. And Ovid, remembering the
similar incident in the tale of Narcissus, desired to vary the effect by
contrasting the modesty of Echo with the shameless effrontery of
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? SALMACIS AND HERMAPHRODITUS
Salmacis. But he was not content with this. Throughout the story,
he emphasized her wanton character and at the same time tended to
present her as attractive and deserving sympathy.
Notwithstanding this defect, Ovid's tale of Hermaphroditus exerted
an important influence in later times.
In a poem on Cleopatra, Martial borrowed the comparison of a
swimmer to lilies encased in glass and imitated the early part of the
struggle in the pool.
Dante heard souls walking in the fire of Purgatory recall Ovid's
myth as an example of normal lust. He imitated the metamorphosis
in the justly famous incident where the six-footed snake leaped on
Agnello; held more closely than ivy round an oak; and combined with
him into a monster which was neither two nor one.
In two sonnets of the Passionate Pilgrim and in Venus and Adonis,
Shakespeare recalled Ovid's Hermaphroditus. To his Adonis he gave
the same character of beautiful appearance and aversion to love. He
showed Venus, enamored with his beauty, first boldly courting him and
then seizing and clinging to him despite his resistance.
Milton, in the preface to his Defensio, declared that his opponent
Salmasius was like the fountain Salmacis and would have a similar
effect on noble minds. The fusion of Ovid's hero and heroine probably
suggested to him the very different passage where Raphael described
to Adam the nature of marriage between Angels:
Whatever pure thou in the body enjoy'st
(And pure thou wert created) we enjoy
In eminence, and obstacle find none
Of membrane, joint, or limb exclusive bars,
Easier than air with air, if sprites embrace,
Total they mix, union of pure with pure
Desiring.
Here, as in the case of Eve beguiled by her own image, Milton spirit-
ualized the essential ideas.
Addison translated Ovid's story. Swinburne alluded to it while
describing an ancient statue of the hero.
Albani and Bosio treated the subject in painting. And modern
science has applied the term hermaphrodite not only to the spurious
examples of dual nature in man and the higher animals but also to the
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK IV
genuine cases of mollusks and earthworms, where the same individual
may have offspring as either male or female.
Athamas and Ino
By telling how Bacchus overcame the daughters of Minyas, Ovid
had introduced a new story among the familiar myths of Thebes. He
now returned to Theban tradition and recorded the fate of the god's
foster parents, Athamas and Ino. With Euripides and Theocritus
he had shown Ino taking part in the death of Pentheus (Bk. 3) and
so implied that her own tragic misfortune occurred later. Thus Ovid
was able to make the fate of Athamas and Ino an occasion for the last
event of his Theban history, the departure of Cadmus and Harmonia.
The myth that Ino became a sea goddess, Leucothea, was old and
'familiar to Greek literature. The Odyssey and Pindar mentioned it.
Aeschylus and Euripides treated the story in plays which are now lost.
Euripides told it again in his Phrixus, combining the myth of Ino with
a tale of the Golden Fleece (cf. Bk. 7). In the Medea he alluded to
an otherwise unknown version in which Ino herself killed her two sons.
None of these older accounts affected Ovid.
The Manual repeated the tale as follows: Juno was offended with
Athamas and Ino, because they attempted to rear the infant Bacchus.
She drove them mad. While hunting in the forest, Athamas mistook
his older son, Learchus, for a deer and killed him with an arrow. Ino,
throwing her younger child, Melicertes, into a cauldron, leaped with it
into the sea. There she became the goddess Leucothea, and her son
became Palasmon, a god of shores and harbors.
Nicander added further details. In order to madden Athamas and
Ino, he said, Juno invoked a Fury, which appeared on the threshold
of their palace and barred escape until they were driven from their
senses. After leaving the palace, he continued, Ino journeyed in a
southeasterly direction to the Isthmus of Corinth; followed its eastern
shore; and finally leaped from a headland called Moluris into the waves
of the Saronic Gulf. The queen's attendants followed her to the edge
of the cliff and there were transformed, some into statuesque rock,
others into sea fowl.
To the Greek myth, the Italians added a surprising sequel, which
probably was recorded by Varro. When Ino leaped with her child
into the Saronic Gulf, they said, Panope and other sea deities pre-
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? AT HAM AS AND INO
served them from death and conveyed them by a very long and devious
route to the western shores of Italy and the mouth of the Tiber. There
they became deities and were identified with the Roman Matuta and
Portumnus.
Ovid found the myth of Athamas and Ino of great interest. He
retold it at length in the Metamorphoses; used it in the Fasti as ex-
planation of a festival called the Matralia, and alluded to it briefly
in the Ibis. For the Metamorphoses Ovid borrowed judiciously from
the Manual, Nicander and Varro. But he improved the tale greatly
by adding new material from? others and by inventions of his own.
Tradition had localized the events in Orchomenus. Ovid implied,
however, that the tragedy occurred in the more familiar city of Thebes
and not long after Bacchus conquered the daughters of Minyas. Under
these circumstances it was hardly possible to suppose with the
Manual that Juno was punishing Athamas and Ino for receiving the
infant god. So long an interval of time had passed that Bacchus was
now a grown man. Ovid imagined, therefore, that Juno overlooked the
offense until Ino provoked her a second time by immoderate boasting.
Imitating the jealous soliloquies of Juno in the Aeneid, Ovid pic-
tured the goddess reviewing the triumphs of her enemy Bacchus and
resolving to use similar methods in return. Nicander had shown Juno
employing a Fury to madden Athamas, and Vergil had shown her
leaving heaven to enlist the Fury Allecto in her plot for arousing
Amata and Turnus. Ovid followed both poets, substituting the better
known Fury Tisiphone.
Nicander and Vergil had merely recorded the summoning of the
Fury, leaving the details obscure. Ovid imagined that Juno sought
Tisiphone even in the world of the dead. Thus he added to the story
a theme of extraordinary interest. In the Odyssey a memorable pas-
sage had recorded the experience of Ulysses in the land of shades.
Many subsequent authors of Greece had treated more or less fully of
the future life and from the time of Lucretius almost every important
Roman poet had explored in imagination the world of the dead. Of
these many predecessors, none had approached in beauty and orderly
fullness the account in Vergil's Aeneid.
Following Vergil, Ovid described the approach to Hades, the gen-
eral nature of the kingdom, and the home of the Furies before the
gates of Tartarus. But he himself invented the city of Dis. Since the
Odyssey, Greek and Roman poets had been fond of describing the
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK IV
region of punishment and recording the torture of notorious offenders.
Ovid followed their example. With Tibullus he called this region the
Accursed Seat and described the torture of Ixion and the Belides, or
daughters of Danaus. From the Odyssey he added the account of
Tityus, Tantalus, and Sisyphus. But he suggested appropriately that
Juno took special interest in the sufferings of her former enemy Ixion
and of Sisyphus, the brother of her new enemy Athamas. That Juno
should see the region of punishment, was in accord with the Odyssey
and most other poetical descriptions of the land of spirits. These
accounts assumed that the region of punishment was visible and acces-
sible to the rest of Hades. But Vergil described Tartarus a. s shut off
by a high wall and closed gates, so that Aeneas could learn of it only
by hearsay. Ovid combined inadvertently the older idea of notorious
felons in an accessible region of punishment with the Vergilian idea
of Furies guarding the closed gates of Tartarus.
At the beginning of the Aeneid Vergil had shown Juno imploring the
aid of Aeolus and promising him reward, and Aeolus replying that she
needed only to command and the work would be done. This passage
Ovid had imitated already in Juno's appeal to Oceanus (see Callisto
Bk. 2). He followed it again in Juno's visit to Tisiphone, but for
variety he merely indicated, instead of quoting, Juno's plea.
Ovid invented a terrifying description of the Fury arraying herself
and departing, attended by shapes of Fear, Terror, and Madness.
Following Nicander, he showed her appearing on the threshold of
Athamas and barring escape; but he added the vivid account of her
snaky locks. Vergil had shown how Alecto hurled a snake at Amata,
which crawled over her breast infecting her mind with its poison, and
how later the same Fury used her torch to incite madness in Turnus.
Ovid imagined that Tisiphone used both incitements against Athamas
and Ino and poured out also an infernal mixture compounded of in-
numerable fantastic ingredients. Ovid's account was vivid and dra-
matic, but it erred by running to excess.
The Manual had spoken of Athamas as killing his son in the forest.
Ovid increased the horror by having the event occur in the palace and
in the presence of his mother, and in other ways he heightened the
atrocity of the crime. Since Juno had resolved to learn by the ven-
geance which Bacchus inflicted on Pentheus, Ovid described the whole
scene as a mocking imitation of the death of Pentheus. And he fol-
lowed it with a striking account of Ino's leap into the sea.
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? LEUCOTHOE AND CLYTIE
Cosimo, Paris Bordone, Vanloo, Mignard, Lagrene, Hubert, and
Boucher.
Leucothoe and Clytie
In the tale of Mars and Venus, Ovid had shown why the goddess was
angry with the informing Sun. The story of Leucothoe and Clytie
showed how she avenged herself by making him unhappy in love. This
story, like its predecessor, was told by Leuconoe to the other daugh-
ters of Minyas.
Hesiod appears to have been the earliest author who recorded the
myth. He showed Venus resenting the Sun's disclosure of her adultery
and punishing him with an ill starred affection. In his account
Leucothoe (the Swift White One) was the Moon, who was attended
by her twelve handmaidens, the Months. The rest of the tale has been
lost.
*
An unknown Alexandrian author retold the story with many
changes. He made it one of several tales localized in the distant and
marvellous East. Leucothoe became an oriental princess. Her father
was Orchamus (Ruler) and her mother Eurynome (Wide Ruling).
Her father governed the famous empire of Persia, but he may have
resided in the far southern province of Arabia Sabaea. In this region
Leucothoe was born and grew up, the most beautiful of eastern maid-
ens. The Sun loved her. Taking the form of her mother, Eurynome,
he visited her one night; revealed himself; and made known his affec-
tion. Flattered by the courtship of so glorious a suitor, Leucothoe
accepted him. But another maiden, Clytie (the Praised One), had
loved the Sun without avail. Displeased that he should prefer
Leucothoe, Clytie informed the savage father Orchamus. In vain
Leucothoe pretended that she had been overcome by violence. Deaf
to all excuses, Orchamus caused her to be buried alive under a great
heap of sand. The Sun exhumed, but could not revive, her. In com-
pensation he transformed her to the shrub frankincense, which the
Greeks thought of as native to the sunlit deserts of Arabia, although
in fact it grew chiefly on the opposite coast of Africa. Then the god
inflicted on Orchamus the same cruel death to which he had sentenced
his daughter.
By the destruction of Leucothoe, Clytie hoped to become in her
turn the beloved of the Sun. But he still ignored her. Nine days she
sat observing his course through the heavens, languishing and fasting.
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK IV
Then she changed into the heliotrope, a purple flower which was
thought always to turn in the direction of the Sun. This flower the
Alexandrian author compared to a purple violet. Similar compari-
son of a new flower to another supposedly familiar flower occurred
in Alexandrian accounts of Hyacinthus and Adonis (cf. Bk. 10) and
in all three tales Ovid retained the comparison. For the modern
reader it tends to confuse the effect.
To the Alexandrian version Ovid referred in his Ibis. Orchamus,
he observed, buried his daughter in lowest Tartarus, and the Sun did
the same to him.
In the Metamorphoses Ovid followed his Alexandrian predecessor
by pointing out first that Venus caused the passion of the Sun. By
the example of the Theogony and the Manual, he made the god a child
of Hyperion and, in accord with many Alexandrian and Roman
authors, he identified him with Apollo.
Then Ovid dwelt at some length on the extraordinary effect of the
Sun's violent love. Eager to behold Leucothoe, he declared, the Sun
rose earlier than his appointed time and lingered after he should have
set. Thus he gave undue length to the hours of the winter day. To
Ovid's Roman audience the expression would have appeared wonder-
fully exact. An "hour" in their system of reckoning was not a fixed
interval of time: it was an interval which lengthened or shortened
according to the season. Between dawn and dusk, the sun would pass
invariably over the same area of their sun dials, and this area they
divided into twelve equal sections called "hours. " Throughout the
year, therefore, the Sun would always record twelve "hours" of day-
light, but he would record them slowly in the long days of summer and
quickly in the brief days of winter. Hence the "hours" of summer
should be long intervals of time, and those of winter should be short.
But this law the Sun was too much in love to remember.
In other ways, Ovid continued, the Sun revealed his unusual agita-
tion. Often he grew faint and lost his normal brilliance. And this
was no ordinary eclipse from the intervention of the moon. The Sun
even forgot his sweethearts of an earlier time. Of these Ovid men-
tioned three. One was Clymene, the mother of Phaethon (Bk. 2) ; an-
other was Persis, whom the Odyssey made parent of Aeetes and Circe;
and the last was Rhodes, a nymph personifying the well known Medi-
terranean island. Pindar had recorded that Jupiter, dividing the
earth among his divine followers, forgot the Sun but afterwards
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? SALMACIS AND HERMAPHRODITUS
created for him Rhodes, the island nymph, who bore him seven
sons.
Thus Ovid emphasized this part of the tale effectively for his coun-
trymen, giving it a new relation not only to contemporary science but
also to other myths of the famous past. He then identified briefly the
maiden Leucothoe, who had been the occasion for these remarkable
changes. Following the example of Horace, he declared that
Leucothoe excelled in beauty even her beautiful mother and he referred
to Persia "as the cities of Achaemenes," their mythical founder.
Before returning to the Alexandrian version, Ovid added the pic-
turesque idea that after the toilsome day the Sun allowed his horses
to feed on ambrosia in pastures below the western sky. This was not
easily reconciled with their being ready in the east at dawn. Ovid
retold effectively the incident of the Sun's disguise and courtship.
But he was careful to show that at first Leucothoe was terrified and
to leave the reader uncertain whether she yielded willingly or was
overcome by force. He made it seem more justifiable for her to tell
Orchamus that the Sun had acted against her wish. He repeated the
Alexandrian author's account of Leucothoe's death and transforma-
tion. The punishment of Orchamus, he wisely omitted. The fate of
Clytie Ovid took from his predecessor, but he described her trans-
formation with a wealth of effective detail.
Despite many improvements, Ovid allowed the interest to be divided
over much between Leucothoe and Clytie. And he made rather fre-
quent reference to matters with which readers of later times were not
familiar.
Statius in his Thebaiad recalled the western pastures of the Sun,
identifying them with the fabulous Isles of the Blest. In The Legend
of Good Women Chaucer took suggestions from the transformation
of Clytie for his charming myth of Alcestis, who became a daisy. And
Camoens hoped that neither Leucothoe nor Clytie would rival his
patroness Calliope in the affection of Apollo.
To Alcithoe, the third daughter of Minyas, Ovid gave the last group
of tales. These were six in number, all dealing with adventures near
the western shores of Asia Minor and almost all localized near Mt.
Salmacis and Hebmaphroditus
Five of these tales Ovid dismissed briefly as well
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK IV
known to the daughters of Minyas. Two of them probably were well
known also to the Romans. The other three Ovid thought unsuitable
for lengthy treatment.
The first tale related the tragic fate of Daphnis. This famous
shepherd had entered literature in a lost work of Stesichorus. In his
account, the story ran as follows: Daphnis was a child of the shep-
herd god Mercury and a Sicilian nymph. His mother left him to die
in a beautiful grove of laurels. But other nymphs found the infant
and named him Daphnis, from the sheltering trees. They reared him
as a shepherd. Pan taught him to play the syrinx, and Daphnis him-
self invented the art of pastoral poetry. While pasturing his flock
on the sides of Mt. Aetna, he courted a young nymph called Nais.
Before she became his wife, Nais required him to swear that he would
never yield to the love of any other and warned him that blind-
ness should be the punishment for breaking this oath. For a long
while he resisted all temptation. At last he fell victim to the wiles of
a certain Xenia. Unable by shepherd music to relieve the misery of
his blindness, Daphnis appealed to his father, Mercury, and the god
transported him to heaven. Both Timaeus and Parthenius repeated
this story in prose.
A number of Alexandrian poets became interested in the Sicilian
myth and gave Daphnis adventures in other pastoral regions.
Hermesianax brought him to the island of Euboea. Two lesser poets
gave him adventures in Phrygia and even made him teacher of the un-
fortunate Marsyas (Bk. 6). "Nicander retold the love story, calling
Daphnis a native of Mt. Ida and changing his punishment from blind-
ness to petrifaction.
Undoubtedly Ovid was familiar with more than one version of the
famous myth; but he showed Alcithoe referring clearly to Nicander. 1
The second tale to be mentioned and dismissed related} adventures
of Sithon, who was sometimes a man and at other times* a woman.
Parthenius and Horace had associated the name with TUirace. The
story we know only from Ovid. He probably avoided a l'onger treat-
i
1 Theocritus recorded a still different form of the story. With. Stesichorus he
agreed that Daphnis and Nais lived near Mt. Aetna in Sicily. Ifjut he declared
that Daphnis, not content with swearing loyalty, boasted that Cun,id should never
induce him to break his promise. The god inflamed him with love c4f Xenia. Faith-
ful to his vow, Daphnis refused to yield, but languished in hopeless passion and
died. This fine version does not seem to have been followed by r jther writers; but
it made the subject widely known and gave it lasting fame. << ,
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? SALMACIS AND HERMAPHRODITUS
ment because it was over similar to the famous myth of Caeneus, which
he planned to tell in full (Bk. 12).
Celmis (the Smelter) was the hero of another myth of transforma-
tion. He was one of the three Dactyls, who lived on Mt. Ida in
Phrygia and were credited with the discovery of iron. Nicander
seems to have reported that originally Celmis helped in the care of the
infant Jupiter but that afterwards he declared that Jupiter was only
a mortal. For this he was punished by transformation to adamant.
The Curetes had been the subject of a fourth tale. In the Iliad they
were primitive inhabitants of Aetolia, a region of northwestern Greece.
Callimachus transferred them to Mt. Ida in Crete. Here they pro-
tected the infant Jupiter, clashing their cymbals loudly whenever there
was danger that his cries might reach the jealous ears of Saturn.
Some later Alexandrian writer appears to have recorded their origin
from rain and transferred them to the Mt. Ida in Phrygia. This
account we know only from Ovid.
A fifth tale recorded the metamorphoses of Crocus and Smilax.
Nicander seems to have told it as follows: Crocus was a young man of
Lydia, inhabiting the upper valley of the river Hermus. He loved a
girl named Smilax and was loved by her. The youth was killed acci-
dentally, perhaps by the god Mercury, and his blood became the
flower which bears his name. Smilax lamented him and became the
green briar, a plant sometimes used for mourning. With this tale
the Romans and the later Greeks appear to have been familiar. Ovid
himself was to mention it again in the Fasti. Probably he thought it
less interesting than the transformations^ of Hyacinthus to a flower
and Cyparissus to the funereal tree (Bk. 10).
The last myth dealt with Salmacis and Hermaphroditus. This tale
Ovid caused Alcithoe to recount in full.
In the region of Caria near the southwestern shores of Asia Minor,
a certain pool became quite famous. Any man bathing here, it was
said, would feel ^ mysterious enervation. Among the learned men
of Alexandrian Greece the supposed peculiarity attracted much atten-
tion; and later the Roman scholar, Varro, seems to have mentioned it
as one of the marvels known to science. Ovid repeated Varro's account
in the speech of Pythagoras (Bk. 15).
The Greek inhabitants of Caria attributed the phenomenon to
action of a strange water spirit, which was at once male and female
and attempted to bestow a like nature on any man coming under its
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK IV
influence. The circumstance they explained by the following myth:
Mercury and Venus at one time became parents of a son, who was
called Hermaphroditus from Hermes and Aphrodite, the Greek names
of his father and mother. He grew up to be a youth of extraordinary
beauty. Happening to bathe in the pool, he was loved by the water
nymph Salmacis. She seized him and endeavored to drag him down
to the bottom. But Hermaphroditus resisted obstinately. Unable to
subdue, him, the nymph called on the gods and by their help fused
with the youth in a single preternatural body. Dismayed by the
change, Hermaphroditus asked that his misfortune might not be
unique but that others bathing in this water might also lose the quali-
ties distinguishing a man.
The idea that a local spirit might be at once male and female could
originate from malformations in nature. Among the higher animals
and human beings an individual is always of only one sex. But occa-
sionally there is born an animal or a human being so ill formed that
only careful examination will show whether it is male or female. Such
examples could suggest an ambiguous being of dual nature.
But the Carians might find a suggestion also in many religions of
Asia Minor. Among the Phoenicians and other Asiatic peoples, a god
of fertility was likely to have a goddess cooperating in his work. She
had similar functions and a very similar name.
In the same way a
goddess of fertility was thought to have a male partner, resembling
her in his activities and his name. Imitating Phoenician practice, even
the Greek communities of Cypress gave their Venus (Aphrodite) a
divine consort Aphroditus. And for the worship of these deities, men
put on the attire of women, and women assumed the dress of men.
Such practice was on the whole foreign and incomprehensible to his-
toric Greece. Meeting in Asia with these divine partners a-nd extraor-
dinary rites, the Greeks might imagine that the Asiatics were wor-
shiping a being of dual nature, at once male and female.
The Carian myth of Hermaphroditus and his extraordinary trans-
formation in the pool attracted Nicander. This poet added a number
of preliminary events. The youth, he said, was born on Mt. Ida in
the Troad and reared by naiads until he was fifteen, the age when
according to Alexandrian belief a boy attained his greatest personal
charm. Eager to visit strange countries, the youth left Mt. Ida and
wandered southwards until he arrived in Caria.
While he was approaching the pool of Salmacis, Nicander con-
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? SALMACIS AND HERMAPHRODITUS
tinued, he was observed by the naiad, who had left the water tempo-
rarily to gather flowers. The poet then imitated his account of Echo
courting Narcissus (cf. Bk. 3). Delighted with the boy's appearance,
Salmacis quickly adorned herself and approaching, made overtures
to Hermaphroditus and offered to embrace him. The boy shrank
from her advances, threatening to take refuge in flight. Salmacis, like
Echo, retreated and hid in the forest. At this point Nicander
diverged from his account of Narcissus. Instead of giving up the
courtship Salmacis continued watching Hermaphroditus and waited
for another opportunity. Supposing that she had gone, the boy
ventured to swim in the pool. The naiad, quickly returning, seized
him in an embrace from which he never could escape.
During later Alexandrian times the myth was treated frequently
by painters and sculptors. There still survive three Pompeian fres-
coes of the subject and an equal number of graceful statues.
From Nicander Ovid took the incidents of the tale and perhaps
even a few of the effective similes. But he seems to have given the
narrative far more animation and beauty and to have suited it skil-
fully to the rest of his poem.
Following Nicander, Ovid mentioned the strange effect of the pool
and then repeated briefly the story of Hermaphroditus until he arrived
at the fatal spot. Ovid had already described a clear, still pool which
attracted the young Narcissus. He now gave an account of a similar
delightful pool which appeared before Hermaphroditus. Yet so deftly
did he vary details that one might even read the two accounts succes-
sively without noting an undue likeness. Before proceeding with the
tale, Ovid emphasized carefully the self-indulgent character of
Salmacis. All other naiads, he pointed out, would follow Diana in
hunting or share in athletic sport. But, even when they urged
Salmacis to do likewise, she always refused. The entire time she
passed in adorning herself, or in lying on the soft grass, or at most
in gathering flowers. On one of these latter occasions, she observed
the stranger youth.
Ovid then repeated the incident of Salmacis quickly adorning her-
self and approaching Hermaphroditus. The gracious words of
Ulysses meeting Nausicaa suggested to him the speech of the naiad.
Yet by skilful alterations he transformed a dignified request for aid
into a wanton avowal of love. By three striking comparisons, Ovid
emphasized the boy's embarrassment, and then recorded his refusal.
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK IV
After sporting a while on the grassy margin, Ovid continued, the
boy tried the water with his feet, then laying aside his clothing, went
in eagerly and began to swim. A similar incident was to occur later
in the story of Arethusa (Bk. 5). Yet in these similar passages, Ovid
contrived not only to alter the details but to contrast the noisy, viva-
cious conduct of the boy with the shy, restrained approach of the
maiden.
After mentioning the unhallowed eagerness with which Salmacis
perceived her opportunity, Ovid tried to picture graphically the white
form of the boy gliding under the transparent water. It was, he said,
as if you were to see ivory figures or white lilies encased in clear
glass. To Ovid's contemporaries the likeness may have seemed elegant
and exact. Such illustration was used afterwards by eminent poets
of the Middle Ages and even by Thomson in his Summer. But com-
parison of an attractive object in nature to an example of human
artifice has become repellant to modern taste.
Ovid narrated with animation the naiad's plunging into the water
and struggling with the loved boy. The close and terrifying manner
in which she clung to him, he suggested by the likenesses of a serpent
wrapping about an eagle, ivy growing over a tree, the tentacles of an
octopus closing round its victim. The first of these comparisons was
suggested by a fine passage in the Aeneid. Vergil, narrating how the
horseman Tarchon pulled Venulus from his saddle and battled with
him as they rode across the field, likened him to a tawny eagle carrying
and fighting with a snake. While borrowing Vergil's idea, Ovid altered
it skilfully to suit his own quite different purpose. The strange fusion
of two bodies into one he illustrated aptly by the merging of a grafted
shoot with the original tree.
In this tale Ovid presented his remarkable incidents and beautiful
setting with appropriate energy and skill. He was unfortunate, how-
ever, in his portrayal of Salmacis. It would have been possible to
present the incident of a naiad loving and seizing a youth who swam
imprudently near her dwelling and yet to have observed due restraint
and beauty. For we may find this in works as unlike as Apollonius'
account of Hylas and Hood's narrative of Hero and Leander. By?
adding the nymph's courtship of the youth on the shore, Nicander
had suggested her wanton character. And Ovid, remembering the
similar incident in the tale of Narcissus, desired to vary the effect by
contrasting the modesty of Echo with the shameless effrontery of
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? SALMACIS AND HERMAPHRODITUS
Salmacis. But he was not content with this. Throughout the story,
he emphasized her wanton character and at the same time tended to
present her as attractive and deserving sympathy.
Notwithstanding this defect, Ovid's tale of Hermaphroditus exerted
an important influence in later times.
In a poem on Cleopatra, Martial borrowed the comparison of a
swimmer to lilies encased in glass and imitated the early part of the
struggle in the pool.
Dante heard souls walking in the fire of Purgatory recall Ovid's
myth as an example of normal lust. He imitated the metamorphosis
in the justly famous incident where the six-footed snake leaped on
Agnello; held more closely than ivy round an oak; and combined with
him into a monster which was neither two nor one.
In two sonnets of the Passionate Pilgrim and in Venus and Adonis,
Shakespeare recalled Ovid's Hermaphroditus. To his Adonis he gave
the same character of beautiful appearance and aversion to love. He
showed Venus, enamored with his beauty, first boldly courting him and
then seizing and clinging to him despite his resistance.
Milton, in the preface to his Defensio, declared that his opponent
Salmasius was like the fountain Salmacis and would have a similar
effect on noble minds. The fusion of Ovid's hero and heroine probably
suggested to him the very different passage where Raphael described
to Adam the nature of marriage between Angels:
Whatever pure thou in the body enjoy'st
(And pure thou wert created) we enjoy
In eminence, and obstacle find none
Of membrane, joint, or limb exclusive bars,
Easier than air with air, if sprites embrace,
Total they mix, union of pure with pure
Desiring.
Here, as in the case of Eve beguiled by her own image, Milton spirit-
ualized the essential ideas.
Addison translated Ovid's story. Swinburne alluded to it while
describing an ancient statue of the hero.
Albani and Bosio treated the subject in painting. And modern
science has applied the term hermaphrodite not only to the spurious
examples of dual nature in man and the higher animals but also to the
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK IV
genuine cases of mollusks and earthworms, where the same individual
may have offspring as either male or female.
Athamas and Ino
By telling how Bacchus overcame the daughters of Minyas, Ovid
had introduced a new story among the familiar myths of Thebes. He
now returned to Theban tradition and recorded the fate of the god's
foster parents, Athamas and Ino. With Euripides and Theocritus
he had shown Ino taking part in the death of Pentheus (Bk. 3) and
so implied that her own tragic misfortune occurred later. Thus Ovid
was able to make the fate of Athamas and Ino an occasion for the last
event of his Theban history, the departure of Cadmus and Harmonia.
The myth that Ino became a sea goddess, Leucothea, was old and
'familiar to Greek literature. The Odyssey and Pindar mentioned it.
Aeschylus and Euripides treated the story in plays which are now lost.
Euripides told it again in his Phrixus, combining the myth of Ino with
a tale of the Golden Fleece (cf. Bk. 7). In the Medea he alluded to
an otherwise unknown version in which Ino herself killed her two sons.
None of these older accounts affected Ovid.
The Manual repeated the tale as follows: Juno was offended with
Athamas and Ino, because they attempted to rear the infant Bacchus.
She drove them mad. While hunting in the forest, Athamas mistook
his older son, Learchus, for a deer and killed him with an arrow. Ino,
throwing her younger child, Melicertes, into a cauldron, leaped with it
into the sea. There she became the goddess Leucothea, and her son
became Palasmon, a god of shores and harbors.
Nicander added further details. In order to madden Athamas and
Ino, he said, Juno invoked a Fury, which appeared on the threshold
of their palace and barred escape until they were driven from their
senses. After leaving the palace, he continued, Ino journeyed in a
southeasterly direction to the Isthmus of Corinth; followed its eastern
shore; and finally leaped from a headland called Moluris into the waves
of the Saronic Gulf. The queen's attendants followed her to the edge
of the cliff and there were transformed, some into statuesque rock,
others into sea fowl.
To the Greek myth, the Italians added a surprising sequel, which
probably was recorded by Varro. When Ino leaped with her child
into the Saronic Gulf, they said, Panope and other sea deities pre-
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? AT HAM AS AND INO
served them from death and conveyed them by a very long and devious
route to the western shores of Italy and the mouth of the Tiber. There
they became deities and were identified with the Roman Matuta and
Portumnus.
Ovid found the myth of Athamas and Ino of great interest. He
retold it at length in the Metamorphoses; used it in the Fasti as ex-
planation of a festival called the Matralia, and alluded to it briefly
in the Ibis. For the Metamorphoses Ovid borrowed judiciously from
the Manual, Nicander and Varro. But he improved the tale greatly
by adding new material from? others and by inventions of his own.
Tradition had localized the events in Orchomenus. Ovid implied,
however, that the tragedy occurred in the more familiar city of Thebes
and not long after Bacchus conquered the daughters of Minyas. Under
these circumstances it was hardly possible to suppose with the
Manual that Juno was punishing Athamas and Ino for receiving the
infant god. So long an interval of time had passed that Bacchus was
now a grown man. Ovid imagined, therefore, that Juno overlooked the
offense until Ino provoked her a second time by immoderate boasting.
Imitating the jealous soliloquies of Juno in the Aeneid, Ovid pic-
tured the goddess reviewing the triumphs of her enemy Bacchus and
resolving to use similar methods in return. Nicander had shown Juno
employing a Fury to madden Athamas, and Vergil had shown her
leaving heaven to enlist the Fury Allecto in her plot for arousing
Amata and Turnus. Ovid followed both poets, substituting the better
known Fury Tisiphone.
Nicander and Vergil had merely recorded the summoning of the
Fury, leaving the details obscure. Ovid imagined that Juno sought
Tisiphone even in the world of the dead. Thus he added to the story
a theme of extraordinary interest. In the Odyssey a memorable pas-
sage had recorded the experience of Ulysses in the land of shades.
Many subsequent authors of Greece had treated more or less fully of
the future life and from the time of Lucretius almost every important
Roman poet had explored in imagination the world of the dead. Of
these many predecessors, none had approached in beauty and orderly
fullness the account in Vergil's Aeneid.
Following Vergil, Ovid described the approach to Hades, the gen-
eral nature of the kingdom, and the home of the Furies before the
gates of Tartarus. But he himself invented the city of Dis. Since the
Odyssey, Greek and Roman poets had been fond of describing the
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK IV
region of punishment and recording the torture of notorious offenders.
Ovid followed their example. With Tibullus he called this region the
Accursed Seat and described the torture of Ixion and the Belides, or
daughters of Danaus. From the Odyssey he added the account of
Tityus, Tantalus, and Sisyphus. But he suggested appropriately that
Juno took special interest in the sufferings of her former enemy Ixion
and of Sisyphus, the brother of her new enemy Athamas. That Juno
should see the region of punishment, was in accord with the Odyssey
and most other poetical descriptions of the land of spirits. These
accounts assumed that the region of punishment was visible and acces-
sible to the rest of Hades. But Vergil described Tartarus a. s shut off
by a high wall and closed gates, so that Aeneas could learn of it only
by hearsay. Ovid combined inadvertently the older idea of notorious
felons in an accessible region of punishment with the Vergilian idea
of Furies guarding the closed gates of Tartarus.
At the beginning of the Aeneid Vergil had shown Juno imploring the
aid of Aeolus and promising him reward, and Aeolus replying that she
needed only to command and the work would be done. This passage
Ovid had imitated already in Juno's appeal to Oceanus (see Callisto
Bk. 2). He followed it again in Juno's visit to Tisiphone, but for
variety he merely indicated, instead of quoting, Juno's plea.
Ovid invented a terrifying description of the Fury arraying herself
and departing, attended by shapes of Fear, Terror, and Madness.
Following Nicander, he showed her appearing on the threshold of
Athamas and barring escape; but he added the vivid account of her
snaky locks. Vergil had shown how Alecto hurled a snake at Amata,
which crawled over her breast infecting her mind with its poison, and
how later the same Fury used her torch to incite madness in Turnus.
Ovid imagined that Tisiphone used both incitements against Athamas
and Ino and poured out also an infernal mixture compounded of in-
numerable fantastic ingredients. Ovid's account was vivid and dra-
matic, but it erred by running to excess.
The Manual had spoken of Athamas as killing his son in the forest.
Ovid increased the horror by having the event occur in the palace and
in the presence of his mother, and in other ways he heightened the
atrocity of the crime. Since Juno had resolved to learn by the ven-
geance which Bacchus inflicted on Pentheus, Ovid described the whole
scene as a mocking imitation of the death of Pentheus. And he fol-
lowed it with a striking account of Ino's leap into the sea.
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