No More Learning

Halting to reconnoitre they were
attacked by Jalal Khan, who had orders from his father to delav
the advance till the treasure was secured, and who observed that the
Mughul forces were carelessly disposed. He inflicted considerable
loss and drove the van back on the main army at Kahalgaon. A
heavy storm which sank Humayun's barge and flooded the country
prevented advance for several days. When a scouting party was
1 Colgong in 25° 16' N. and 87° 14' E.


## p. 30 (#62) ##############################################

30
HUMAYUN
able to move it was discovered that Jalal Khan, who had now
received news of his father's safe arrival in the fastnesses of south
Bihar, had abandoned the defence. Sher Khan had in fact gained
by stratagem the fort of Rohtas as a place of refuge for his family
and treasure now that Chunar was lost.
While the emperor was at Kahalgaon Mahmud received news that
two of his sons had been killed by the Afghans, and still suffering
from his wounds he died from the effects of this last shock. Humayun
now pressed on to seize what he hoped would be a rich prize. But
Gaur, though entered without further opposition, was a desolate
place with corpses still lying in the streets, and the rich granaries
which Mahmud had promised him were wasted. In spite of these
warnings of the vanity of his hopes, Humayun liked the attractive
fertility of the place and gave it the name of Jannatabad, or abode
of Paradise, on the coins he struck to commemorate his success. The
former government having been destroyed there was no opposition
in the country-side to his officers or to his parcelling out the districts
among his followers. Once more reaction set in after an apparently
successful enterprise, and the whole force from emperor to private
soldier devoted itself to ease and pleasure.
Gaur is about 350 miles east of Benares which was the nearest
place really within the Mughul occupation. To secure communica-
tions and supplies Humayun left his brother Hindal on the north
bank of the Ganges, neglecting all precaution on the south, where
the level alluvial plain soon meets the Kaimur range and its eastern
extension. In these hills covered with thorny jungle and hence
known as Jharkhand, Sher Khan found a convenient base from which
to develop his plan of cutting off Humayun from his capital. Hindal
soon deserted his post in north Bihar and there were grounds for
suspecting his loyalty, while Sher Khan rapidly overran the south
as far as the river, and crossing it took Benares. He sent his son Jalal
Khan to besiege Jaunpur, arrested and imprisoned the families of
the leading men in the district, and invested Chunar. Though the
governor of Jaunpur still held the city, reinforcements which arrived
from Oudh were roughly handled by Jalal Khan owing to the rash-
ness of their leader.
Humayun's officers, who for a time had successfully concealed from
him the serious events which were taking place, were now alarmed.
He himself realised that further delay would entail complete loss
of his position, and he was spurred by finding that the officer whom
he designated to hold Bengal while he attempted to cut his way
through Sher Khan's forces regarded such promotion as equivalent
to a sentence of death. Delay had once more placed him in the
unfavourable position of a campaign during the rainy season and as
his force laboured through the adhesive mud of the Ganges valley
in 1539, he received news that his vanguard had been taken in the


## p. 31 (#63) ##############################################

DISASTROUS RETREAT FROM BENGAL
31
town of Monghyr and its leader captured. In doubt as to the best
method of advance he offered through his brother 'Askari to grant
any boons to those who could suggest suitable plans. 'Askari
'
would have asked for money, silks, slaves and eunuchs, but
the officers of the army, impressed by their critical situation and
perhaps less corrupted by the recent period of sensuality and luxury,
were content with rank, and better pay for themselves and their
troops. When 'Askari advanced he found that Sher Khan had not
only gained the victories already reported, but had also sent troops
as far as Kanauj and had styled himself Shah or King. Humayun
now joined 'Askari on the north bank of the Ganges opposite Monghyr,
and would have been wise to pursue his march on that side. Accepting,
however, the advice of an unworthy favourite against that of more
experienced and reliable officers, he crossed to the south bank, which
was the more usual route. When the Mughul army reached the con-
fluence of the Son and Ganges the Afghan forces of Sher Khan were
in sight, and the great gun made by Rumi Khan for the siege of
Chunar was taken by them in the boat which was conveying it up
the river. So far only slight opposition had been met with and the
army was able to reach Chausa, a short distance from the Karamnasa
which divides Bihar from the territory of Benares.
Here it was necessary to halt in view of the uncertainty as to Sher
Khan's exact position. His near approach was certain and he had
in fact withdrawn his troops from the siege of Jaunpur and arrived
near the western bank of the river as Humayun reached the eastern.
Once again Humayun rejected the sound advice of his officers who
pointed out that his troops were that day comparatively fresh after
a short march, while Sher Khan's cavalry had ridden many miles.
An immediate attack might have given him victory. But he preferred
his favourite's plan merely to cross the river and postpone the struggle.
The delay favoured Sher Khan, who set about fortifying his camp,
knowing that the Mughul army would deteriorate and was already
weakened by its long march and absence of the stimulus of success.
From his brothers Humayun could rely on no help. Hindal had
abandoned his post on the line of communications when Humayun
advanced into Bengal, and was living in the palace at Agra where he
enjoyed the outward forms of power without using them for the
benefit of the state. But while his immediate advisers traded on his
youth and inexperience other officers saw more clearly the dangers
which threatened. Faqr 'Ali, the governor of Delhi, with difficulty
persuaded Hindal to mobilise the troops available at Agra and to
move them east. He also visited Yadgar Nasir at Kalpi lower down
the Jumna and planned a concentration in southern Oudh which
would threaten Sher Khan's designs on Jaunpur. These wise designs
were, however, ruined by the arrival at Kanauj of Mughul officers
who had abandoned Humayun in Bengal, including Zahid Beg, who
>


## p. 32 (#64) ##############################################

32
HUMAYUN
had declined to remain there as governor. They found Nur-ud-din
Muhammad, who was in charge of Kanauj, favourable to their dis-
loyal proposals though he was married to Humayun's sister. Offering
their services to Hindal they at once advanced to Kol ("Aligarh).
where they would be in a position to join Hindal or to move farther
west to Kamran in the Punjab if Hindal did not meet their wishes.
Hindal, though he received their message graciously, was not yet
prepared to declare his own independence and despatched news of
their arrival to Yadgar Mirza. Before it reached its destination the
rebels informed Hindal that while they were prepared to give him
support if he would stand forth as emperor they would join Kamrar.
if he declined. Hindal now decided to revolt, but was for a few days
held back by the remonstrances of Shaikh Phul, whom Humayun
sent from Gaur on first hearing of Hindal's departure from his post.
The Shaikh, like his more celebrated brother Muhammad Ghaus,
was a renowned religious teacher and was Humayun's own spiritual
adviser. His message of remonstrance accompanied by offers of for-
giveness and affection seemed at first likely to recall Hindal to
allegiance. Orders were issued to equip and despatch forces to raise
the siege of Jaunpur. Unfortunately Nur-ud-din arrived while these
measures were being expedited and he was able to destroy the whole
effect of the Shaikh's mission, and Hindal was persuaded once more
to accept the support of the rebel nobles, for which they demander
the sacrifice of Shaikh Phul as he had caused Hindal to break his
former promises to them. They hoped that Hindal, involved in such
a disgraceful crime, would be irretrievably separated from Humayun,
whom they hated and despised. A frivolous charge of conspiracy
with Sher Khan” was laid and the Shaikh was executed under the
orders of Nur-ud-din. Such a crime revolted the ladies of the palace
and all officers who still remained faithful to Humayun. It marked
indeed the destruction of Hindal's ambitious designs, for when he
advanced on Delhi instead of marching to assist the emperor, Yadgar
Nasir and Fagr 'Ali forestalled him by hasty marches and reached
that city before he arrived. While Hindal was unsuccessfully be-
sieging Delhi Kamran arrived from the Punjab. Humayun's genero-
sity had placed him in a commanding position which he had improved
by successful expeditions. The capture of Qandahar completed his
domination over practically the whole of Afghanistan and the Funjab.
He now moved towards Humayun's territory and Hindal, uncertain
as to his intentions, abandoned the siege of Delhi and withdrew to
Agra. If Kamran had really exerted himself and pressed on to attack
Sher Khan it is possible that the emperor might have come out of
his difficulties with some success. But although Kamran was per-
suaded to leave Delhi untouched and to follow Hindal to Agra his
1 Buhlul, according to some writers.
2 He was said to have secretly collected military stores; Humayun-nama. p. 133.


## p. 33 (#65) ##############################################

SHER KHAN DEFEATS HUMAYUN
33
intentions were completely selfish. On Kamran's approach Hindal
withdrew to his own government at Alwar, but soon was persuaded
to offer his submission, together with the rebel officers who were
almost his sole adherents. The brothers did indeed set out as if to
march to Humayun's help, but the ambition of Kamran and the
weakness of Hindal made them yield to the suggestion of the nobles
that if Sher Khan defeated Humayun the empire would fall to his
brother and that if the emperor won he could be persuaded to forgive
them. So after a few marches they turned back to Agra just as
Humayun's affairs reached a crisis.
He was indeed in a critical position, having missed his first oppor-
tunity to engage in battle before Sher Khan was ready. During more
than two months of scorching weather he had lain in an open camp
and now the rainy season had arrived which made military tactics
difficult. Before him was the strongly entrenched camp of the
Afghans; on his right flank lay the Ganges, its stream swelling as
the snows melted in the Himalayas and the monsoon rains added to
its volume; on the left were the hills with Sher Khan's stronghold
of Rohtas. No help was to be expected from his brothers and after
some fruitless skirmishing he made overtures for peace. Sher Khan
at first replied that while the Mughul army wished for peace the
emperor had made war. He himself also desired peace but his army
was for fighting. Later he sent his own spiritual adviser who entered
on negotiations, the terms of which are variously stated. Humayun
was to give up Bihar and, according to some accounts, Bengal and
also the prized fortress of Chunar but was to retain sovereignty, as
shown by the right to strike coin. With their affairs settled to outward
appearance the Mughul forces were negligently disposed, and Sher
Khan had beaten off a Hindu ally who was supporting Humayun.
Seizing his opportunity for destroying his opponent Sher Khan sent
a force across the Karamnasa as if to occupy Bihar and secretly
instructed his main army to attack the Mughul camp in two places
and also to prevent escape across the Ganges. Their surprise was
complete and the attack was well developed before Humayun was
awake (26 June, 1539). He sprang on a horse and collected a small
guard, endeavouring to save his empress, but was unable to reach the
tents and would have been killed but for his own personal bravery.
The royal harem, crowded with fugitive wives of Mughul officers, was
captured and protected by Sher Khan, while Humayun, attempting
to cross the Ganges on horseback, was forced to use the inflated skin
offered him by a water-carrier when he had lost his seat. The rout
was complete and the Mughul army practically destroyed.
Exulting in his victory Sher Khan related that it had been foretold
in a dream the night before, and he promised a safe-conduct to the
ladies of the Mughul court, a promise which he honoured later. While
Humayun and 'Askari made their way with difficulty to Agra, Sher


## p. 34 (#66) ##############################################

34
HUMAYUN
Khan advanced into Bengal and there defeated the governor left by
Humayun and scattered his small force completely. While he was
thus engaged the four brothers had come together. Humayun either
through a sense of the weakness of his own position or through genuine
fraternal love had forgiven, at once, Kamran's failure to come to his
help and, after a formal rebuke, Hindal's open rebellion. He still
hoped to defeat Sher Khan and refused to accept Kamran's offer,
prompted by ambitious and selfish aims, to lead the fresh troops from
the Punjab against the enemy. Kamran, seeing the failure of his
design to become the master of Hindustan, wished to return to the
Punjab where his rule was undisputed, and in spite of Humayun's
opposition was at last able to depart owing to ill-health which he
attributed openly to the climate of Agra, but secretly believed was
due to poison administered by Babur's widows at the instigation of
Humayun.
Sher Khan, having now consolidated his position in Bengal, re-
turned along the north bank of the Ganges and felt himself strong
enough to attack the Mughuls. A preliminary expedition led by his
son Qutb Khan against Yadgar Mirza, who still held Kalpi, was a
failure and Qutb Khan lost his life. Excited by this success, Humayun
advanced early in 1540 from Agra towards the Ganges and Sher
Khan retreated across it. The Mughul army though probably twice
the size of Sher Khan's was no longer the equal of Babur's trained
forces. Many of its best soldiers had perished in the fruitless expedi-
tion to Bengal. As the force drew near the enemy it was abandoned
by numbers of experienced leaders, especially those who had joined
from Kamran's troops. An exception was that of Mirza Haidar
Dughlat, a first cousin of Babur, who had been greatly trusted by
Kamran and had been left by him in charge of Lahore when he
made his successful raid on Qandahar. Both the brothers sought to
retain his services and he finally decided to serve Humayun, who had
• treated him as a brother, in the honest belief that if Sher Khan were
not defeated he would drive all the Mughuls, including Kamran, out
of India. The two armies lay facing each other near Kanauj with
the broad bed of the Ganges between. As defections continued it was
clear that Humayun must fight or would find himself a leader without
an army. Accordingly the river was crossed and small engagements
took place. Before any general battle had occurred the rainy season
began unduly early and the Mughul camp in the low land near the
river was flooded. Mirza Haidar suggested a bold maneuvre to mask
a change to a better position near the enemy. This was difficult to
carry out as the camp was thronged with many thousands of fol-
lowers and the army would be an easy prey if attacked during the
confusion of a move. On 17 May, 1540, the Mughul artillery was
sent to the front and the guns and wagons were chained together,
so that the camp followers could march behind their protection if an


## p. 35 (#67) ##############################################

2
HUMAYUN FLEES TO THE PUNJAB
35
attack was made. Sher Khan moved out his forces against them,
while the Mughuls were still in confusion with their numerous non-
combatants pressing on behind the guns in such masses that the
chains were broken. The leaders were incapable and cowardly and
many of them fled for their lives as they saw the Afghan troops arrive.
Humayun with his usual personal bravery tried to rally his men, but
was forced to fly. Mirza Haidar laments that 40,000 men in armour
fled before 10,000 without a single cannon being fired. A few miles
behind them lay the river in which many perished, encumbered by
their armour. Humayun crossed with difficulty on an elephant but
only a few of the thousand men immediately accompanying him
succeeded in escaping. As the small band rode towards Agra it was
attacked by Chauhan Thakurs at Bhongaon ? and the refusal of
'Askari to help in chastising the assailants moved Humayun's wrath.
At Agra, the capital, there was no chance of a rally. So great was
their distress that Humayun, who had lost a daughter after the battle
of Chausa, discussed with Hindal the question of killing their female
relations to avoid capture by the Afghans, but was dissuaded and
Hindal conducted them to Lahore, often having to beat off attacks
by the villagers on the route. The emperor's small party rode in
confusion towards Delhi till the news that a party of Afghans was
following roused Humayun to instil some order into his small fol-
lowing. After a couple of days' halt at Delhi he hurried on to Lahore,
forced to cross rivers swollen by rain without the help of boats. Close
behind them came the Afghans, who occupied Agra and Delhi with-
out opposition. At Lahore all four brothers met, Hindal and 'Askari
having visited the headquarters of their charges on the way to collect
what treasure could be recovered. Even in the presence of imminent
danger from the Afghans concord was impossible. With Humayun
driven out of Hindustan Kamran saw that he was likely to have to
give up his own possessions in the Punjab and Afghanistan, and the
danger of this made him disinclined to join in a hazardous resistance
to Sher Khan which might involve the waste of his own resources.
As Sher Khan overran the Punjab the need for action increased.
Humayun sent him a request to allow Sirhind to be the boundary
and received a contemptuous warning that he should withdraw to
Kabul. Kamran hoped that he could at least maintain his hold on
the west if he held the rugged tribal country between India and
Afghanistan. Humayun, while brave in tactical affairs, failed him-
self to produce any strategical plan. He was pressed by Mirza
Haidar to withdraw to the Punjab hills and shelter in Kashmir,
while Hindal and Yadgar Mirza suggested a movement through
Sind to reconquer Gujarat from which Hindustan might be again
invaded. While the brothers wrangled, Kamran treacherously sent
1 The manuscripts read variously hasht=eight, or shast=sixty.
2 In 27° 17' N. and 79° 14' E.


## p. 36 (#68) ##############################################

36
HUMAYUN
a message to offer his assistance to Sher Khan if he were left alone.
An ambassador from Sher Khan was received as if he had come to
the court of Humayun, while secret negotiations continued. Sher
Khan crossed the Beas and the brothers abandoned Lahore in a rout
described as being as confused as the Day of Resurrection. The
treachery of Kamran was now so well known in the Mughul camp that
Humayun was urged to have him killed, but the memory of Babur's
dying wishes was still too fresh on his mind to allow him to agree to
fratricide. He determined to adopt Mirza Haidar's scheme for the con-
quest of Kashmir and moved in that direction. Before he had advanced
far a threatening movement by Kamran was reported and his army,
disgusted with the treachery of the latter, was eager to oppose him
by arms. Humayun in his anxiety to avoid a contest which could
only have weakened the Mughul strength refused to show a hostile
appearance to his brother, and the meeting was thus peaceful. It
ended with the departure of Kamran for his governorship at Kabul
accompanied by his brother 'Askari. But Humayun's clemency con-
vinced Hindal that his brother was wanting in the firmness which at
that time was necessary for one who sought to rule in India. And
just as Kamran had pursued his self-seeking aims by leaving the
emperor when most in need of help, so Hindal abandoned him and
set out on a vain expedition to pursue his scheme of conquering Sind
and then Gujarat again and making it a base for further attacks on
Hindustan. In this expedition he was joined by still more adherents
from Humayun's shrinking forces.
Mirza Haidar's plan for capturing Kashmir was sound in every
way. His previous experience in 1533, when he had raided the
country as a general of the king of Kashghar, had shown him what
little resistance could be expected in a country torn by faction, and
he knew and pointed out that a determined force holding it could
repel any army of men from the plains, hampered by the difficulty
of travel and the absence of supplies. He was, moreover, sure of
support from one of the parties in the state. It had been arranged
that he should enter Kashmir from Naushahra and he marched in
advance of Humayun. When the emperor followed him and reached
Bhera, where he hoped to obtain the assistance of the local governor,
he found that Kamran had already preceded him and forestalled his
hopes. Once more he was urged to assert himself and brush Kamran
from his path, but refused as he had done at Lahore. A proposal
that he should retreat through Kabul to Badakhshan was rejected by
Kamran, whose treacherous nature led him to suspect that Humayun
might dispossess him from Kabul and advance no farther. The road
to Naushahra being blocked and it being impossible for Humayun
to stay between an envious and unscrupulous brother on one hand
and the victorious Sher Khan who was pressing on from Lahore, he
1 Vol. II, p. 287,


## p. 37 (#69) ##############################################

ATTEMPTS TO TAKE SIND
37
decided to abandon the hope of Kashmir and to follow Hindal to
Sind (end of 1540). He had hardly started when again a collision
with Kamran was imminent. Their forces met in a defile of the Salt
Range near Khushab, at the end of which the roads towards Sind
and Kabul diverged, and a dispute arose as to which should pass
through it first. Kamran's thinly veiled intention of assuming the
headship of the family appeared more clearly than ever when he
asserted his own right of precedence, and for once Humayun's pride
was stung and battle seemed inevitable. It was averted only by the
remonstrances of a man of saintly reputation in the train of Kamran.
Thus began a wearying exile which lasted for nearly 15 years and
was endured only by the greatest fortitude and perseverance, though
it was constantly prolonged by Humayun's inability to command
respect and faithful allegiance. Before he could join Hindal news
came that the country round Multan, which had been ceded to Babur
by the Arghun ruler of Sind, was in a state of anarchy. Hindal's
force had met and overwhelmed a small escort of Afghans accom-
panying Kamran's messenger to Sher Khan, but was unable to face
the Baloch raiders who had overrun the country and cut off what
scanty supplies were available. Hindal was thus compelled to return
and the brothers met, but were almost immediately faced with the
danger of attack by Khavass Khan, an Afghan general who had taken
Multan and was searching for them, but retired to headquarters
as he could get no news of them. While Humayun thus marched or
lay in great discomfort in the most inhospitable part of the Indian
plain his faithful general Mirza Haidar had carried out the plan of
seizing Kashmir with a minute force, and was so successful in estab-
lishing himself that he ruled till his death in action ten years later.
Humayun's first experiences in Sind illustrate his lack of skill in
the conduct of a difficult campaign, against an opponent so able as
Shah Husain, the ruler of the country. Making his toilsome journey
down the Indus he reached Rohri on the left bank not far from the
island fortress of Bhakkar. Shah Husain had strengthened the gar-
rison and bidden the governor lay waste the country round so that
the Mughul forces would be unable to obtain supplies. This was
easily effected as population was scanty and cultivation sparse and
only possible where land could be irrigated from the river. To relieve
the pressure of want Humayun divided his troops, himself remaining
in fairly comfortable quarters to prosecute the siege, while Hindal
and Yadgar advanced towards Sehwan where they hoped to obtain
better supplies. In reply to the emperor's summons to surrender the
fortress the governor replied that he was subordinate to Shah Husain
and could obey only him, though he sent a small supply of grain to
relieve the immediate wants of Humayun's camp. Envoys were then
despatched to Shah Husain, who detained them for months by holding
out promises he had no intention of fulfilling. He thus reduced the


## p. 38 (#70) ##############################################

38
HUMAYUN
Mughul forces to such extreme want that many of the soldiers killed
their horses and camels for food. When the emperor at last made
up his mind to recall the envoys Shah Husain sent with them an
ambassador with the cunning suggestion that Humayun should
occupy a tract described as rich which lay east of Sind and would
prove a convenient place from which Gujarat could be conquered.
Though Humayun was easily dazzled by this prospect, his followers
realised that it wanted in substance, as the inhabitants of the area
named had never been subdued by Shah Husain and were not likely
to allow the Mughuls to occupy their country. Humayun's delay at
Bhakkar and the indulgence of hopes which were patently empty
in the eyes of all his advisers disgusted Hindal, who had long been
demanding permission to attack Sehwan, a richer portion of Sind
lying south of Bhakkar, and had some intentions of deserting his
brother and capturing Qandahar. When finally Hindal was allowed
to move against Sehwan Shah Husain had strengthened its garrison
and repeated his scheme of destroying the villages and cultivation
in its neighbourhood. To ensure his brother's good faith Humayun
marched to join him and while in his camp nearly caused an irre-
vocable breach by insisting on marrying (in 1541) Hamida Begam,
the daughter of Hindal's spiritual guide, who afterwards became
the mother of the emperor Akbar. The girl was probably in love
with somebody else and herself displayed the strongest objection
to the match. Sickness breaking out in the camp, Humayun left
it to return to Bhakkar, and Hindal in disgust abandoned his task
and left for Qandahar, sending messages to Yadgar Mirza to invite
him to follow. Once more Humayun's vacillation had brought him
into serious trouble and to secure Yadgar Mirza's adherence he made
promises of considerable grants to be conferred when he regained
power. Realising too late that Shah Husain had been merely playing
with him, he decided to attack Shah Husain's capital city Tatta near
the mouth of the Indus, and set out on this enterprise. But on the
way he was again persuaded to turn aside and besiege Sehwan, a
hopeless task in view of the defensive plans which had been carried
out. As he entered on this futile operation Shah Husain, judging
that the time had arrived for a more active policy, collected a fleet
of boats and advanced up the river. Humayun's unwieldy force,
swollen by fugitives of his own race who had fled from the Afghan
supremacy in Hindustan, was driven to great extremities by the lack
of food. An appeal made to Hindal for assistance was disregarded.
Yadgar Mirza, who was also directed to attack Shah Husain, had
already been seduced by that astute monarch, and had received
favourably a suggestion that he should himself become emperor by
conquering Gujarat with help from Sind and might have the rever-
sion of Sind itself by marrying Shah Husain's daughter. Thus de-
prived of any hope of assistance and alarmed by the proximity of Shah


## p. 39 (#71) ##############################################

HOPES OF AID IN RAJPUTANA
39
Husain, Humayun gave up his siege operations so suddenly that his
retreat towards Bhakkar was almost a rout, and much loss was
experienced on the march. With the connivance of Yadgar Mirza
all the boats on the river near Bhakkar had been seized or sunk by
Sind officers and on his arrival at the bank Humayun was forced
to kill cattle and prepare skin floats for rafts to make the crossing.
He now perceived that Yadgar Mirza was no longer faithful and his
followers, already reduced in number, began to desert either to Yadgar
Mirza or to more distant supporters. When finally Yadgar Mirza
proposed to attack Humayun openly, and was only dissuaded after
he had actually left his camp, the emperor's despair almost impelled
him to resign all hope and withdraw to a religious exile in Mecca.
.
As a last resource he accepted an invitation from Raja Maldeo of
Marwar, who promised him assistance, and made his way to Rajputana,
suffering great privations on the march,
The raja's object in offering help to Humayun is doubtful. Since
the battle of Khanua the Rajputs had had no desire for friendship
with the Mughuls. But Sher Khan's success had increased the
possible danger of further incursions into Rajputana and Maldeo
appears to have hoped that aid to Humayun, who had shown himself
generous, if not mighty, would be repaid. From the miserable
handful of refugees who were now painfully approaching his capital
he saw that he could expect nothing, and he therefore decided to
seize and give up Humayun to Sher Khan. Humayun discovered
this intention through his spies and again retreated, suffering even
greater hardships than before.
On one occasion the small band of
fugitives had to march for more than three days without water as the
wells had been filled in or destroyed. Their sufferings in the Indian
desert at the hottest period of the year were terrible and many died
of thirst. So reduced in circumstances was the emperor himself that
he had to play a disgraceful trick on his own few officers by having
their baggage searched in their absence in order to obtain a few
presents for the Rana of 'Umarkot, who gave him shelter on his
arrival there.
For a time prosperity seemed about to dawn, as the Rana offered
help to conquer the south-eastern part of Sind, which had once
belonged to his ancestors. An expedition started in November, 1542,
and a few days later news came that the empress, who had remained
at 'Umarkot, had borne a son who later became the emperor Akbar.
So poor had Humayun become that he had to borrow from his
brother the means to provide a meagre feast for his nobles. While
the attack on what was a rich area succeeded at first it was soon met
by Shah Husain with his powerful resources of diplomacy and arms.
The arrogance of the Mughuls towards Hindus also operated in his
favour, and Humayun lost the support of his new aīlies. Though
he was now joined by Bairam Khan, one of the best and most faithful


## p. 40 (#72) ##############################################

40
HUMAYUN
soldiers of the time, who had escaped from Sher Khan with great
difficulty, his staff had decreased, and a fresh disaster impelled him
to make up his mind to risk all on a final decisive battle. Shah
Husain, though stronger in every way, preferred negotiation and
offered Humayun passage through his country to Qandahar with
supplies and money for the journey. The terms were accepted and
the emperor departed (1543).
Any hopes he had entertained of safety in his brother's territory
were soon destroyed. Kamran assumed the royal title, and struck
coin in his own name at Kabul and Qandahar, invaded Badakhshan,
as the ruler of that tract still recognised Humayun, and when his
governor at Qandahar made over that place to Hindal on his flight
from Sind, he besieged the town and on obtaining its surrender
despatched Hindal as prisoner to Kabul and appointed 'Askari as
ruler in his place. He even tried to establish relationship with Shah
Husain by proposing to marry the Shah's daughter. With these
unfavourable prospects before him Humayun entered on a difficult
wintry march in no way rendered easier by the transport and guides
whom Shah Husain had sent with him. Many of the camels supplied
were untrained and threw off their loads or riders at the start; while
the guides misled the troops. 'Askari set the defences of Qandahar
in order and wrote to the Baloch chiefs to arrest the emperor, who
had a narrow escape and was obliged to abandon his infant son to
the precarious mercy of faithless brothers. Avoiding Qandahar he
made his way into Persia with many doubts whether a friendless
Sunni ruler who had lost every vestige of sovereignty would find
refuge with a bigoted Shiah.
His reception, though splendid, was in fact more designed to
exhibit the magnificence of his host than to do honour to an emperor
of India, and when he joined the Shah's camp he was subjected to
many insults and hardly veiled threats of violence if he did not
change his religious practices. These were borne with quiet patience
and at last in 1545 Shah Tahmasp offered him a force with which
to contend against Kamran, a condition of success being the promise
to restore Qandahar to Persia. Passing through Sistan he laid siege
to Qandahar and sent Bairam Khan to Kabul to gain adherents
there. After an obstinate resistance for several months 'Askari sur-
rendered Qandahar. He and his amirs came out with swords hanging
round their necks to show their complete submission. Humayun for-
gave his brother as usual, but at the feast to celebrate the capture
of the town he had 'Askari's letters to the Baloches placed in front
of him. Qandahar was reluctantly made over to the Persians and
designs begun for an attack on Kabul. The Persian allies, however,
having attained their object, declined to advance and the cold of
1 His sister's account in the Humayun-nama omits all mention of this
ill-treatment.


## p. 41 (#73) ##############################################

CAPTURE OF QANDAHAR AND KABUL
41
winter and the smallness of his force prevented Humayun from
moving, though Kamran had been deserted by many adherents.
Pressed by his necessity he overcame his reluctance to break his
promises to the Shah, and when the Persian prince died who had
accompanied him in command of his allies, he reoccupied Qandahar
and was at last able to set out for Kabul. During the absence of
Kamran in the Hazara country Yadgar and Hindal escaped from
Kabul and joined the emperor. Though he was impeded and faced
near the city by Kamran he pressed on, gaining more and more
deserters, and was able to enter the camp of Kamran, who fled into
Kabul and then escaped towards Ghazni and finally into Sind, so
that Humayun was able to enter the city and again meet his son
Akbar (November, 1544).
He spent the rest of the winter in settling the affairs of southern
Afghanistan, which now recognised his rule, and some advance in a
spirit of resolution is marked by his directing the execution of his
cousin Yadgar Mirza who had been so faithless in Sind. In the
spring of 1545 he crossed the Hindu Kush to reduce the northern
part of the country and made a successful campaign. While here an
unfortunate illness in which his life was despaired of gave the signal
for plots and insubordination. Although his recovery stopped these
dissensions among his immediate adherents Kamran took advantage
of his absence north of the mountains to surprise Kabul with help
from Shah Husain (1546). Arriving unexpectedly in the early
morning he found the garrison off their guard and slipped in with
the crowd of early grass-cutters and water-carriers. There he behaved
with great cruelty towards all who had helped the emperor and fell
into his hands. Humayun hastened to recover his capital, crossing
the mountains with difficulty, and again losing many officers who
deserted, fearing that Kamran would massacre their families in
Kabul. The town was blockaded and warfare continued with greater
bitterness than had yet been shown in the contests between the
brothers. It is even stated by some writers that the infant Akbar
was exposed on the ramparts to the fire of his father's cannon. The
siege was pressed so strongly that Kamran contemplated surrender
but was persuaded that his brother's patience must now be exhausted
and he escaped in the hope of avoiding death (1547). As he fled he
was actually captured by Hindal but was allowed to escape. He
sought refuge with Sulaiman the ruler of Badakhshan and, being
spurned by one who had already suffered at the hands of the Mughuls,
fled to the Uzbegs in Balkh who received him favourably in the hope
of keeping alive dissensions between the brothers. For a time it
appeared probable that Kamran would again rise to power. With
Uzbeg help he invaded Badakhshan and gaining some success was
joined by many of his former supporters, who were always more
disposed to side with a successful prince than to keep faith with one


## p. 42 (#74) ##############################################

42
HUMAYUN
>
who seemed to be losing power. It was too late in the year for
Humayun to cross the passes and in the following spring he was
delayed by a foolish quarrel between high officers at Kabul, which
led to other defections. When he did advance the Uzbegs, who had
,
no wish to see any of the brothers supreme, refused to give further help
to Kamran and after some inconclusive fighting Kamran submitted
(1548), relying on Humayun's generosity to forgive him. He was
received in public audience and hung a whip round his neck to
signify his sense of criminal guilt and began to express regret.
Humayun cut short his confessions and calling him brother seized
him in his arms and wept. Kamran was then appointed to govern
a tract north of the Oxus, and was disgusted with its remoteness and
inadequacy.
When in the following year (1549) Humayun marched into Balkh
Kamran was summoned to join with his forces against the Uzbegs,
but failed to attend. The emperor gained some successes and actually
reached the city of Balkh which he probably would have taken.
But a sudden panic seized his army through fear that Kamran might
slip past them and again occupy Kabul. A hasty withdrawal became
a rout and the shattered army reached Kabul with difficulty. Once
more Kamran abandoned his post, attacked Badakhshan and failing
there tried to seduce Hindal from allegiance to the emperor, but failed
and was severely handled by the Uzbegs. Though he withdrew he
was invited to Kabul by malcontents in Humayun's army and
marched towards it making false professions of fealty to his brother.
These were at first accepted by Humayun till the advice of his
officers convinced him of their unreliability, and Humayun made up
his mind to capture Kamran. In the battle which ensued Humayun's
troops failed him. He was severely wounded and had to fly while
Kamran was able to occupy Kabul and enrich himself by plundering
the treasury and country. After several months' painful convalescence
in the mountains during which he was believed at Kabul to be dead,
Humayun took the field again with the help of a force raised by the
wife of Sulaiman, ruler of Badakhshan. He attempted to bind his
adherents by a solemn oath of fealty. Advancing to Kabul he met
Kamran in battle and defeated him. “Askari, who had sided with
Kamran, was captured and after confinement for a time was sent
on pilgrimage and never returned, while Kamran escaped to pursue
for some time his schemes for power.
Humayun had now realised the folly of indiscriminate forgiveness
of rebels, and set himself to consolidate his position in Afghanistan.
In this he was ably helped by Bairam Khan who received the title
of Khan Khanan. Kamran was followed up as he tried to rouse the
country between Kabul and India and in a night attack Hindal
was killed by an Afghan. It was characteristic of the attitude of
1 He died in Mecca in 1558.


## p. 43 (#75) ##############################################

CHARACTER OF HUMAYUN
43
Mughul princes to each other that the news of the death caused a
paroxysm of grief to Kamran though Hindal was then opposing him.
For some time Kamran suffered hardships wandering among the
border Afghan tribes and then he sought refuge with Islam Shah in
India (1552), where his reception was as contemptuous as that of
Humayun during his exile in Persia. Escaping to the Khokar country
he was surrendered to Humayun, who had come in pursuit of him.
And now the emperor was strongly pressed by all his advisers,
military, civil and religious, to execute his brother to prevent further
evil to the state. Though his heart had become tougher during his
recent trials Humayun was still far from seeking his brother's life,
but he agreed so far that he ordered him to be blinded. An affecting
farewell took place between the brothers in which Humayun expressed
his sympathy with Kamran's sufferings and Kamran admitted his
own misconduct and fault. Abandoned by all his nearest friends but
accompanied by a faithful wife Kamran travelled to Sind and thence
to Mecca where he died (1557).
Humayun was now free from the most dangerous rivals of his own
house and the generals of his race who had aided or opposed him as
seemed most to their personal interests were dead or scattered. How
he regained some part of his former possession in India will be related
in the next chapter. Like most Mughal princes Humayun, who was
born in 1508, was placed in nominal charge of a province at an early
age. He was only twelve when Badakhshan was made over to him in
1520, and he remained there almost continuously till he assisted in
Babur's conquest of northern India, after which he was allowed to
return. On his journey back an incident occurred which throws light
on his character. Halting at Delhi he robbed the government treasury
though he had been amply rewarded by his father and had received a
territorial grant. His experience of the pleasures to be enjoyed in India
then made the isolation of Badakhshan irksome to him, and Babur in
his Memoirs records a letter rebuking his son for his discontent, and
criticising the carelessness of his spelling and composition. When
Babur's strenuous mode of living had sapped his health Humayun
abandoned his post and came to India to be near his father.
The defects thus noted in his early life, carelessness, unreliability
and self-indulgence, persisted in his maturity. They were accom-
panied by an excess of kindliness which often led to lack of decision,
when promptness and even ruthlessness were needed. The tradition
of his race was one of conquest rather than consolidation or adminis-
trative development. Transoxiana and Afghanistan were hard schools
in which a rigorous climate and barren soil bred warriors who excelled
in forays but developed no skill in peaceful administration. It was
not till his final recovery of India that he really planned a scheme for
ruling it, and his death occurred before it could be carried out.
Though possessed of high personal courage and endurance in distress


## p. 44 (#76) ##############################################

44
HUMAYUN
Humayun, like many of his descendants, found the softer climate of
India corrupting. He could fight against odds and show skill in
devising methods of taking a difficult fort. But when a battle was
won or a city stormed he would sit down to consume the captured
treasure, sharing it generously with his whole army, which thus
became enervated and corrupted. At times indulgence in opium
sapped his power of action still further, and he wasted months of his
life in feasting or in a drugged stupor.
Some latent pettiness of nature would cause him as much anger
when the ladies of the court were late for a pleasure excursion as the
revolt of a brother which threatened his sovereignty and life. In the
one case he would insist on letters of apology, while in the other the
appearance of the culprit with professions of regret was sufficient to
dispel his anger and cause tears of joy at the reconciliation. Humanity
carried to an extreme brought misery not only to him but to the people
who looked to him as a ruler. With rare exceptions his best generals
deserted him again and again, confident that they would be forgiven
if the tide changed in his favour and they offered to serve him once
more. There is a well-known story that the water-carrier, who saved
his life in the crossing of the Ganges after the battle of Chausa, was
allowed to occupy the throne at Agra for a day and to exercise all
imperial power, which illustrates Humayun's lack of proportion.
His unsettled life and wanderings made it impossible that he could
gather round him cultured men of learning, but like most of the
Mughuls he was fond of literature. His reliance on astrology gave
him some interest in astronomy and this was indirectly the cause
of his death, as he fell while descending from the roof of his library
where he had been directing his astronomers to observe a transit of
Venus, with a view to issuing orders at a lucky moment.


## p. 45 (#77) ##############################################

CHAPTER
III
SHER SHAH AND THE SUR DYNASTY
THE RETURN OF HUMAYUN
2
DURING his long struggle with the kings of the Sharqi dynasty
of Jaunpur, Sultan Buhlul Lodi recruited his forces with bodies of
Afghans from Roh, the highlands of the Sulaiman range, whose
leaders received assignments in India for the maintenance of their
followers. Among them was one Ibrahim Khan, of the Sur tribe,
a horse-dealer according to Abu-'l-Fazl, who is ever ready to dis-
parage those who drove his master's father from his throne. Whether
Ibrahim Khan ever sold horses is uncertain, but he was a soldier
who received assignments as a reward for his services. He is said
to have claimed descent from the Shansabanids of Ghur,? but pro-
bably without grounds.
Ibrahim had at least three sons, and one of them, Hasan Khan,
had eight sons, of whom the eldest, Farid, was born some years
before 1489. Ibrahim held assignments at first in the Punjab, but
afterwards in the pargana of Narnaul, under the Afghan Jamal Khan,
who held the large assignment of Hissar, and on his death his son
Hasan Khan succeeded; when Sikandar Lodi defeated his rebellious
brother Barbak, but permitted him to retain the government of
Jaunpur, Jamal Khan was transferred to that province, and received
there large assignments which enabled him to prevent Barbak from
again disturbing the peace of the realm. With him he took all the
members of the Sur tribe or clan serving in Hissar and Narnaul, and
Hasan Khan received the parganas of Sasaram, Hajipurš and
Khavasspur Tanda for the maintenance of 500 horse. Of Hasan's
eight sons only four are of any importance, Farid and Nizam, the
two eldest, born of his senior wife, an Afghan, and Sulaiman and
Ahmad, the two youngest, born of a Hindu concubine. He had
wearied of his Afghan wife, and was entirely submissive to his concu-
bine. She was devoted to the interests of her own sons and so resented
any favour shown to her stepsons that Farid, while yet a lad, chafing
under his father's coldness to him, fled from their home at Sasaram,
and took refuge with Jamal Khan at Jaunpur. Jamal Khan urged
Farid to return to his father and to pursue his studies, but Farid
refused to return as Jaunpur was a better place for study than
Sasaram. Such progress did he make that his father, when he visited
4
1 See vol, m, pp. 229-34 and 254-9.
3 See vol. III, p. 236.
5 25° 41' N. , 85° 12' E.
2 See vol. II, 38-48 and 689.
4 24° 57' N. , 84° 1' E.
6 In Tirhut,


## p. 46 (#78) ##############################################

46
SHER SHAH AND THE SUR DYNASTY
Jaunpur, invited him to return and placed him in charge of the two
parganas, Hajipur and Khavasspur Tanda.
The administration of these two parganas was Farid's initiation,
and he mastered all the details of revenue and customary law, and
rigorously suppressed bribery, extortion, brigandage and disaffection
But Hasan was still subservient to his concubine, who was so enraged
by his praise of her stepson that she ceased to admit him to inter-
course with her, and thus compelled him to promise that he would
make over the administration of Farid's parganas to her son, Sulai-
man. Farid, after vainly reproaching his father with breach of faith,
as he had promised that he would not in future neglect Farid, left
the district and sought service in Agra, at the court of Ibrahim Lodi.
He found a patron in Daulat Khan, who held the command of
12,000 horse, and earned his approbation and an offer of assistance.
Farid complained of his father's injustice and begged that the king
might be moved to confer on him the two parganas of which his father
had deprived him, but Ibrahim Lodi was in a bad humour and
refused to do anything for an undutiful son. Daulat Khan temporarily
satisfied Farid by promoting him in his own service, and shortly
afterwards, on his father's death, obtained for him a royal grant in
succession to his father. This land was now in possession of his half-
brother, Sulaiman, who fled when Farid came to take possession of
it and took refuge with another of the tribe, Muhammad Khan Sur,
who held the pargana of Chaund, and who, having been on bad
terms with Hasan, welcomed the opportunity of fomenting the
quarrels of his sons. He proposed to Farid a division of the assign-
ment, but Farid replied that while he was prepared to share his
father's property with his brothers he would not give up any share
in the administration of the area granted to him by the king.
Meanwhile Babur had invaded India, and Farid resolved to await
the result of the contest between him and Ibrahim Lodi, confident
that if Ibrahim prevailed his assignment would be confirmed, and
resolved, should Babur prevail, to enlist the aid of Bihar Khan, the
governor of Bihar, against his half-brother and his patron Muham
mad Sur.
Bihar Khan, on receipt of the news of the defeat and death of
Ibrahim at Panipat, assumed the title of Sultan Muhammad, as
independent sovereign of Bihar, and received Farid when he waited
upon him. Farid soon gained the good opinion of his new master.
as he had gained that of all others whom he had served, and rose
to high rank in his service. One day, while hunting with him, he
slew a tiger and received the title of Sher (tiger) Khan, by which
he will henceforth be described. The Sultan, at the same time,
appointed him tutor to his young son, Jalal Khan.
1 Also transliterated Jaund. Now Chainpur in Shahabad district, see Oldham,
Journal of F. Buchanan, p. 122, n. 3.


## p. 47 (#79) ##############################################

SHER KHAN ENTERS BABUR'S SERVICE
47
Sher Khan after some time sought leave to return for a period to
his assignment, which, though administered by his own brother,
Nizam Khan, required his personal attention. Muhammad belonged
to the Lohani tribe of Afghans, and most of his courtiers and officials,
who were of the same tribe, resented the intrusion of one of the Sur
tribe, so that Muhammad Sur found little difficulty in rousing ill-will
against Sher Khan during his absence. Mahmud Lodi, the brother
of Ibrahim, who had taken refuge in Rajputana, was expected in
Bihar, and it was suggested that Sher Khan would side with Mahmud
against Sultan Muhammad. Sultan Muhammad, however, took no
action against him, but appointed Muhammad Sur arbiter in the
dispute between Sher Khan and his half-brother, Sulaiman. Thus
empowered, Muhammad Sur directed Sher Khan to share the assign-
ment equally with all his brothers, but he, citing the royal order,
refused to comply, and Muhammad sent his troops to seize the estate.
Sher Khan's agent was defeated and slain and the remnant of his
troops fled to Sher Khan at Sasaram.
Sher Khan's position was now difficult. He would not appeal to
Sultan Muhammad, who he knew was unwilling to quarrel with
Muhammad Sur. He therefore opened negotiations with Sultan
Junaid Birlas, Babur's governor of Kara and Manikpur, and, with
his brother Nizam, sought aid in recovering his assignment which
he promised to hold as the subordinate of Junaid. Junaid welcomed
this opportunity of extending Babur's influence and supplied Sher
Khan with a force, by the help of which he not only recovered his
own assignment but expelled Muhammad Sur from Chaund and
drove him into the Rohtas hills. This success so enhanced his reputa-
tion that large numbers of Afghans entered his service, and he
returned the contingent placed at his service by Junaid with a hand-
some reward and thanks for the assistance. He then sought reconcilia-
tion with his kinsman, Muhammad Sur, inviting him to return and
resume his estates, as it behoved all Afghans to unite. Muhammad
Sur returned to Chaund, and Sher Khan, having, as he believed,
gained his good will, visited Junaid at Agra where he was presented
to Babur. He now temporarily entered Babur's service, really with
the object of studying Babur's system and ascertaining how he could
be expelled from India. He accompanied Babur on an expedition
to Chanderi, but is said to have been indiscreet in his criticism of the
system of administration and of the army, and to have caused offence
by his behaviour at the royal table. Babur was disposed to imprison
him had he not been dissuaded by Junaid and his brother Mir
Khalifa, the minister, who warned him of the danger of making
enemies of the Afghans. Sher Khan, perceiving how matters stood,
fled with his contingent from the royal camp, and excused his depar-
ture in a letter to Junaid, feigning that local affairs urgently required
his presence. He had also incurred the suspicions of his former


## p. 48 (#80) ##############################################

48
SHER SHAH AND THE SUR DYNASTY
master, Sultan Muhammad, by entering Babur's service, and Muham-
mad Sur was endeavouring to obtain permission to eject Nizam
Khan from Sasaram. Sher Khan had seen enough of Babur, and
from now onwards sought to unite the Afghans against the Mughuls.
He repaired once more to the court of Sultan Muhammad, who
welcomed and again appointed him tutor and guardian of Jalal
Khan. The Sultan died very shortly after this and, his son being
yet a minor, his mother assumed the regency and appointed Sher
Khan her agent, so that he became the ruler of Bihar and, when
Jalal Khan's mother died, king in all but name. He strengthened
his position by entering into a close alliance with the governor of
Hajipur on behalf of Sultan Mahmud of Bengal, perceiving that
unless Bihar and Bengal united to oppose Babur both might fall into
his hands. The king of Bengal, however, desiring to acquire Bihar,
sent a force to invade it which was defeated with great loss of treasure,
horses and elephants.
Meanwhile the hostility of most of the Lohanis at Jalal Khan's
court against Sher Khan grew, and a plot was formed to assassinate
him, but he was informed of it in time and warned Jalal Khan, who
had been privy to the plot, that Mahmud of Bengal was intent on
conquering Bihar and would certainly succeed if its chief defender
were removed. Jalal Khan, apparently convinced, promised to dis-
miss the conspirators but took no step in that direction, and two
hostile parties were formed in Bihar, one consisting of Jalal Khan
and the majority of the Lohanis, the other of Sher Khan, some of the
Lohanis, and his own and other Afghan tribes. Sher Khan attempted
to restore unity by reminding his enemies that the great fault of
the Afghans were treachery to those of their own race, which had cost
the Lodis the dominion of Hindustan, but his words fell upon deaf ears.
Sultan Mahmud now sent a fresh army to avenge the earlier
defeat. The jealousies of the Lohani tribe blinded them to their own
interests as well as to those of their sovereign and they persuaded
Jalal Khan to rid himself of Sher Khan at all costs. He therefore
ordered Sher Khan to return to his charge, on the pretext that the
Lohanis were unwilling to fight under his orders. Sher Khan retired
to Sasaram, and Jalal Khan allowed himself to be persuaded to join
the army of Mahmud of Bengal, and ceased to be king of Bihar. Sher
Khan rejoiced at the news. There were now, he said, no divisions
in the army of Bihar, and the land, by Jalal Khan's desertion, was
his. He enlisted more troops and advanced against the army of
Bengal, but, owing to his numerical inferiority, entrenched himself
and refrained from attacking the enemy in force. Reinforcements
were summoned from Bengal, and Sher Khan found it necessary to
give battle before these should arrive. By the well-known stratagem
of a feigned flight his first line drew the enemy's cavalry away from
his artillery and elephants, and Sher Khan then fell on it with his
3


## p. 49 (#81) ##############################################

HUMAYUN DEFEATS MAHMUD LODI
49
reserves and routed it. The commander was slain while attempting
to flee, Jalal Khan escaped with great difficulty into Bengal, and
the treasure, the elephants and the artillery of Bengal fell into the
hands of Sher Khan, who was now the unquestioned sovereign of
Bihar.
He next acquired possession of the strong fortress of Chunar, on
the Ganges, from the widow of its commandant, whom he married
at the suggestion of her principal officer. The acquisition of the
fortress and of the great treasure which it contained added greatly
to Sher Khan's power and influence as well as to his resources, but
he was now seriously embarrassed.
Mahmud Lodi, the brother of Ibrahim Lodi, had been expected
to arrive in Bihar a few years before this time, but he had taken
refuge with Sangram Singh, the Rana of Chitor, and had taken
part with him in the battle of Khanua. After the battle he had
returned to Chitor, but he now left Rajputana, and, at the invitation
of some of the nobles of the Lodi court, who had settled in Patna,
made that city his headquarters. He was a mere fugitive, but he
represented the old Afghan royal house and assumed royal state.
Sher Khan was summoned to appear before him and could not
refuse to obey without belying all the principles of unity which he
had so persistently preached. He was informed that his assignment
was confirmed but that in order to provide for Mahmud's nobles
and retinue he was obliged to resume, for the present, the rest of
Bihar, which would be restored to Sher Khan when the prince had
established himself on the throne. Sher Khan submitted and retired
to Sasaram, ostensibly in order to prepare forces to accompany the
prince in a projected expedition into Oudh.
When the prince summoned Sher Khan to bring his contingent,
he replied that his troops were not yet ready and that he would join
him later. Mahmud Lodi's officers pointed out that Sher Khan had
already once served the Mughuls, and suggested that he was now
temporising. They advised a line of march by way of Sasaram so
as to compel him to accompany the army. Sher Khan made the
best of his failure and, after giving Mahmud a royal reception,
accompanied him.
Humayun's officers fled from Jaunpur on the approach of the
Afghans, and Mahmud sent his forces forward and occupied Lucknow.
When the news of the loss of Lucknow reached Agra Humayun
marched towards Jaunpur, and his army and that of Mahmud Lodi
met at Daunrua, where the latter was severely defeated and com-
pelled to retire into Bihar. Being unable to raise a fresh army there,
he withdrew into Orissa, where he passed the few remaining years
of his life, in sensual pleasures, until his death in 1542.
After the battle Humayun demanded the surrender of the important
fortress, Chunar, from Sher Khan, who had failed to support Mahmud
4


## p.