' Its main drift is to encourage and
1 The order 2, 3, 1 is also accepted by Rauchenstein (1829),
Flathe (Geschichte Makedoniens 1832), Holzinger (2121' Erlcl.
1 The order 2, 3, 1 is also accepted by Rauchenstein (1829),
Flathe (Geschichte Makedoniens 1832), Holzinger (2121' Erlcl.
Demosthenese - First Philippic and the Olynthiacs
?
9-16 T111; THIRD OLYNTHIAC lix
Phooians have exhausted their funds, and the Thebans
are your toes (8).
But, I shall be told, 'we have unanimously resolved
on succouring Olynthus, and succour it we shall ; we only
want you to tell us how. ' You will per-
haps be surprised, gentlemen, at my answer. 3,13%;ng
I would have you appoint an extraordi- The m'fllfu's 1W-
. . . posul ? ? 10-131
nary commission to rewse your statute-book.
At its meetings, I would have you enact no new statutes,
for you have enough already; but simply repeal those
that are at present injurious (10). I mean, speaking
plainly, those which concern the festival-fund, and some
. of those which concern our military service. By the
former you hand over to those who stay at home, money
which ought to go to soldiers on service. By the latter,
you indemnify deserters and discourage those who desire
to do' their duty. When you have repealed these statutes,
and made the path of salutary counsel safe, then, and
not till then, you may look for some one to propose what
you all know to be desirable (11); but, until you do
this, you must not expect any one to make the best
proposals in your interests, with the certainty of being
ruined by you for his pains. Moreover, it is the states-
men who proposed these statutes, who should also repeal
them (12) ; for it is unfair that their authors should enjoy
a. popularity that is mischievous to the commonwealth, while
the unpopularity of a reform beneficial to us all falls on
the head of the reformer. Till you set this right, you
cannot expect any one to be either powerful enough to
infringe these laws with impunity, or foolish enough to
plunge into manifest ruin (13).
Remember, again, that a decree is worthless, unless
you are ready to act (14). When will you m "5"";
do your duty, if not now? Has not Philip Awrobatito);
got possession of all our strongholds? Is 81$?
he not our enemy 'l is he not a barbarian? POW? ? 14'32'
is he not--anything you please to call him? (16).
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? 1x THE THIRD 0L YNTHIAO' III ? ? 17-24
. . . _____-_/
After allowing him, after almost aiding him to accomplish
all this, shall we then inquire who is to blame? I know
we shall none of us blame ourselves. Oh no! On the
field of battle no runaway ever blames himself (17). In
your deliberations, again, do not blame your advisers,
but follow the best advice, however unpalatable it may
prove (18). I may possibly be asked, whether it would
not be better to propose supplies for our troops without
touching the festival-fund. Doubtless, if it were possible ;
but you know, gentlemen, you cannot waste your money
on useless expenses, and still have it for useful purposes
(19). To deceive one's self to the contrary is the easiest
thing in the world: the wish is father to the thought.
But you must really look the facts in the face; you
must arrange to take the field and have supplies for pay.
It is at once unwise and ignoble to bear the disgrace of
neglecting military operations for want of money; and
to be ready at a moment's notice to march against
Corinthians and Megarians, and yet allow Philip to
enslave Hellenic cities for lack of provision for your
troops (20). I have not spoken for the idle purpose of
giving offence. I hold that an upright citizen should
prefer the interests of the State to the gratification of his
audience. These were the principles of Aristeides, of
Nicias, of my namesake, and of Pericles (21). But, since
the appearance of these public speakers who ask the
people 'what is your pleasure? what can I propose to
oblige you ? ' the public interests are complimented away
for a momentary popularity, and the speakers thrive,
while you are disgraced (22). Our forefathers, who were
not caressed by their counsellors, for five and forty years
ruled over a willing Hellas ; more than 10,000 talents
they brought into the Acropolis; they won many a
glorious victory by fighting in person on land and sea;
and they are the only people in the world who have left
behind them a renown beyond the reach of envy (24).
At home, their public buildings and all the beauty of
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? 1n ssas-st TflE THIRD OLYNTHIAO' lxi
their temples and their dedicated offerings have never
been surpassed; While their private life was so modest,
so true to the spirit of our constitution (25), that the
house once occupied by Aristeides, or Miltiades, or the
most illustrious men of that day, is (as you know) no
grander than that next to it. The policy of our ancestors
was not the making of money; it was the personal
promotion of the glory of the commonwealth. It was
the spirit of loyalty to Greece, of reverence towards
heaven, and of brotherhood among themselves, that was
the natural source of their high prosperity (26).
But now, even in the utter absence of competitors,
when we might easily hold our own securely and also
arbitrate on the claims of others (27), we have been kept
out of the possession of our rightful territory, and have
spent more than 1500 talents to no purpose whatsoever.
Allies won in the time of war have been lost to us in the
time of peace ; and we have trained up against us a most
formidable fee (28). But some one will say, 'Well, sir,
our foreign policy may be in a bad way, but surely in
the home-department things are now improving? ' To
what then can we point? Is it to the parapets that we
whitewash ; the roads that we repair ; and the fountains,
and all the other fooleries? These are the fruits of
the policy of statesmen who have risen from beggary to
opulence, from obscurity to distinction, whose private
mansions are more splendid than our public buildings,
and whose fortunes are exalted in exact proportion to the
decline of the interests of the State (29). What is the
cause of all this change? The simple fact, gentlemen,
that formerly the people, having the courage to act, and
to see service in person, controlled our statesmen and was
master of all our emoluments; and any of the citizens
in general was content to receive from the people his own
share of honour or office or advantage (30); whereas
now, it is the statesmen that dispose of our emoluments ;
it is through their agency that everything is done ; while
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? lxii THE THIRD OLYNTIIIACv III ? ? 31--34
you, the people, gentlemen, reft of all your strength,
stripped of your treasure and your allies, have become
mere underlings and appendages, and are satisfied if your
statesmen present you with a dole from the festival-fund,
and (the manliest part of all I) you are even grateful for
receiving from them what is your own all the while.
They coop you up in the city, and entice you to your
pleasures, and make you tame and submissive to their
hands (31). But it is impossible (as I hold) to have
a high and noble spirit, while engaged in petty and
mean pursuits: men's pursuits must necessarily have an
influence on their character. I should not be surprised
if, for merely mentioning these matters, I were to suffer
more than those who are themselves responsible for this
state of things. It is not every subject on which you
permit your boasted liberty of speech: I even wonder
that you have permitted it to-day (32).
But if, gentlemen, you would only renounce these
practices, and be ready to take the field, and would employ
your domestic superfluities as a meansfor gain-
; ing advantage abroad, you might, you might
Uggggg" perhaps, secure some solid and important
' advantage. You might also get rid of these
perquisites which are like a sick man's diet which gives no
strength to the patient, but merely keeps him alive (33). '
Some one will say: 'are you proposing a system of pay
for service'l' Yes, I would immediately have the same
arrangement for all, that each citizen may receive his
share of the public funds, in return for doing the duty which
the State demands. Is peace possible? He will be all
the better for staying at home, and being under no
temptation to act dishonestly through indigence. Is there
any crisis like the present? It will be better for him to
be a soldier, as he ought, in his country's cause, while
he is supported by those very same allowances. Is any
one beyond the military age? What he now receives
irregularly without doing anyaservice I would have him
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? H
mggm" T E THIRD OLYNTHIAG lxiii
receive by an equmible organisation in return for super-
intending and I'Tansacting public business (34). In short,
without any material diminution or addition, simply by
removing a slight irregularity, I now propose to bring
things into order by establishing a uniform rule, making
the receipt of money depend on serving in war, on
sitting on juries, in fact, on doing individually what is
appropriate to each several citizen's time of life and to
the exigencies of the hour. I have never advised giving
to idlers the wages of the industrious. I have never
advised your folding your hands and sitting at leisure,
passive and pauperised, and inquiring (as you do now) for
news of the victory of somebody's mercenaries (35). Not
that I blame any commander who does you good service :
I only call upon yourselves to perform on your own
account those duties for which you honour others, and
not to desert that post of duty which your ancestors won
by many a glorious battle, and bequeathed to you.
I have said nearly all that I deem for the best: heaven
grant that you may adopt the course that is best for the
State and for all of yourselves (36).
In the Third Olynthiac, justly regarded by Grrote1
as one of the most splendid harangues ever delivered,
Demosthenes showed signal courage in combating the
prevailing sentiment. The partial advantage which
had been gained was much over-rated, and the ardour
of Athens in aiding Olynthus was already beginning
to cool: ' Courage, wisdom and dexterity ' are shown
in the masterly manner in which he discharged an
unpopular duty.
VI The order of the Olynthiacs
A fragment of Philochorus (fl. 306--260 B. O. ), pre-
1 e. 88 viii 85 f.
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? lxiv THE ORDER OF THE OLYNTHIAOS
served by Dionysius in his First letter to Ammaeus,1
The order of the assigns the Olynthian war to the archon-
Olyn'm'ws' ship of Callimachus (01. 107, 4 = 349~8
110. ); and describes three successive expeditions as
sent by Athens in response to three successive appeals
on the part of Olynthus. The first expedition con-
sisted of a mercenary force of 2000 peltasts and 30
triremes (with a further squadron of eight triremes)
under the command of Ohares; the second, a mercenary
force of 4000 peltasts, 150 horse, and 18 triremes,
under Charidemus; and the third, a citizen-force of
2000 hoplites, 300 horse and 17 triremes, under
Chares.
Dionysius2 accordingly places all the three Olyn-
thiacs in the same year (349--8). But he further
regards the three speeches as severally occasioned
by the three successive appeals of Olynthus, and
as leading in turn to the three expeditions above-
mentioned? ' The order in which he places the
speeches, as distinguished by their opening words,
is as fOllOWS: (l) e'1ri wohhdiv (0T. 2); (2) ofixi raii'ra
(Or. 3); (3) 01er rohhtiiv (Or. 1). His reason for
placing Or. 2 first in order of time was two-fold, (l)
the exultant and hopeful tone of the prooemium, (2)
certain chronological considerations. ' The latter can
only refer to the date of Philip's siege of 'Hpaiov
112on (Nov. 352), the date of Or. 3 being known to
be rather less than three years later (3 ? 4), or
about Oct. 349. As Or. 3 thus fell t00 early in the
Attic year to be likely to correspond to the last of
1 c. 9 p. 734 R, ed. Herwerden 1861.
2 ad Amm. i c. 4 p. 72611.
3 Schol. quoted by ASchaefer ii 1602 n. 4.
4 $01101. to Dem. p. 71, 1 Dind. (ASchaefer Lo. 1:. 32, Blass
111 i 3182).
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? THE 0313151: OF THE OLYNTHIACS lxv
the three appeals of Olynthus, Dionysius is com-
pelled to adopt such an order as will leave time for
one previous appeal and one previous expedition.
Accordingly he connects Or. 2 with the first appeal,
01'. 3 with the second, and 01. 1 with the third.
Thus the order of the Olynthiacs according to Dionysius
is: 01'. 2, 0r. 3, Or. 1.
This order is accepted by Thirlwall who ob
serves (v 380) :--' If the three speeches were de-
livered on the occasions described by 0M 0,23 mil
Philochorus, since the need and the Dionysius'and
danger were growing more and more Thmwau'
pressing from the beginning to the end of the period,
we actually expect to find the orator's tone correspond-
ing to the altered state of affairs. This is the view by
which I have been determined in favour of the order
of Dionysius. ' The description of the present junc-
ture in 3 ? 3 (he adds) is less 'critical' and less
'alarming' than in 1 ? 2. The danger threatening
Attica is noticed in 3 8 as fraught with 'disgrace
and no small fear,' but in 1 ? 25 we are told that
the choice now lies between a war with Philip in
the north or in Attica itself, and that the object of
the proposed succours is to 'keep the war at a
distance' (1 ? 28). 'If Philip is successful, what
is there to prevent him marching hither'l' (1 ? 26,
reading [80. 81ch in l. 235). 1
The order preferred by Grote (Appendix to c. 88)
is Or. 2, Or. 1, Or. 3. He observes that in Or. 2
hardly anything is said of Olynthus; Oh 2,0,_1,01_3
'it is in fact a Philippic rather than an Gm-
Olynthiac.
' Its main drift is to encourage and
1 The order 2, 3, 1 is also accepted by Rauchenstein (1829),
Flathe (Geschichte Makedoniens 1832), Holzinger (2121' Erlcl. des
Dem. Prag 1856), and V'omel (Z. f. AIL- W. 1857).
8
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? lxvi THE ORDER OF THE OLYNTHIAGS
stimulate Athens in the general war against Philip,
thankfully welcoming the new ally, Olynthus, but
accepting her only as a valuable auxiliary. 0r.
1 is much more energetic in its tone respecting
Olynthus. The main topic is now :--' Protect the
Olynthians, save their confederate cities ; think what
will happen if they are ruined; there is nothing
to hinder Philip in that case from marching into
Attica. ' The views of Demosthenes have changed
from the offensive to the defensive. The way in
which the festival-fund is dealt with must also be
taken into account. In 01'. 2 nothing is said about.
it; in Or. 1 it is distinctly adverted to; in Or. 3
the question is forcibly and repeatedly pressed. This
consideration is at any rate conclusive in favour
of placing 01'. 3 last. Or. 3 was clearly delivered
after Athens had sent some succours to Olynthus,
whereas 01'. 1 and Or. 2 had been spoken before
anything at all had yet been done. The successes
of mercenaries reported at Athens (3 ? 35) must
have been successes of mercenaries commissioned
by her; and the triumphant hopes noticed by
Demosthenes as actually prevalent are more natur-
ally explained by supposing such news to have
arrived. 1
The order of the M88 (Or. 1, 0r. 2, Or. 3)
0111,01} 2, cm is, however, preferred by the great
Asgff'ff'gg'swen majority of critics. It was accepted,
and Blass- among the ancients, by Caecilius of
Calacte, a contemporary of Dionysius ;2 among the
1 The order 2, 1, 3 is also adopted by Stiive (Osnabriick
1830 and 1833), Whiston (ed. 1859), Purgaj (Marburg in St.
1874), HMWilkins (ed. 1860), and Unger Sitzungber. d.
Munchener Akad. 1880 pp. 273 ff).
2 Dem. Schol. p. 713 Dind.
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? s____ >__. .
THE CLOSE OF THE OLYNTHIAN [VAR lxvii
moderns, by ASchaefer, Weil and Blass. 1 What-
ever uncertainty there may be as to the relative
positions of 01'. 1 and Or. 2, Or. 3 is clearly the last.
All the three speeches were delivered within a short
time of one another, and apparently all of them as
the result of the first embassy of the Olynthians.
Their alliance has already been accepted: the de-
liberations turn entirely on the consequent sending
of succours.
VII The close of the Olynthian war
Great efforts were made by Athens for the support
of Olynthus. Athens was further embarrassed by
the revolt of Euboea, and found herself compelled
to send forces to Euboea as well as to Olynthus?
The cost of these two expeditions was considerable;
and for-some time there was not enough money in
the treasury to pay the ordinary expenses of the
1 The order 1, 2, 3 is also retained by AGBecker (Ucbere.
1824), Rappel (Landshut 1825), Westermann (Q. Dem. pars 1,
1830), Jacobs ( Uebe'rs. ed. 1832 pp. 159 f), Briickner(Schweidnitz
1833), Petrenz (Gumbinnen 1833--4), Bbhnecke (Forsehungen
1843 p. 151), Sch'dning (Gettingen 1853, who holds that the
speeches were delivered on three successive days), Wolf (Czer-
nowitz 1862), vKlebelsberg (Triest 1865), EMiiller (ed. 7 of
Westermann), WHartel (Dem. Antrz'ige and Dem. Studien
1877), and ABaran (Wiener Studien vii 190 11', who places 1
and 2 before the first embassy from Olynthus, and assigns 3
to the deliberations arising out of the second embassy).
2 The Euboic war was assigned to 350 13. 0. by ASchaefer,
Rehdantz and EMnller; and the Euboic and Olynthian wars
are both placed in 850 by Hartel. Weil, followed by Blass,
places the Euboic expedition in Feb. 348. Unger assumes two
Olynthian wars, (1) in 3152--1 connected with OZ. 2 and 0l. 1,
and (2) in 349 connected with OZ. 3. Unger is refuted by
Baran who places the outbreak of the Euboic war early in 349,
and before the Olynthian war. Cp. Rehdantz-Blass p. 443, and
Grote c. 88 viii 87, 92.
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? lxviii THE FALL 0F 0L YNTHUS
law-courts (39 ? 17). To meet these difficulties
Apollodorus, who was a member of the Council,
proposed in that body that the Assembly should
vote whether the surplus of revenue over and above
the ordinary peace-establishment of the city should
be paid to the festival-fund, or should be devoted to
the pay, outfit and transport of soldiers for the
actual war. The motion was approved by the
Council, and the Assembly passed a unanimous
decree. Nevertheless Apollodorus was impeached
for making this proposal, was found guilty, and was
condemned to pay a fine of one talent (59 3--8).
The operations of Philip were in no way remitted.
During the years 349 and 348 be pressed the
Chalcidians more and more closely. A mercenary
force was sent to their aid, under Chares ; and a
similar force under Charidemus. But all that we
learn of Chares and Charidemus relates to acts of
extortion and insolence rather than of military
success. Afterwards, in response to a final and more
urgent appeal from Olynthus, a citizen-force was sent
under the command of Chares. The efforts made
by Athens in the latter part of the Olynthian war
must have been considerable. We are told by
Demosthenes (19 ? 266) that Athens had sent to
the aid of Olynthus 4000 citizens, 10,000 mercen-
aries, and 50 triremes.
After capturing and devastating the 32 cities
of the Chalcidic confederation, Philip marched
against Olynthus itself. On arriving within 40
furlongs of the city he sent a summons intimating
that either the inhabitants must evacuate the city or
he must leave Macedonia (9 ? 11). They resolved
on defending themselves to the last. Many of the
Athenian citizens of the latest reinforcement were
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? THE EVIDENGE' FOR THE TEXT lxix
still within their walls (Aeschin. 2 ? 15) ; but Athens
sent no further aid. At length the partisans of
Philip brought about the banishment of their principal
opponent, Apollonides, and treasonably surrendered
the city. In an engagement near the walls one of
these partisans betrayed his force of 500 horsemen
into the hands of the invaders (9 ? 56; 19 ? 267).
In the latter part of 348, all the Olynthians,
men, women and children, were sold into slavery.
The city was destroyed, together with the 32
Chalcidic towns including Apollonia and Stageira:
five years afterwards their very sites were scarcely
discernible (9 26). Grants of productive and
valuable farms are said to have been afterwards
made by Philip to Athenian partisans, such as
Aeschines and Philocrates (19 ? 145); but the
traitors who had sold Olynthus were dismissed with
dishonour and contempt. At Dium, in Pieria, which
had been the scene of splendid festivals since the
days of Archelaus, Philip commemorated his con-
quests by a festival in honour of the Olympian Zeus,
with prizes for athletic or poetic distinction. The
legendary home of the Muses, and the earliest of
all the conquests of Macedonia, thus witnessed the
celebration of the fall of Olynthus and the failure
of the cause which had inspired the eloquence of
Demosthenes.
VIII On the evidence for the Text
For the text of Demosthenes our primary authori-
ties are the MSS. Of these there are as many as
170 in existence; but, for the Speeches included in
this volume, the most important are those denoted
by the symbols S, A, Y, O, P and B.
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? lxx THE PRINCIPAL MANUSCRIPTS
S (or 2) holds the first place among these. It is
a MB of the tenth century, now in the Bibliothe? que
Nationale, Paris (no. 2934 of the Greek MSS). It once
belonged to a monastery of ' Sosandrian' monks, so named
from a Galatian martyr, Sosander; it is accordingly
known by the initial letter of its former owners. The
first page of the Leptines is reproduced in my edition of
that Speech (1890); and a facsimile of the whole us
has since been published (Paris, Leroux, 1893). The
general excellence of this Ms is admitted on all hands.
Its readings are often accepted in Bekker's editions
(1823 etc), and still more frequently in that of Baiter
and Sauppe (1841). Its value is estimated with greater
discrimination by Cobet (Novae Lectiones p. 515) and
Sliilleto (preface to de Falsa, Legatiom).
A, or Aug 1, the codex Augustanus primus, formerly
at Augsburg (Augusta Vindelicorum), now in the
Konigliche Hof- und Staatsb'ibliothek at Munich (no. 485),
belongs to century XI, and ranks next to S in importance.
(The Laurentian MS L, end of century XIII, comes next to
S for 01'. 6--11 and Or. 18--24, but does not include Or.
1--5. ) In Or. 1--4 A is much mutilated, containing only
1 ? ? 8--14, 2 ? ? 16--24, 3 ? 244 ? 3 (=p. 111. 12--
p. 13 1. 16, p. 22 1. 22-1). 25 1. 6, p. 35 1. 12--1).
41 l. 1 Reiske). It is only from 4 ? 28 onwards that
it is complete. The missing portions are supplied by
ten leaves of far later date containing 1 ? 11--4 ? 28 (p
12 l. 15--p. 48 l. 1 Reiske), known as Supplementum
Augustom'i primal or A supp].
(Aug 2 and 3 in the same library belong to century xv. )
Y, or T, codex Parisinus 2935, probably belongs to
century in.
O, or Q, codex Bruxellens'is, formerly at Antwerp,
carried off to Paris, restored in 1815, and now in the
Bibliotheca, Burg'zmdica at Brussels. Its date is early in
century XIV.
I', codex Venetus, no. 416 in the Biblioteca. Marciana,
? ?
Phooians have exhausted their funds, and the Thebans
are your toes (8).
But, I shall be told, 'we have unanimously resolved
on succouring Olynthus, and succour it we shall ; we only
want you to tell us how. ' You will per-
haps be surprised, gentlemen, at my answer. 3,13%;ng
I would have you appoint an extraordi- The m'fllfu's 1W-
. . . posul ? ? 10-131
nary commission to rewse your statute-book.
At its meetings, I would have you enact no new statutes,
for you have enough already; but simply repeal those
that are at present injurious (10). I mean, speaking
plainly, those which concern the festival-fund, and some
. of those which concern our military service. By the
former you hand over to those who stay at home, money
which ought to go to soldiers on service. By the latter,
you indemnify deserters and discourage those who desire
to do' their duty. When you have repealed these statutes,
and made the path of salutary counsel safe, then, and
not till then, you may look for some one to propose what
you all know to be desirable (11); but, until you do
this, you must not expect any one to make the best
proposals in your interests, with the certainty of being
ruined by you for his pains. Moreover, it is the states-
men who proposed these statutes, who should also repeal
them (12) ; for it is unfair that their authors should enjoy
a. popularity that is mischievous to the commonwealth, while
the unpopularity of a reform beneficial to us all falls on
the head of the reformer. Till you set this right, you
cannot expect any one to be either powerful enough to
infringe these laws with impunity, or foolish enough to
plunge into manifest ruin (13).
Remember, again, that a decree is worthless, unless
you are ready to act (14). When will you m "5"";
do your duty, if not now? Has not Philip Awrobatito);
got possession of all our strongholds? Is 81$?
he not our enemy 'l is he not a barbarian? POW? ? 14'32'
is he not--anything you please to call him? (16).
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? 1x THE THIRD 0L YNTHIAO' III ? ? 17-24
. . . _____-_/
After allowing him, after almost aiding him to accomplish
all this, shall we then inquire who is to blame? I know
we shall none of us blame ourselves. Oh no! On the
field of battle no runaway ever blames himself (17). In
your deliberations, again, do not blame your advisers,
but follow the best advice, however unpalatable it may
prove (18). I may possibly be asked, whether it would
not be better to propose supplies for our troops without
touching the festival-fund. Doubtless, if it were possible ;
but you know, gentlemen, you cannot waste your money
on useless expenses, and still have it for useful purposes
(19). To deceive one's self to the contrary is the easiest
thing in the world: the wish is father to the thought.
But you must really look the facts in the face; you
must arrange to take the field and have supplies for pay.
It is at once unwise and ignoble to bear the disgrace of
neglecting military operations for want of money; and
to be ready at a moment's notice to march against
Corinthians and Megarians, and yet allow Philip to
enslave Hellenic cities for lack of provision for your
troops (20). I have not spoken for the idle purpose of
giving offence. I hold that an upright citizen should
prefer the interests of the State to the gratification of his
audience. These were the principles of Aristeides, of
Nicias, of my namesake, and of Pericles (21). But, since
the appearance of these public speakers who ask the
people 'what is your pleasure? what can I propose to
oblige you ? ' the public interests are complimented away
for a momentary popularity, and the speakers thrive,
while you are disgraced (22). Our forefathers, who were
not caressed by their counsellors, for five and forty years
ruled over a willing Hellas ; more than 10,000 talents
they brought into the Acropolis; they won many a
glorious victory by fighting in person on land and sea;
and they are the only people in the world who have left
behind them a renown beyond the reach of envy (24).
At home, their public buildings and all the beauty of
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? 1n ssas-st TflE THIRD OLYNTHIAO' lxi
their temples and their dedicated offerings have never
been surpassed; While their private life was so modest,
so true to the spirit of our constitution (25), that the
house once occupied by Aristeides, or Miltiades, or the
most illustrious men of that day, is (as you know) no
grander than that next to it. The policy of our ancestors
was not the making of money; it was the personal
promotion of the glory of the commonwealth. It was
the spirit of loyalty to Greece, of reverence towards
heaven, and of brotherhood among themselves, that was
the natural source of their high prosperity (26).
But now, even in the utter absence of competitors,
when we might easily hold our own securely and also
arbitrate on the claims of others (27), we have been kept
out of the possession of our rightful territory, and have
spent more than 1500 talents to no purpose whatsoever.
Allies won in the time of war have been lost to us in the
time of peace ; and we have trained up against us a most
formidable fee (28). But some one will say, 'Well, sir,
our foreign policy may be in a bad way, but surely in
the home-department things are now improving? ' To
what then can we point? Is it to the parapets that we
whitewash ; the roads that we repair ; and the fountains,
and all the other fooleries? These are the fruits of
the policy of statesmen who have risen from beggary to
opulence, from obscurity to distinction, whose private
mansions are more splendid than our public buildings,
and whose fortunes are exalted in exact proportion to the
decline of the interests of the State (29). What is the
cause of all this change? The simple fact, gentlemen,
that formerly the people, having the courage to act, and
to see service in person, controlled our statesmen and was
master of all our emoluments; and any of the citizens
in general was content to receive from the people his own
share of honour or office or advantage (30); whereas
now, it is the statesmen that dispose of our emoluments ;
it is through their agency that everything is done ; while
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? lxii THE THIRD OLYNTIIIACv III ? ? 31--34
you, the people, gentlemen, reft of all your strength,
stripped of your treasure and your allies, have become
mere underlings and appendages, and are satisfied if your
statesmen present you with a dole from the festival-fund,
and (the manliest part of all I) you are even grateful for
receiving from them what is your own all the while.
They coop you up in the city, and entice you to your
pleasures, and make you tame and submissive to their
hands (31). But it is impossible (as I hold) to have
a high and noble spirit, while engaged in petty and
mean pursuits: men's pursuits must necessarily have an
influence on their character. I should not be surprised
if, for merely mentioning these matters, I were to suffer
more than those who are themselves responsible for this
state of things. It is not every subject on which you
permit your boasted liberty of speech: I even wonder
that you have permitted it to-day (32).
But if, gentlemen, you would only renounce these
practices, and be ready to take the field, and would employ
your domestic superfluities as a meansfor gain-
; ing advantage abroad, you might, you might
Uggggg" perhaps, secure some solid and important
' advantage. You might also get rid of these
perquisites which are like a sick man's diet which gives no
strength to the patient, but merely keeps him alive (33). '
Some one will say: 'are you proposing a system of pay
for service'l' Yes, I would immediately have the same
arrangement for all, that each citizen may receive his
share of the public funds, in return for doing the duty which
the State demands. Is peace possible? He will be all
the better for staying at home, and being under no
temptation to act dishonestly through indigence. Is there
any crisis like the present? It will be better for him to
be a soldier, as he ought, in his country's cause, while
he is supported by those very same allowances. Is any
one beyond the military age? What he now receives
irregularly without doing anyaservice I would have him
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? H
mggm" T E THIRD OLYNTHIAG lxiii
receive by an equmible organisation in return for super-
intending and I'Tansacting public business (34). In short,
without any material diminution or addition, simply by
removing a slight irregularity, I now propose to bring
things into order by establishing a uniform rule, making
the receipt of money depend on serving in war, on
sitting on juries, in fact, on doing individually what is
appropriate to each several citizen's time of life and to
the exigencies of the hour. I have never advised giving
to idlers the wages of the industrious. I have never
advised your folding your hands and sitting at leisure,
passive and pauperised, and inquiring (as you do now) for
news of the victory of somebody's mercenaries (35). Not
that I blame any commander who does you good service :
I only call upon yourselves to perform on your own
account those duties for which you honour others, and
not to desert that post of duty which your ancestors won
by many a glorious battle, and bequeathed to you.
I have said nearly all that I deem for the best: heaven
grant that you may adopt the course that is best for the
State and for all of yourselves (36).
In the Third Olynthiac, justly regarded by Grrote1
as one of the most splendid harangues ever delivered,
Demosthenes showed signal courage in combating the
prevailing sentiment. The partial advantage which
had been gained was much over-rated, and the ardour
of Athens in aiding Olynthus was already beginning
to cool: ' Courage, wisdom and dexterity ' are shown
in the masterly manner in which he discharged an
unpopular duty.
VI The order of the Olynthiacs
A fragment of Philochorus (fl. 306--260 B. O. ), pre-
1 e. 88 viii 85 f.
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? lxiv THE ORDER OF THE OLYNTHIAOS
served by Dionysius in his First letter to Ammaeus,1
The order of the assigns the Olynthian war to the archon-
Olyn'm'ws' ship of Callimachus (01. 107, 4 = 349~8
110. ); and describes three successive expeditions as
sent by Athens in response to three successive appeals
on the part of Olynthus. The first expedition con-
sisted of a mercenary force of 2000 peltasts and 30
triremes (with a further squadron of eight triremes)
under the command of Ohares; the second, a mercenary
force of 4000 peltasts, 150 horse, and 18 triremes,
under Charidemus; and the third, a citizen-force of
2000 hoplites, 300 horse and 17 triremes, under
Chares.
Dionysius2 accordingly places all the three Olyn-
thiacs in the same year (349--8). But he further
regards the three speeches as severally occasioned
by the three successive appeals of Olynthus, and
as leading in turn to the three expeditions above-
mentioned? ' The order in which he places the
speeches, as distinguished by their opening words,
is as fOllOWS: (l) e'1ri wohhdiv (0T. 2); (2) ofixi raii'ra
(Or. 3); (3) 01er rohhtiiv (Or. 1). His reason for
placing Or. 2 first in order of time was two-fold, (l)
the exultant and hopeful tone of the prooemium, (2)
certain chronological considerations. ' The latter can
only refer to the date of Philip's siege of 'Hpaiov
112on (Nov. 352), the date of Or. 3 being known to
be rather less than three years later (3 ? 4), or
about Oct. 349. As Or. 3 thus fell t00 early in the
Attic year to be likely to correspond to the last of
1 c. 9 p. 734 R, ed. Herwerden 1861.
2 ad Amm. i c. 4 p. 72611.
3 Schol. quoted by ASchaefer ii 1602 n. 4.
4 $01101. to Dem. p. 71, 1 Dind. (ASchaefer Lo. 1:. 32, Blass
111 i 3182).
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? THE 0313151: OF THE OLYNTHIACS lxv
the three appeals of Olynthus, Dionysius is com-
pelled to adopt such an order as will leave time for
one previous appeal and one previous expedition.
Accordingly he connects Or. 2 with the first appeal,
01'. 3 with the second, and 01. 1 with the third.
Thus the order of the Olynthiacs according to Dionysius
is: 01'. 2, 0r. 3, Or. 1.
This order is accepted by Thirlwall who ob
serves (v 380) :--' If the three speeches were de-
livered on the occasions described by 0M 0,23 mil
Philochorus, since the need and the Dionysius'and
danger were growing more and more Thmwau'
pressing from the beginning to the end of the period,
we actually expect to find the orator's tone correspond-
ing to the altered state of affairs. This is the view by
which I have been determined in favour of the order
of Dionysius. ' The description of the present junc-
ture in 3 ? 3 (he adds) is less 'critical' and less
'alarming' than in 1 ? 2. The danger threatening
Attica is noticed in 3 8 as fraught with 'disgrace
and no small fear,' but in 1 ? 25 we are told that
the choice now lies between a war with Philip in
the north or in Attica itself, and that the object of
the proposed succours is to 'keep the war at a
distance' (1 ? 28). 'If Philip is successful, what
is there to prevent him marching hither'l' (1 ? 26,
reading [80. 81ch in l. 235). 1
The order preferred by Grote (Appendix to c. 88)
is Or. 2, Or. 1, Or. 3. He observes that in Or. 2
hardly anything is said of Olynthus; Oh 2,0,_1,01_3
'it is in fact a Philippic rather than an Gm-
Olynthiac.
' Its main drift is to encourage and
1 The order 2, 3, 1 is also accepted by Rauchenstein (1829),
Flathe (Geschichte Makedoniens 1832), Holzinger (2121' Erlcl. des
Dem. Prag 1856), and V'omel (Z. f. AIL- W. 1857).
8
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? lxvi THE ORDER OF THE OLYNTHIAGS
stimulate Athens in the general war against Philip,
thankfully welcoming the new ally, Olynthus, but
accepting her only as a valuable auxiliary. 0r.
1 is much more energetic in its tone respecting
Olynthus. The main topic is now :--' Protect the
Olynthians, save their confederate cities ; think what
will happen if they are ruined; there is nothing
to hinder Philip in that case from marching into
Attica. ' The views of Demosthenes have changed
from the offensive to the defensive. The way in
which the festival-fund is dealt with must also be
taken into account. In 01'. 2 nothing is said about.
it; in Or. 1 it is distinctly adverted to; in Or. 3
the question is forcibly and repeatedly pressed. This
consideration is at any rate conclusive in favour
of placing 01'. 3 last. Or. 3 was clearly delivered
after Athens had sent some succours to Olynthus,
whereas 01'. 1 and Or. 2 had been spoken before
anything at all had yet been done. The successes
of mercenaries reported at Athens (3 ? 35) must
have been successes of mercenaries commissioned
by her; and the triumphant hopes noticed by
Demosthenes as actually prevalent are more natur-
ally explained by supposing such news to have
arrived. 1
The order of the M88 (Or. 1, 0r. 2, Or. 3)
0111,01} 2, cm is, however, preferred by the great
Asgff'ff'gg'swen majority of critics. It was accepted,
and Blass- among the ancients, by Caecilius of
Calacte, a contemporary of Dionysius ;2 among the
1 The order 2, 1, 3 is also adopted by Stiive (Osnabriick
1830 and 1833), Whiston (ed. 1859), Purgaj (Marburg in St.
1874), HMWilkins (ed. 1860), and Unger Sitzungber. d.
Munchener Akad. 1880 pp. 273 ff).
2 Dem. Schol. p. 713 Dind.
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? s____ >__. .
THE CLOSE OF THE OLYNTHIAN [VAR lxvii
moderns, by ASchaefer, Weil and Blass. 1 What-
ever uncertainty there may be as to the relative
positions of 01'. 1 and Or. 2, Or. 3 is clearly the last.
All the three speeches were delivered within a short
time of one another, and apparently all of them as
the result of the first embassy of the Olynthians.
Their alliance has already been accepted: the de-
liberations turn entirely on the consequent sending
of succours.
VII The close of the Olynthian war
Great efforts were made by Athens for the support
of Olynthus. Athens was further embarrassed by
the revolt of Euboea, and found herself compelled
to send forces to Euboea as well as to Olynthus?
The cost of these two expeditions was considerable;
and for-some time there was not enough money in
the treasury to pay the ordinary expenses of the
1 The order 1, 2, 3 is also retained by AGBecker (Ucbere.
1824), Rappel (Landshut 1825), Westermann (Q. Dem. pars 1,
1830), Jacobs ( Uebe'rs. ed. 1832 pp. 159 f), Briickner(Schweidnitz
1833), Petrenz (Gumbinnen 1833--4), Bbhnecke (Forsehungen
1843 p. 151), Sch'dning (Gettingen 1853, who holds that the
speeches were delivered on three successive days), Wolf (Czer-
nowitz 1862), vKlebelsberg (Triest 1865), EMiiller (ed. 7 of
Westermann), WHartel (Dem. Antrz'ige and Dem. Studien
1877), and ABaran (Wiener Studien vii 190 11', who places 1
and 2 before the first embassy from Olynthus, and assigns 3
to the deliberations arising out of the second embassy).
2 The Euboic war was assigned to 350 13. 0. by ASchaefer,
Rehdantz and EMnller; and the Euboic and Olynthian wars
are both placed in 850 by Hartel. Weil, followed by Blass,
places the Euboic expedition in Feb. 348. Unger assumes two
Olynthian wars, (1) in 3152--1 connected with OZ. 2 and 0l. 1,
and (2) in 349 connected with OZ. 3. Unger is refuted by
Baran who places the outbreak of the Euboic war early in 349,
and before the Olynthian war. Cp. Rehdantz-Blass p. 443, and
Grote c. 88 viii 87, 92.
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? lxviii THE FALL 0F 0L YNTHUS
law-courts (39 ? 17). To meet these difficulties
Apollodorus, who was a member of the Council,
proposed in that body that the Assembly should
vote whether the surplus of revenue over and above
the ordinary peace-establishment of the city should
be paid to the festival-fund, or should be devoted to
the pay, outfit and transport of soldiers for the
actual war. The motion was approved by the
Council, and the Assembly passed a unanimous
decree. Nevertheless Apollodorus was impeached
for making this proposal, was found guilty, and was
condemned to pay a fine of one talent (59 3--8).
The operations of Philip were in no way remitted.
During the years 349 and 348 be pressed the
Chalcidians more and more closely. A mercenary
force was sent to their aid, under Chares ; and a
similar force under Charidemus. But all that we
learn of Chares and Charidemus relates to acts of
extortion and insolence rather than of military
success. Afterwards, in response to a final and more
urgent appeal from Olynthus, a citizen-force was sent
under the command of Chares. The efforts made
by Athens in the latter part of the Olynthian war
must have been considerable. We are told by
Demosthenes (19 ? 266) that Athens had sent to
the aid of Olynthus 4000 citizens, 10,000 mercen-
aries, and 50 triremes.
After capturing and devastating the 32 cities
of the Chalcidic confederation, Philip marched
against Olynthus itself. On arriving within 40
furlongs of the city he sent a summons intimating
that either the inhabitants must evacuate the city or
he must leave Macedonia (9 ? 11). They resolved
on defending themselves to the last. Many of the
Athenian citizens of the latest reinforcement were
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? THE EVIDENGE' FOR THE TEXT lxix
still within their walls (Aeschin. 2 ? 15) ; but Athens
sent no further aid. At length the partisans of
Philip brought about the banishment of their principal
opponent, Apollonides, and treasonably surrendered
the city. In an engagement near the walls one of
these partisans betrayed his force of 500 horsemen
into the hands of the invaders (9 ? 56; 19 ? 267).
In the latter part of 348, all the Olynthians,
men, women and children, were sold into slavery.
The city was destroyed, together with the 32
Chalcidic towns including Apollonia and Stageira:
five years afterwards their very sites were scarcely
discernible (9 26). Grants of productive and
valuable farms are said to have been afterwards
made by Philip to Athenian partisans, such as
Aeschines and Philocrates (19 ? 145); but the
traitors who had sold Olynthus were dismissed with
dishonour and contempt. At Dium, in Pieria, which
had been the scene of splendid festivals since the
days of Archelaus, Philip commemorated his con-
quests by a festival in honour of the Olympian Zeus,
with prizes for athletic or poetic distinction. The
legendary home of the Muses, and the earliest of
all the conquests of Macedonia, thus witnessed the
celebration of the fall of Olynthus and the failure
of the cause which had inspired the eloquence of
Demosthenes.
VIII On the evidence for the Text
For the text of Demosthenes our primary authori-
ties are the MSS. Of these there are as many as
170 in existence; but, for the Speeches included in
this volume, the most important are those denoted
by the symbols S, A, Y, O, P and B.
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? lxx THE PRINCIPAL MANUSCRIPTS
S (or 2) holds the first place among these. It is
a MB of the tenth century, now in the Bibliothe? que
Nationale, Paris (no. 2934 of the Greek MSS). It once
belonged to a monastery of ' Sosandrian' monks, so named
from a Galatian martyr, Sosander; it is accordingly
known by the initial letter of its former owners. The
first page of the Leptines is reproduced in my edition of
that Speech (1890); and a facsimile of the whole us
has since been published (Paris, Leroux, 1893). The
general excellence of this Ms is admitted on all hands.
Its readings are often accepted in Bekker's editions
(1823 etc), and still more frequently in that of Baiter
and Sauppe (1841). Its value is estimated with greater
discrimination by Cobet (Novae Lectiones p. 515) and
Sliilleto (preface to de Falsa, Legatiom).
A, or Aug 1, the codex Augustanus primus, formerly
at Augsburg (Augusta Vindelicorum), now in the
Konigliche Hof- und Staatsb'ibliothek at Munich (no. 485),
belongs to century XI, and ranks next to S in importance.
(The Laurentian MS L, end of century XIII, comes next to
S for 01'. 6--11 and Or. 18--24, but does not include Or.
1--5. ) In Or. 1--4 A is much mutilated, containing only
1 ? ? 8--14, 2 ? ? 16--24, 3 ? 244 ? 3 (=p. 111. 12--
p. 13 1. 16, p. 22 1. 22-1). 25 1. 6, p. 35 1. 12--1).
41 l. 1 Reiske). It is only from 4 ? 28 onwards that
it is complete. The missing portions are supplied by
ten leaves of far later date containing 1 ? 11--4 ? 28 (p
12 l. 15--p. 48 l. 1 Reiske), known as Supplementum
Augustom'i primal or A supp].
(Aug 2 and 3 in the same library belong to century xv. )
Y, or T, codex Parisinus 2935, probably belongs to
century in.
O, or Q, codex Bruxellens'is, formerly at Antwerp,
carried off to Paris, restored in 1815, and now in the
Bibliotheca, Burg'zmdica at Brussels. Its date is early in
century XIV.
I', codex Venetus, no. 416 in the Biblioteca. Marciana,
? ?
