No More Learning

Not very long after the termination of the Italian revolt there
appears at Rome as the highest imperial authority the patricius et dux
Stephanus. The title of patricius, and various other circumstances,
indicate that he was no longer subordinate but equal to the exarch of
Ravenna, and that Central Italy south of the Apennines had been con-
stituted as an independent province or theme. This division of Byzantine
Italy, which had long been geographically prepared, was probably due
as much to strategical reasons, e. g. the advance of the king of the
Lombards, as to any political necessity. Stephanus, however, seems
to have been the first and last to bear the new title; after him there
appears no other permanent representative of the emperor at Rome.
The exarchate proper, comprising the Byzantine possessions north of the
Apennines from which the ducatus of Rome had been detached, was
ruled by the exarch, who resided at Ravenna until King Aistulf took
possession of that town (750-751), when only Venice and a part of
Istria of the lands north of the Apennines remained under Byzantine
rule. All that was left to the Byzantines in the two southernmost
peninsulas of Italy was, at a date which cannot be exactly determined,
united into a ducatus which received the name of Calabria, and retained
this name even when the Byzantines had completely evacuated the
south-eastern peninsula which had formerly borne this name, and were
confined to their forts of the former Bruttium in the south-west. This
ducatus, which was not linked geographically to the rest of Byzantine
Italy, was placed under the command of the patricius of Sicily, so that it
was separated from Italy in its administration. In the same way the
churches of southern Italy were, in consequence of the Italian revolt,
detached from Rome and subordinated to the Greek patriarchate at
Constantinople. Thus in the second quarter of the eighth century there


## p. 233 (#265) ############################################

Pontifical State under Byzantine Suzerainty 233
were in the western part of the Byzantine Empire three themes under
patrician governors—the Exarchate, Rome, and Sicily (with Calabria), of
which the latter was for the most part Greek in language and culture,
whereas the two first were Latin.
After the disappearance of the patrician governor from Rome, the
pope took his place and claimed the right to rule directly the city of Rome
with her surroundings, and also indirectly the ducatus attached to Rome
in the north and south as supreme lord of the two duces, and to restore
more or less the situation which had existed during the Italian revolt.
The papal bureaucracy, which had been developed to a certain extent on
the model of the Byzantine bureaucracy, took the place of the imperial
administration. In other words, the pope assumed the dido over
Rome and the district belonging to it. Here in times of war and
peace he reigned like the exarch before him, negotiated and concluded
truces with the Lombards, recognising however the suzerainty of the
emperor, whose commands he received through special embassies, and
reckoning his dates from the years of the emperor's reign. At the em-
peror's command he went to King Aistulf at Pavia, and thence—probably
also in accordance with the imperial wishes—crossed the Alps and visited
the king of the Franks. The concessions of Pepin and Charles the
Great were called "restitutions,11 by which was understood that the old
boundaries between the Empire and the Lombard kingdom, as they
had been recognised before Liutprand's reign, were restored, and the
sovereignty of the emperor within these boundaries was legally undis-
puted. This is proved by the fact that down to the year 781 the popes
reckoned their dates from the years of the emperor's reign. The
dispute between the popes and the Prankish kings on the one side and
the emperors on the other arose from the fact that Pepin gave the
dicio of the restored domains to the pope, and not to the emperor who
laid claim to it, so that the pope became the real master in the new
Pontifical State and no room was left for a representative of the emperor.
Moreover the pope overstepped the limits which had hitherto bounded
the sphere of his power, by including in his dicio not only the former
patrician ducatus of Rome but also the exarchate proper. This gave
rise to protracted struggles with the archbishop of Ravenna, who as the
exarch's successor assumed the dicio north of the Apennines. It was
probably in the year 781 that the new state of affairs was officially
recognised and thereby consolidated, by an agreement between Charles
and Pope Hadrian on the one side, and the Greek ambassador on
the other. According to this agreement the emperor, or rather the
empress-regent Irene, abandoned all claims to the sovereignty over the
Pontifical State in favour of the pope.
The emancipation from the dicio of the imperial government of those
parts of Italy which still remained under Byzantine rule, was carried out
in a way analogous to that of the Pontifical State, the only difference
CH. VIII. (a)




## p. 234 (#266) ############################################

234 Venice
being that here the acquisition of the dicio was effected by the local
powers themselves and not through the interference of a foreign ruler,
and that the formal suzerainty of the Empire was maintained for a longer
time. In Venice, which about the end of the seventh century had been
detached from Istria as a special ducatus, circumstances were particularly
favourable to the development of the seigniorial local powers as repre-
sented by the tribunes, though it is true that after the suppression of the
Italian revolt it fell back under the imperial dicio, and was again ruled
by duces or magistri militum nominated by the emperor, not by elected
chiefs. In the second half of the eighth century, however, after the fall
of the exarchate, the bonds of subordination relaxed here as elsewhere,
and the nomination of the Doge became more and more an act of mere
formality. The Doge was placed in power by that fraction of the tri-
bunicial aristocracy which was for the moment in the ascendancy; by
them he was elected and to them he looked for support. He succeeded
in making his office lifelong, and sought to legalise his position by
soliciting and receiving a court title, as a form of recognition by the
emperor at Constantinople. In agreement with the emperor, some Doges
even tried to make the power hereditary in their families, chiefly we
may suppose in virtue of their extensive landed property and their
wealth. Nevertheless, from the time when in his final treaty of peace
with Byzantium (812) Charles the Great definitely renounced the con-
quest of Venice, the suzerainty of the Greek emperor was permanently
recognised. This was shewn by the sending of ceremonial embassies
whenever a change of sovereign took place at Constantinople, by the
appeal for recognition of every new Doge, who probably had to buy his
Byzantine title with a high siiffragium, and by the fact that the Venetian
fleet was obliged to lend support to the Byzantines, at least in the West.
We also hear otherwise of occasional interference on the part of the
Byzantine emperor, though Venice naturally grew more and more
independent.
In the south, the dux of Naples considered himself the successor of
the imperial governor of Campania, and a right of control over him was
in fact claimed by the patrkius of Sicily. The actual holder of the dicio,
however, was the dux, who, while professing adherence to the Greek
Empire, often acted in political matters with complete independence,
making his office first lifelong and afterwards hereditary. In the first
quarter of the ninth century the Byzantine Empire succeeded tem-
porarily in re-establishing a magister militum as the real functionary,
but in the course of time here as elsewhere the local powers, and at
times the bishop, remained victorious, so that the position of Naples
resembled in every way that of Venice. It is however true that some
other local seigniories, in particular Amalfi and Gaeta, detached them-
selves from the ducatus of Naples and, after a gradual secession from
the supreme rule of the dux of Naples, exercised the dicio independently


## p. 235 (#267) ############################################

Naples, Amalfi, Gaeta 235
within their spheres of interest, formally as direct subjects of the Greek
emperor, and enjoying equal rights with Naples. At the head of these
minor States were hypatoi or praefecti, who in time also developed
dynasties. Thus the Byzantine bureaucracy was supplanted every-
where by local powers who usurped the dido, and of whom some, for
instance Venice and the coast towns of southern Italy, acknowledged
the emperor's suzerainty, whilst others, like the Pontifical State, refused
to do so. The victory of the local powers signified at the same time
the universal establishment of the medieval system of seigniorial rule.
(B)
GREGORY THE GREAT.
If the sixth century after Christ was one of the great ages of the
world's history, it would not be difficult to claim for Pope Gregory I
that he was the greatest man in it. The claim would be contested on
behalf of the Emperor Justinian and the monk Benedict of Nursia, if
not by many another who influenced the course of affairs; but if the
work of medieval leaders of men is to be judged by its results on later
ages, Gregory would seem to occupy a position of commanding greatness
which is unassailable.
The facts of his life for the fifty years before he became pope are
soon told, yet hardly one of them is without significance. He was born
in Rome, of a family noble by race and pious by hereditary attachment
to the things of God, probably in the year 540. Justinian was Caesar,
dwelling at Constantinople, but exercising no slight control over Church
and State in Italy. Vigilius was pope, and an example of pitiable
irresolution in things both sacred and profane. Few could have foreseen
in 540 that before the life—not a long one—of the child born to the
ancient family of Roman senators and nobles would have closed in a new
century, the temporal power of the Papacy would have been securely
founded and the power of the Empire and the authority of the Emperor
in Italy threatened with a speedy end. In the onrush of barbarian
conquest it was not the military success of Justinian's generals which
was to be continued under the heirs of his Empire and to secure the
position which they had won. They had—in the words of the Liber
Pontificalia—made all Italy rejoice, but it was the patient diplomacy
of a great pope which would preserve the central independence of
Christian Rome, between the decaying power of the Byzantines
and the extending dukedoms of the Lombard invaders. It would
not be preserved for long, it is true; but so firmly was it founded
ch. vin. (b)


## p. 236 (#268) ############################################


236
Early Life of Gregory
[540-576
on the immemorial traditions of the city, and the holy sanctions of
the ecclesiastical rule, that it was destined to survive and emerge into
supremacy when the discordant powers which had threatened it had
passed away. And that this was so was due conspicuously to the
descendant of Pope Felix IV who first saw the light before the sixth
century had run half its course.
Gregory was the son of the regionarius Gordianus, a rich nobleman
with a fine house on the Caelian hill who held an office of organisation
connected with the Roman Church. His mother was afterwards ranked
among the saints, and so were two of his father's sisters. He was
brought up in the life of a Christian palace, among the riches of both
worlds, as a saint, says his biographer John the Deacon, among the
saints. In his education none of the learning of the time was neglected,
and it is with the consciousness of a wider knowledge than the stricter
folk of the day would allow that his biographer calls him arte philo-
sophic, a student of Divine philosophy, not of the degraded type of
Greek word-splitting which had lingered on at Athens till Justinian
closed the schools ten years or so before Gregory was born. He was taught
grammar, rhetoric, dialectic, after the fashion of the day. He did not
learn Greek then, or even later, though he lived six years in Constanti-
nople. For literary elegance he never cared, and he almost boasted of
the barbarisms of his style. In later life he is found reproaching a
Frankish bishop for expounding grammar, perhaps even for studying it;
but there was more in the reproof than the mere regret for time wasted
that might be more profitably employed not only by a bishop, but, as
he says, by a religious layman: it was the sense of alarm with which the
Christian scholars still regarded a mythology whose morals were by no
means dispossessed from their influence on men. Of Art, on the other
hand, he was not ignorant: towards painting as well as music he was
sympathetic throughout his life. What special training he received
was, there seems no doubt, in law. When boyhood was over, he
emerges into light as praefect of the City of Rome (573), holding what
was at least theoretically the highest office among the citizens,- one of
great labour and dignified ostentation, and, even in the decay of the
city's independence, of serious responsibility. That his tenure of office
was distinguished by any special achievement we do not know; but his
leaving it was dramatic and significant. His father was dead: his
mother had gone into a nunnery: he was one of the richest men, as he
was the highest official, in Rome. But the religious training of his early
years had never ceased to dominate his life. Now, at the very time
when political leaders were most needed, and when he was in a position
to win the foremost place among them, he laid aside ambition, put off"
his silk and his jewels, gave his father's property for the founding of six
monasteries in Sicily and in charity for the Roman poor, and turned the
great palace on the Caelian hill into a house of monks, entering it


## p. 237 (#269) ############################################

c. 580-690] Plans of Mission to the English
237
himself as a brother among the rest. For three years he lived in
seclusion the religious life, according to the rule, there can be little
doubt, of St Benedict, which he often afterwards so warmly eulogised.
The chief of the Roman citizens had become a humble monk among
monks: it was a contrast typical of the life, set betwixt civilisation and
Christianity, barbarism and ascetic devotion, of the early Middle Age.
In the monastery of St Andrew the second part of Gregory's training
was accomplished. For three years he was learning all that monasticism
could teach him. And first it taught him a keen interest in the
evangelisation of the heathen. It was probably at this date (though
the evidence is uncertain), when he was one of the most famous
personages in Rome, the chief civil ruler of the city who had given up
all for the religious life, that his attention was first directed towards the
distant isle of Britain. There is no reason to doubt the familiar story
told so picturesquely by Bede, a narratio fidelivm as the earlier Monk
of Whitby calls it, that he was walking in the forum when he saw some
Anglian lads, probably exposed for sale. He had heard of their coming
and desired to see the denizens of a country concerning which Procopius
had told the strange tale that thither Gaulish boatmen ferried the
souls of the dead by night. Beautiful boys these were, with light
complexion and light hair. "Alas," he said, when he was told they were
heathens, "that lads so bright should be the slaves of darkness. " He
asked what was the name of their race. "Angli," they told him, and he
answered that they had angel faces and should be coheirs of the angeli
in heaven. They came from Deira: so should they be saved de ira Dei.
Their king was Aelle: Alleluia should be sung in his land. From that
moment Gregory planned to evangelise the English. He obtained the
leave of the Pope, Benedict I; but the punning habit which seemed to have
given him the first thought of his mission now intervened to check him
in its course. He sat reading, during the rest time on the third day of
his journey, and a locust settled on his book, and locustn seemed to mean
loco sta: he should not proceed. So it proved, for messengers from the
Pope hurried to command his return, for the people of Rome would not
suffer the departure of one whose services to them had been so recent and
whose conspicuous self-abnegation seemed to shed a glory on the city of
St Peter. The call of the Angles was set aside, but it was not forgotten.
Gregory was given to learning, to asceticism, and to active assistance to
the papal court.
The learning of his school-days was now continued on more exclusively
ecclesiastical lines. In earlier years he had loved to read Augustine and
Jerome. He became a deep student of the Bible. Later years, when
he can have had little time for close study, shewed that he had become
acquainted with the text of the Scriptures in detail more exact than was
at all common in his day. What he read he pondered on, and he
became a master of that " divine art" of Meditation which was to be so
CH. VIII. (b)
4



## p. 238 (#270) ############################################

288 Gregory as Apocrisiarius [577-590
exhaustively developed in the Medieval Church. And to meditation he
added vigil and fast till his health was injured for the rest of his life.
But the time, as he looked back to it again and again from the troubled
world, seemed like a happy shore as seen by the storm-tossed mariner on
the waves of a mighty sea. On the sea of public life indeed he was soon
about to embark again.
First he was made one of the Seven Deacons who shared with the
Pope the governance of Rome, in charge of the seven regions of the city.
For such a post few could have been so well fitted as he who had played
so conspicuous a part in municipal life. This may have been in 578. In
that year Benedict I died; while the city was in throes of plague and flood,
and the Lombards were on the point of attack. Pelagius II, the new pope,
determined to send to Constantinople, as his resident at the Emperor's
court, one who knew so completely the needs and the dangers of old
Rome. In the spring of 579 Gregory left Italy as the apocriiiarius of the
Pope. The six years, or more, during which he resided in the imperial
city supplied perhaps the last and most important of the formative
influences of his life. Tiberius II was emperor (578-582), Eutychios
was patriarch (577-582). The papal envoy was theologian as well as
statesman, and he controverted a theory of the latter that the resurrec-
tion-body would be impalpable, convincing at least the former so that
he put the erroneous treatise in the fire. But while he did not neglect
theology, for he also wrote while he was at Constantinople his famous
Moralia, a commentary on the Book of Job, a very Corpus of Divinity
in itself, containing also many wise saws and modern instances, he was more
continuously and actively employed in studying the magnificent system
of imperial government. In a city notorious for the luxury of the
nobles and the political independence of the people, where public
interest was divided between the controversies of theologians and the
games of the hippodrome, he saw how the turbulent life of a fickle and
arrogant population was guided, not always wisely, by ecclesiastics, and
restrained with extraordinary and imperceptible tact by an army of
officials who, when dynasties changed and the throne tottered, preserved
the fabric of the imperial constitution through all hazards and gave
for centuries the most marvellous example of constitutional organisation
amid the confused revolutions of Medieval Europe. As a theologian
Gregory made it his business to see and talk with heretics that he might
win them to truth, contrary to the example of those among whom he
lived, some of whom were "fired by mistaken zeal and imagine they are
fighting heretics while indeed they are making heresies. " As for his own
theological controversies, if he entered upon them charitably he certainly
took them seriously: John the Deacon tells that at the end of his dispute
with the patriarch Eutychius he took to his bed from exhaustion. In
582 Eutychius was succeeded by a famous ascetic, John "the Faster,"
a Cappadocian. With him Gregory had no dispute till later days: but


## p. 239 (#271) ############################################

68S-690]
Constantinople and Rome
239
the first letter between them that is preserved, written in 590, reads as
though their cordiality had never been great.
In the imperial court the papal envoy made many friends: and when
Tiberius had chosen Maurice for his successor Gregory had still closer
relations with those of Caesar's household. Theoctista, the new Emperor's
sister, and Narses, one of his generals, are found later among those to
whom he wrote. He was intimate too with other foreign ecclesiastics,
visitors like himself at the centre of imperial power, notably with
Leander of Seville, afterwards the victorious champion of Catholicism
against the Arian Visigoths. Leander and Gregory became close
friends: it was Leander who induced Gregory to write his Moralia,
and he received its dedication. In later years no congratulations on
Leander's success were so warm as those of his old companion; though
the Spanish prelate was absent in body yet, said Gregory, he was felt to
be ever present in the spirit his image impressed upon the heart of his
friend. Anastasius, once patriarch of Antioch, also lived in Constanti-
nople, with memories of the theological storm which clouded the last
days of Justinian, and he was said to have refuted the Aphthartodocetic
opinions which that Emperor probably never held and the edict in
favour of them which he certainly never issued. With him also Gregory
was on cordial terms.
But from the imperial Court itself the papal apocrisiar'vus could find
no support for the cause which he came to advocate. The Lombards
had northern Italy at their feet, Pelagius wrote piteously begging for
succour. But Maurice looked eastwards rather than towards the West,
and as Caesar would not, or could not, help the Pope. When Gregory
returned to Rome in 585 he had accomplished nothing. But he had
acquired a knowledge of foreign politics, of the routine of imperial
administration, and of the great personages of his time, which was
invaluable to him.
For five years Gregory remained at Rome as head of his own
monastery, and he made it a school of saints, and a home of Biblical
study. He himself wrote commentaries on several of the Scriptures, and
completed his lectures on the Book of Job which (like the Magna Moralia)
became almost a popular classic in the Middle Age and proved a store-
house from which very much of later theology was extracted. To him
also was entrusted by Pope Pelagius the conclusion of the unhappy
controversy of Justinian's day on the Three Chapters; and he set before
the bishops of Istria the orthodox creed as Rome and Constantinople
had accepted it in a treatise of lucid and masterful reasoning. In 590
Pelagius died and the Roman people insisted that he who had once been
their highest official and was now the most eminent of their monks
should become their bishop. If he was reluctant to accept it, he yet in
the interval before the imperial assent could be obtained shewed himself
to be the religious leader that the city needed in its distress.

OH. VIII. (b)



## p. 240 (#272) ############################################

240 Gregory Pope [590
Rome was swept by the plague: Gregory had himself done his
utmost to abate it by sanitary measures: Pelagius himself had been its
victim. Now the abbot of St Andrew's organised a demonstration of
public penitence, and preached a famous sermon which another Gregory,
himself a hearer, and afterwards the great bishop of Tours, statesman
and historian, recorded from his lips. As the penitential procession,
moving in seven bodies and singing, litanies, passed through the streets,
death was still busy: in one hour, as the solemn march went on, eighty
men fell dead: but at last, said a legend of later days, the Archangel
Michael was seen to stand on the cupola of the Mausoleum of Hadrian
and to sheathe his flaming sword. So the plague was stayed: and the
Castle of Sanf Angelo, with all its long history of romance and crime,
bears witness to the memory.
Six months after the death of Pelagius, in August 590, came the
sanction of Maurice the Emperor to the choice that had been made of
his successor. Gregory, still a deacon, prepared for flight, but he was
discovered, taken to St Peter's and consecrated a successor of the Apostle
as bishop of Rome. It was on 3 September 590.
It was a ship rotten in every plank and leaking at every seam that he
came to captain: so he wrote to his brother of Constantinople. With
a real regret did he abandon the Rachel of contemplation for the Leah
of active life. Yet if any ecclesiastic was ever fitted for rule, for
statesmanship, for practical labour among men, it was Gregory the
Great.
If Gregory's most obvious achievements, in the sight of his own time,
lay in the region of politics, it must be remembered always that he
himself viewed his whole work from the standing-point of a Christian
bishop. He sets this before every reader in his Regulae Pastoralis
Liber, a book which, probably addressed to John of Ravenna, his
"brother and fellow-bishop," was welcomed by all who knew him, both
clerk and lay, by the Emperor Maurice, who had a Greek translation
made of it, as well as by Leander of Seville; and, later on, to read it
became part of the necessary erudition of a bishop. Throughout the
book there is a sense of tremendous responsibility. The conduct of
a prelate, says Gregory, ought to surpass the conduct of the people as
a shepherd's life does that of his flock. In his elevation he should deal
with high things, and high persons, yet should he not seek to please
men, being mindful of the duty of reproof and yet reproving with
gentleness. The mind anxious about the management of exterior
business is deprived of the sense of wholesome fear; and the soul is
flattered with a false promise of good works: there is danger in refusal
as well as in acceptance of high places; but most danger lest while
earthly pursuits engross the senses of the pastor the dust that is driven
by the wind of temptation blind the eyes of the whole Church. The
entire treatise shews an intimacy of practical knowledge in regard to


## p. 241 (#273) ############################################

590]
Gregorys Letters
241
men of all classes and of all characters which is evidence how well
fitted was the writer for dealing with all sorts and conditions of men.
And how he dealt with them may be found out from the fourteen books
of his epistles, that wonderful storehouse of Roman religion and
diplomacy laid up by the first of the great popes. The register of his
letters is known to have been in existence not long after his death. It was
known in later years to Bede and Boniface, and formed the basis of the
latest collection and arrangement. In this many details of policy may
be followed, and the main aims and. methods of the great Pope may be
studied. Each alike, the treatise and the letters, shews the same ideal of
the pastoral office, that it is a work of governance of men to be exercised
by those who have intimate knowledge of men's hearts and are skilled in
the treatment of their souls. Politics are but a branch of the dealing
with men on behalf of God which belongs of obligation to a bishop of
Christ's Church. And this thought, almost as much as any necessary
assertion of orthodox faith and profession of brotherly kindness, is to be
seen in the synodical letter in which he announced to the patriarchs of
Constantinople, Antioch, Alexandria and Jerusalem his accession to the
Roman bishopric, and his belief in the doctrine of the Four General
Councils, as also in that of the more recent Fifth. The practical
expression of this ideal in the life of the new Pope could be read by all
men who came in contact with him. He lived ascetically, as he had
lived in his own monastery, and while nuncio at Constantinople: he
surrounded himself with grave and reverend men, dismissing the curled
and exquisite fops who had thronged the courts of earlier popes, a gang
of self-indulgent scholars and servants obnoxious to the stern man who
had not so learned Christ. Of himself the words of his early biographer
Paul the Deacon present a vivid picture: "He was never at rest.
Always was he busy in taking care for the interests of his people, or in
writing some treatise worthy of the Church, or in searching out the
hidden things of heaven by the grace of contemplation. '" His daily
audiences, his constant sermons, filled up the burden of his continual
correspondence. And all through the fourteen years of his pontificate
he struggled against the illnesses which had perhaps their beginning in
his ascetic rigours. If his letters breathe a spirit of sternness and make
high demands upon men of commonplace intellect and low ideals, there
was no one with whom he was more stern, no one before whom he set
higher ideals, than himself.
Gregory's policy towards the whole Christian world radiated from
the centre. There, at Rome, men could see his life of strict rule: they
could see him reconsecrating Arian churches to Catholic use, could hear
him preaching, could watch his elaborate measures for the relief of the
poor. "Other pontiffs," says his biographer, "gave themselves to
building churches and adorning them with gold and silver; but
Gregory, while he did not altogether neglect this duty, was entirely
C. JIED. B. VOL. II. CH. VIII. (b)
16

rV


## p. 242 (#274) ############################################



242
Gregory s Administration
[590-603
taken up with gaining souls, and all the money he could obtain he was
anxious to give away and bestow upon the poor. '" Me was a practical
ruler first of all and that as a Christian bishop: afterwards he was a
theologian and a statesman. This accounts for the fact that he views
all political questions sub specie aeternitatis and shews no interest in any
work of pure learning or scholarship even in Rome itself.
And indeed the practical needs of the time were enough to absorb
the whole thoughts of any man who was set to~rule. If in the East the
emperors were fully occupied with wars against Persians and Avars, and
were able to give little heed and no help to the stress of the city from
which their sovereignty took its name, the Papacy, already partly the
representative and partly the rival of the imperial power, was beset on
every side by the barbarian invasion and settlement. Rome itself had
become, for all practical purposes, an isolated and distant part of the
Roman Empire. Imperial power in Italy had dwindled till it was only
a name. But at the ancient centre of the ancient Empire sat, in the
fourteen years from 590, a man of commanding genius, of ceaseless
vigilance and of incessant activity, whose letters covered almost every
political, religious and social interest of his time. His influence as a
great spiritual teacher and a great ruler of men radiated over the whole
Christian world.
The internal cares belonging to the "patrimony of St Peter" were
not light. The estates from which the income was derived were
scattered all over Italy, most largely in Sicily and round Rome, but
also in east and south, beyond the peninsula in Illyricum and Gaul,
in Africa, and in the isles of Corsica and Sardinia. They were ad-
ministered by a multitude of officials, often with the help of the
imperial administrators. Gregory liked to choose his agents from
among the clergy, and employed priests and even bishops in this secular
service.
All were directly under the orders of the bishop of Rome himself,
and Gregory's letters of appointment contain special provision for the
care of the poor, for the keeping of strict accounts to be sent to Rome,
for the maintenance generally of ecclesiastical interests.
Thus the
rectores and defensores were often charged with a sort of supervision
which, while it at several points encroached upon the proper province of
the bishop, served to keep the distant and scattered estates in close touch
with the central authority of the Roman see. Thus what was at first
a mere matter of the ownership of property, through its duties and
responsibilities being enjoyed by the greatest bishop of the Church,
tended to become a lordship no less spiritual than material. Even
bishops themselves were under the eye of the Pope's representative, and
that naturally came to mean that sooner or later they would fall under
the jurisdiction of the Pope. For this Gregory's indefatigable care was
largely responsible. We find him within the first eighteen months of



## p. 243 (#275) ############################################

590-603]
Gregorys Administration
243
his pontificate writing almost once a month to the Rector Siciliae, the
subdeacon whom he long employed in positions of trust in different parts
of Italy. The letters shew minute care for justice, for the suppression
of unjust exactions, for the redress of grievances, as well as for the
maintenance of proprietary rights: besides the great landlord, there
speaks the great bishop and shepherd of the souls of men. No matter
was too small for the Pope's attention, whether it was a safeguard for
the interests of a convert from Judaism, a direction as to the disposal
of cows and calves, of houses and granaries, or a criticism of the
provision for personal needs. "You have sent us," he once wrote, "a
miserable horse and five good donkeys. The horse I cannot ride
because it is miserable, nor the donkeys, good though they be, because
they are donkeys. '" Different views have been taken of this interesting
correspondence between Gregory and his factor, but at least it reveals
the very close attention which the Pope paid to detail in the oversight
of the vast possessions of his see. "As we ought not to allow property
belonging to the Church to be lost, so we deem it a breach of law to try
to take what belongs to others,'" are words which might serve as a
motto for his relation towards temporal things. With minute care he
stopped the abuses which had stained the administration under his
predecessors. But above all the Pope endeavoured to shew in practical
alms-giving the fervent charity of his heart. John the Deacon tells
that there was still preserved, nearly three hundred years later, among
the muniments of the Lateran, a large book in which the names of the
recipients of his benefactions, in Rome or the suburbs, in the Campagna
and on the coast, were set down. In nothing was he more insistent
than in the duty of ransoming captives, those taken in the wars and
sold as slaves in markets even so far away as Libya. Many letters deal
with the subject, convey his exhortations to bishops to join in the work
and return thanks for the gifts he had received to help it. Thus did
the largest landowner in Italy endeavour to discharge the duties of his
trust.
From his administration of the papal patrimony we pass naturally to
his policy as a ruler, his dealings with the affairs of the world, as a
statesman and as a pope.
As a statesman his first and closest concern was with the Lombards.
Already he had been concerned in endeavouring to protect Rome and
the parts of Italy still unconquered: that had been the special object
of his long embassy at Constantinople. The emperors had given no aid,
but the Franks had caused a diversion by thrice attacking the Lombards
in flank. But the snake was not killed, hardly scotched; and before
Gregory had been long on the throne peace between Franks and
Lombards had been made by the new king Agilulf, who had married
Theodelinda, the late king's widow, and he turned the thoughts of the
Lombards towards the extension of their conquests from imperial Rome.
! ■*

ch. viii. (b) 16—2
"


## p. 244 (#276) ############################################

244 Military Measures [591-592
Still the ancient Empire, dimmed in its glory and with ill-welded
traditions from Christian and pagan past, held out in the great cities of
Genoa and Naples, of Ravenna and Rome, the two lost the centres of
government under exarch and pope. At first the danger seemed to
come not from the king but from one of the dukes. At Spoleto on the
Flaminian Way was settled a Lombard colony of invaders under Ariulf,
the outposts of whose territory were almost within sight of Rome; and
Gregory when he wrote to his friends at Constantinople declared that he
found himself "bishop not of the Romans but of the Lombards, men
whose promises are swords and whose grace a pain. 11
Against "the unspeakable Ariulf1' he was ever on the watch. In
591 and 592 he was taking constant precaution, telling the Magister
militivm at Perugia to fall, if need be, on his rear, and bidding the
clergy and people of the lesser cities in the neighbourhood to be on their
guard and to obey the Pope's representative in all things. Step by step
the Lombard duke approached, as yet without active hostility. In July
592 at length he spoke of Ariulf as being close to the city, "slaying
and mutilating "; and Arichis, the Lombard duke of Benevento, was at
the same time threatening Naples. The Pope himself sent a military
commander to the southern city. He bitterly resented the weakness
of Romanus the exarch, which prevented him from dealing in martial
fashion with the duke of Spoleto. Left helpless, he prepared to make
a peace with Ariulf, and in July 592 it seems that a separate agreement
was concluded which saved Rome from sack. Paul the Deacon tells that
an interview between the Lombard duke and the Roman bishop made
the " tyrant" ever after a devoted servant of the Roman Church. "His
heart was touched by divine grace, and he perceived that there was so
much power in the Pope's words that with humblest courtesy he made
satisfaction to the most religious Apostolic bishop. " Gregory's states-
manship and charm won a diplomatic victory which preserved Rome
from the Lombards.
But indirectly it would seem as if this success laid the city open to
another attack. Romanus the exarch was encouraged by it to secure
the communications between Ravenna and Rome by a campaign which
recovered many cities, including Perugia, from the Lombards. This
new activity on the part of the Empire which he may well have deemed
moribund aroused Agilulf, the Lombard king, to action. He marched
southwards, recaptured Perugia, and put to death Maurisio, a duke
of the Lombards, who had surrendered the city to the exarch and now
held it for the Empire. Thence he marched to Rome.
Gregory was illustrating Ezekiel, in sombre homily, by the tragic
events of his day, the decay of ancient institutions, the devastation of
country, the destruction of cities. Daily came news which deepened the
gloom of his picture, till at length he closed the book and set himself
to defend the city. The defence as before was that of spiritual not


## p. 245 (#277) ############################################

593-595] Disputes with the Emperor 245
material arms. Agilulf met Gregory on the steps of St Peter's, and the
weighty wisdom of the prelate gave power to his prayers for the city:
they prevailed, the siege was abandoned, and Agilulf went back to
Milan, where the letters of Gregory were as familiar to the clergy and
as powerful as was his rule in Rome.
Thither came epistles to Theodelinda, the Arian Agilulf s Catholic
wife, instructing her in the right belief as to the still unfinished strife
about the Three Chapters, and to Constantius the bishop, begging him
to negotiate a peace between the Lombards and the Empire.
Peace was impossible so long as the Caesar at Constantinople claimed
the lordship of all Italy, and the Lombard barbarian asserted all real
power over the peninsula. Nor was Gregory at the time the person to
bring the foes together, for in August 593 he had written to the
Emperor Maurice in terms of criticism strangely bold and direct. When
Maurice was "not yet lord of all" he had been Gregory's own lord, and
still the Pope would call himself the unworthy servant of the pious
Emperor. But a new edict which forbade a civil servant of the Empire,
or a soldier, to become priest or monk, seemed to him a monstrous
infringement of individual and religious liberty. By it, he said, the way
to heaven would be closed to many, for while there were those who could
lead a religious life in a secular dress, yet more there were who unless
they forsook all things could in no way attain salvation. What
answer would he, who from notary had been made by God first captain,
then Caesar, then Emperor, then father of Emperor yet to be, and to
whose care the priests of God had been entrusted, make to the divine
inquest of the Last Day if not one single soldier was allowed to be
converted to the Lord? And Gregory drew a lurid picture of the "end
of the ages" which seemed to be at hand, the heavens and the earth
aflame and the elements melting with fervent heat, and the Divine Judge
ready to appear with the six orders of angels in His train. Yet it is an
illustration of the fidelity with which Gregory performed all his secular
obligations that he had caused the law against which he so vehemently
protested to be published in the usual way.
This was not the only divergence in opinion between the Pope and
the imperial Court. Gregory, with all his respect for authority, was at
least able to hold his own, and there was for a while at least no breach
in the friendly relations with Constantinople. Maurice sent relief to the
sufferers from the Lombard invasion, and Gregory lost no opportunity
of advising that the separate peace which he had made with Agilulf
should be enlarged at least into a general truce. Gregory, inter gladios
Langobardorum, could appreciate the needs of Italy in a way that was
impossible for the distant Augustus. In 595 however the divergence
came to a head. The Emperor reviewed the Pope's peace policy in terms
of contemptuous condemnation and Gregory answered in one of the most
vigorous of all his letters, dated June 595. He resented the imputation
VIII. (b)


## p. 246 (#278) ############################################


246
Pope and Patriarch
\
^
that because he thought that a firm peace could be made, as indeed it
had been made, with Ariulf of Spoleto, he was a fool. Fool indeed was
he to suffer what he suffered in Rome among the swords of the
Lombards; but still he was a servant of the truth, and grave injustice
was it to the priesthood that he should be deemed a liar. On behalf
of all priests he made dignified protest, recalling the action and
words of the great Constantine as a rebuke to his successor in the
Empire. "Where all is uncertain I betake myself to tears and prayers
that Almighty God will rule with His own hand our most pious lord,
and in the terrible judgment will find him free from all offences, and so
cause me to please men that I may not offend against His grace. "
How the Emperor received this letter we do not know; but already
there were other causes of dispute between Rome and Constantinople.
His experience had not made the Pope very cordial towards Church
or State in the New Rome. Useful at Constantinople Gregory must
undoubtedly have been, but the fact that he never learned Greek shews
at least that there were limits to his usefulness. The information he
received would often be inadequate, the means of communication with
the people among whom he dwelt incomplete. Official interpreters do
not always represent meanings faithfully. Gregory had to deal most
with the imperial Court, where his ignorance of Greek may not have been
so great a barrier; but, in his relations with the Patriarch, it would
at least serve to prevent any strengthening of the friendship between
Churches which were already beginning to drift apart.
That the Church was under the rule of five patriarchs was a
familiar view, and at least from the time of Vigilius (537-555) it
had been accepted in official language at Rome. Thus Gregory had
announced his own election to the patriarchs of Constantinople,
Alexandria, Jerusalem and Antioch. His letters shew traces of another
theory, that of the three patriarchates, Rome, Antioch and Alexandria,
sharing, as it were, the throne of St Peter. But Constantinople had
long asserted a pre-eminence. Justinian had recognised its precedence
as second of the great sees, superior to all others save Rome, and had
declared the Church of Constantinople to be "the head of all the
churches. '" In doing this no doubt the Empire had claimed no supreme
or exclusive dignity for the New Rome, nor asserted any indivisible
or unalterable jurisdiction. But what the law recognised had en-
couraged further expansion of claim. At first the relation between
Constantinople and the elder see was regarded as parallel to that
between the two capitals: they represented not diversity but unity:
as there was one Empire, so there was one Church. When John
the Patriarch accepted the formula of faith drawn up by Pope
Hormisdas he prefixed to it an assertion of the mutual relation: "I
hold the most holy Churches of the old and the new Rome to be one.
I define the see of the Apostle Peter and this of the imperial city to be


## p. 247 (#279) ############################################

688-595] Controversy with John the Faster 247
one see. " From this it was an inevitable step to use titles which Rome
used. The pontiff of Constantinople claimed to be oecumenical (oIkov-
fAeviKos or universalis) patriarch.
In 588 Pelagius declared the acts of a synod at Constantinople to be
invalid because the patriarch had used the phrase. Very likely Gregory
himself had been the adviser of this course. Now in 595 he pursued the
protest. John the Faster had written to him and had employed the
offensive title " in almost every line. " Gregory wrote, as he describes it,
"sweetly and humbly admonishing him to amend this appetite for vain
glory. 11 He forbade his envoy to communicate with the patriarch till he
had abandoned the title. At the same time he repudiated any wish to
assume it for himself. "The Council of Chalcedon,11 he said, "offered
the title of universalis to the Roman pontiff but he refused to accept it,
lest he should seem thereby to derogate from the honour of his brother
bishops. " He saw indeed that political interests were complicating the
ecclesiastical claim. His envoy had been commanded by the Emperor
to adjure him to live in peace with the patriarch, who seemed to him to
be as hypocritical as he was proud. Then either he must obey the
Emperor and encourage the proud man in his vanity, or he must
alienate the Emperor, his lord and the natural defender of Rome. He
did not hesitate. He wrote to the Emperor, tracing the misfortunes of
the Empire to the pride of the clergy. When Europe was given over to
the barbarians, with cities ruined, villages thrown down and provinces
without inhabitants; when the husbandman no longer tilled the soil,
and the worshippers of idols daily murdered the faithful, the priests
who should have abased themselves in sackcloth and ashes sought for
themselves empty names and titles novel and profane. Peter was never
called Universal Apostle, yet John strove to be Universal Bishop.
"I confidently affirm that whosoever calls himself sacerdos universalis,
or desires to be so called by others, is in his pride a forerunner of
Antichrist. 11 What he said to the Emperor he reinforced to the
Empress. There should be no peace with the patriarch so long as he
claimed this outrageous designation. On the other side the argument
became no attitude of aggression, hardly a claim for equality. The
patriarchs did not assert that they were above the popes, and they
constantly declared that they had no wish to lessen the authority of the
other patriarchs. But whatever the Greeks might say, the Latins saw
that words represented ideas; and universality could not be predicated
of Constantinople in any sense which was not offensive to the venerable
see and city of Rome. The bitterness of the strife abated when John
the Faster died on 2 September 595, it may be before Gregory's severe
judgment had reached him. Cyriacus, his successor, was a personal
friend of the Pope, and a man of no personal pride. Gregory welcomed
his accession and thanked the Emperor for his choice. But in spite of
friendly letters the claim was not abandoned. The patriarchs continued
CH. VIII. (b)


## p. 248 (#280) ############################################

248 Church and State
to use the title of oecumenical bishop, and before a century had passed
the popes followed their example.
Gregory saw that the patriarchs of Constantinople were in danger of
sinking into mere officials of the State, for with all their lofty position
they were in the power of the imperial Court. But the tone in which he
addressed them was always distinct from that which he employed
towards the lay officials of the Empire. From the beginning of his
pontificate he had carefully cultivated relations with the exarchs of
Ravenna and of Africa, the praetor of Sicily, the dukes of Naples and
Sardinia, the praefect of Illyria, the proconsul of Dalmatia, and with
lesser officials rural and urban. His constant letters shew how closely
he mingled in their concerns, watched their conduct, approved their
industry, advised on their political action, intervened on their behalf or
against them at Constantinople. Many of the officials were his close
friends; and the Emperor, in spite of the divergence between them, did
not cease to give heed to the counsels of one whom he knew to be a wise
and honest man.
The maintenance of the imperial power in Italy indeed depended not
a little on the great Pope, who yet by his incessant and widespread
activity was preparing the way of the ecclesiastical power which should
succeed it in the rule of the peninsula. The subdeacon who was his
agent at Ravenna, and those who administered the property of the
Church in the Campagna or in Sicily, the bishops themselves all over the
Empire, reported to Rome and their words were not without effect, and
in all the advice which issued from this information Gregory pressed
without faltering the authority of the Church: the pope was above the
exarch, the Church above the State: if the civil law was invoked to
protect the weak, to guide the rulers, to secure the rights of all Christian
men, there was behind it the supreme sanction of the law of the Church.
It was natural indeed that they should not be distinguished: a wrong
against man was a wrong against God. It did not matter whether it
was the oppression of a peasant or the pillage of a monastery: iniquitv.
it was the perpetual cry of the great pontiff, should not go unpunished.
And, in a corresponding view to his attitude towards civil justice,
Gregory insisted on the privileges of clergy in the law courts; and in
the civil courts he is found placing representatives of his own beside tbt
lay judges. Outside the law there was still a wide sphere in which tht
aid of the State was demanded on behalf of the Church. Governor
would bring back schismatics, were congratulated on their victories over
heathen, were urged to act against heretics, and to protect and support
those who had returned to the faith.
On the other hand he no doubt set plain limits, in his owu-dnind, to
his sphere of action and that of the bishops. He constantly tolhl th<
Italian bishops to observe the rights of the lay courts, not to interfer1
in the things of the world save when the interests of the poor demanded
i
i


## p. 249 (#281) ############################################

596-599] Dealings with the Lombards 249
help. But his own keen sense of justice, his political training, his
knowledge of affairs, forbade him to hold his tongue. The Empire, like
the Church, was to him a splendid power of holy and heroic tradition:
there was ever, he said to an imperial official, this difference between the
Roman emperors and the barbarian kings that while the latter governed
slaves the former were rulers of free men. To keep this always in the mind
of the governing class must have been his aim, and his consolation, when,
as he said, the cares of the world pressed so heavily upon him that he
was often doubtful whether he was discharging the duties of an earthly
official or those of a shepherd of men's souls.
In both capacities his work was continuous and engrossing. Invasion,
rapine, insecurity of life and property, made clerk as well as lay lax
livers, negligent stewards, cruel and faithless, luxurious and slothful.
Against all such Gregory was the perpetual witness.
When Romanus the exarch died, probably in 596, his successor at
Ravenna, Callinicus, received a warm welcome from the Pope. For a
time there was a lull in the tempest, but still Gregory preached
vigilance, to bishop and governor alike, for Italy had not shaken off the
terror even if Rome was for the moment outside the area of the storm.
Writing in 598 to a lady in Constantinople the Pope was able to assure
her that so great was the protection given by St Peter to the city that,
without the aid of soldiers, he had " by God's help been preserved for
these many years among the swords of the enemy. " A truce was made
with Agilulf, it seems, in 598: in 599 this became a general peace in
which the Empire through the exarch, and with the active support,
though not the signature, of the Pope, came to agreement with Agilulf
the Lombard king and with the dukes of Spoleto and Benevento. His
letters shew how much this was due to the tact, the wisdom, the
patient persistence of Gregory; and it is certain also that Theodelinda,
the Catholic wife of Agilulf, had played no unimportant part in the
work of pacification. At Monza remain the relics of this wise queen;
fitly beside the iron crown of the Lombards is the image of the protection
that was given by the peace of Church and State, a hen that gathers her
chickens under her wings.
The year 599 which dates this peace between the "Christian
Republic " and the Lombards marks a definite epoch in the history of
Italy. Paul the Deacon in his History of the Lombards shews that it
was a time of crisis, conquest, and resettlement for Agilulf the king.
The letters of Gregory shew that it was for him a period of incessant
activity and reassertion of papal authority, while at Rome the city
was " so reduced by the languor of various diseases that there are scarce
left men enough to guard the walls " and the Pope himself was in the
clutch of increasing sickness, often unable to leave his bed for days
together. Italy was still swept by pestilence; and exhaustion as well as
political peace gave quiet for some two years.
CH. VIII. (b)


## p. 250 (#282) ############################################

250 Gregory and Phocas [601-603
In 601 the flames of war were rekindled by a rash move on the part
of the exarch Callinicus. Agilulf again took up arms, seized Pavia and
levelled it to the ground—a fate which the medieval chroniclers century
by century record to have befallen the unhappy city. He made alliance
with the heathen Avars, and with them ravaged Istria. He passed over
northern Italy in a career of conquest: he carried the Lombard frontier
forwards to include the valley of the Po. At Ravenna the imperial
authority lingered on, and the exarch Callinicus was succeeded by
Smaragdus, holding office for a second time. But the reality of power
was passing, if it had not already passed, under the incessant energy of
Gregory, into the hands of the Pope, who had become the practical
ruler of central Italy. It was in the year 603, when the Empire and
the Lombards were at war, that Gregory shewed his aloofness from a
strife which seems to have left the power of the Church undisturbed, by
his rejoicing at the Catholic baptism of Adaloald, the firstborn son of
Agilulf the Arian and Theodelinda the Catholic queen. Paul the
Deacon indeed says, though he is unsupported by other witness, that
Agilulf the father had already accepted the Catholic faith. As his
sickness grew the great Pope saw the future less dark than it had been
during his life of anxiety. Rome, if impoverished and enfeebled, was
securely in the possession of its bishop; and the conflicts which raged
over northern and central Italy could hardly end, now that Catholicism
was conquering the Lombards, otherwise than in favour of the papal power.
It may well be that this feeling coloured his attitude when news
came to him of the revolution at Constantinople in 602. Maurice had
long seemed to Gregory, as indeed he had seemed to his people, to be
unworthy of the imperial throne. He was timid when he should have
been bold, rash when prudence was essential to the safety of the State.
His health had broken down, and fits of cowardice alternated with out-
bursts of frenzied rage. All the tales of him that reached Rome would
increase Gregory's dislike and distrust. Already he had rebuked the
Caesar to his face, and well he may have thought, when he heard of his
deposition and murder by the centurion Phocas, that the warning he
had given had been disregarded, and the judgment he had prophesied
had come. With Maurice perished his whole family, with whom
Gregory had been on terms of affectionate regard. Maurice had been
an unwise, perhaps a tyrannical ruler, and certainly he had seemed to
the Pope an oppressor of the poor. And he had supported the patriarch
in his overweening pretension to be "universal bishop. " When Phocas
therefore announced his accession, silent no doubt as to the butcheries
which accompanied it, and dwelling rather on his orthodoxy and attach-
ment to the Apostolic See, Gregory replied in language of surprising
cordiality. The revolution was to him something that came from "the
incomprehensible providence of God"; and he trusted that soon he
should be comforted by the abundance of rejoicing that the sufferings



## p. 251 (#283) ############################################

602] Gregorys Historical Position 251
of the poor had been redressed—" We will rejoice that your benignity
and piety are come to the imperial throne. 11 Later letters to Phocas and
his wife Leontia breathe the same spirit: of congratulations on the
political change: of hope that it will mean relief and liberty for the
Empire: of solicitude that the aid which Maurice had long denied
might now be given to Italy, trodden down by the barbarian and
the heretic. We are shocked as we read Gregory's cordial letters to
the brutal murderer of Maurice; but we must remember that the
Pope had no representative at Constantinople to tell him what had
really happened: all that he may have known was that popular in-
dignation had swept a tyrant from the throne and avenged its injuries
on him and his innocent family, and that a soldier had been set up,
with all due forms of law, as ruler in his stead. From a bed of suffering
he indited these letters to those from whom he might have new hopes of
the salvation of Italy. But he wrote as an official of the Church to an
official of the State, and he mingled with his formal words of congratula-
tion and the Church's Gloria in excelsis no words of personal adulation.
Whatever may be the true judgment on Gregory's attitude at this
moment, it is obvious that in the change of dynasty he hoped for a better
prospect for Italy and knew that more power would come to Rome itself
and the Roman bishop.
It is as a Roman and a Roman bishop that Gregory fills the great
place he holds in the history of the Middle Age. He was a Roman
of the Romans, nurtured on traditions of Rome's imperial greatness,
cherishing the memories of pacification and justice, of control and
protection. And these, which belonged to " the Republic," he was eager
to transfer to the Church. Vague were the claims which the Roman
bishops had already put forth in regard to the universal Church. But
what all bishops held as inherent in their office, the right of giving
advice and administration, was held by the Roman pontiffs to belong
especially to the see which was founded in the imperial city. There was a
prerogative of the Roman bishop as of the Roman Emperor, and already
the one was believed to run parallel to the other. The Pope directly
superintended a large part of the Christian world: everywhere he could
reprove and exhort with authority, though the authority was often
contested. And Gregory's exercise of this power was one of the great
moments in the world's history. To the practical assertions of his pre-
decessors he gave a new moral weight, and it was that which carried
the claims to victory. Well has it been said by Dean Church that "he
so administered the vast undefined powers supposed to be inherent in
his see, that they appeared to be indispensable to the order, the good
government and the hopes, not of the Church only, but of society. "
And this success was due not so much to the extent of her claims or the
weakness of his competitors, but to the moral force which flowed from
his life of intellectual, moral and spiritual power.
CH. VIII. (b)


## p. 252 (#284) ############################################

252 The Church in Africa [591-596
We can trace, in different but conspicuous ways, the effect of this
force in Africa, in Britain, in Spain and in Gaul, in Istria and Dalmatia,
as well as nearer home. In Africa there was a period of revival since
the imperial reconquest from the Vandals. For more than half a
century the Church, diminished in power no doubt and weakened in its
organisation, had been re-established, and Arianism had been successfully
extirpated, if we may judge from the silence of the Pope's letters. The
imperial officials were ready to accept his advice, or even authority.
Side by side with the bishops of Numidia and Carthage, we find
Gennadius the exarch extending the influence of the papal see; and
appeals to Rome seem to have been recognised and encouraged. On the
other hand Gregory was careful to make no practical encroachment on
the power of the bishops and even to encourage their independence,
while he asserted the supremacy of Rome in uncompromising terms:
"I know of no bishop who is not subject to the Apostolic See, when
a fault has been committed.