The patricians,
vius Tullius ; and from the Porta Collina to the anxious to recover their supremacy, readily joined
Esquiline Gate where the hills sloped gently to the Tarquinius in a conspiracy to assassinate the king.
vius Tullius ; and from the Porta Collina to the anxious to recover their supremacy, readily joined
Esquiline Gate where the hills sloped gently to the Tarquinius in a conspiracy to assassinate the king.
William Smith - 1844 - Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities - c
Tullius Longus, who was consul in the Cicero's speech, but it is equally clear that he was
tenth year of the republic, B. c. 500. [LONGUS. ] a different person both from M. Tullius Decula,
The patrician branch of the gens appears to have consul B. C. 81, and from M. Tullius Albinovanus.
become extinct at an early period; for after the The fragments of Cicero's speech for Tullius were
early times of the republic no one of the name published for the first time from a palimpsest manu-
occurs for some centuries, and the Tullii of a later script by Angelo Mai. An analysis of it is given
age are not only plebeians, but, with the excep-by Drumann. (Geschichte Roms, vol. v. p. 258,
tion of their bearing the same name, cannot be foll. )
regarded as having any connection with the 5. L. TULLIUS, a legate of Cicero in Cilicia,
ancient gens. The first plebeian Tullius who rose owed his appointment to the influence of Q. Titi-
nius, and probably also of Atticus, whose friend he
* It is stated by Middleton (Life of Cicero, was. His conduct, however, did not give satis-
vol. ii. p. 365), on the authority of Plutarch (Cic. faction to Cicero. (Cic
. ad Att. v. 4, 11, 14, 21. )
41), that Tullia died at Dolabella's house at Rome; In one of Cicero's letters (ad Fam. xv. 14. 8 8)
but Plutarch does not say so; and Drumann has we read of his legate L. Tulleius, which is pro-
shown clearly from passages in Cicero's letters, bably a false reading for L. Tullius.
that she died at her father's Tusculan villa. 6. TiB, Tullius, fought on the side of the
a
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TULLIUS.
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1
Ponipeian party in Spain in B. c. 45. (Auctor, slave of the queen's, and one of the captives taken
B. Hisp. 17, 18. )
at Corniculum, was offering cakes to the Lar or
TULLIUS ALBINOVA'NUS. [ALBINO- the household genius, when she saw in the fire on
VANUS. )
the hearth an apparition of the deity. Tanaquil,
TU'LLIUS, A'TTIUS, the celebrated king of who understood the portent, commanded her to
the Volscians, to whom Coriolanus Aled, when he dress herself as a bride, and to shut herself up
was banished from Rome, and who induced his in the chamber. There she became pregnant by
people to make war upon the Romans, with Corio the god, whom some Romans maintained to be the
lanus as their general. For details and authorities, houschold genius, and others Vulcan ; the former
see CORIOLANUS. In the best MSS. of Livy the supporting their opinion by the festival which
name is written Attius Tullius, and in Zonaras we Servius established in honour of the Lares, the
also find Touarios; but in
and Plutarch latter by the deliverance of his statue from fire
the form Τύλλος occurs. Tullius, and not Tullus (Ov. Fast. vi. 625, foll. ; Dionys. iv. 2). There are
is the correct form. (Alschefski, ad Liv. ii. 37 ; two other legends respecting the birth of Servius,
Niebuhr, Hist. of Rome, vol. ii. note 217. )
which have more of an historical air, and may
TU'LLIUS BASSUS. [Bassus, p. 471. ] therefore be regarded as of later origin. One re-
TU'LLIUS or TI'LLIUS CIMBER. [Cim-lated that his mother was a slave from Tarquinii,
BER. )
that his father was a client of the king, and that
TÚ’LLIUS FLAVIA'NUS, a commander of he himself was brought up in the palace with the
a troop of cavalry under Petilius Cerialia, was other household slaves, and waited at the royal
taken prisoner by the Vitellian troops in the battle table (Cic. de Rep. ii. 21). The other legend,
in the suburbs of Rome, A. D. 69. (Tac. Hist. which gives Servius a nobler origin, and which is
ji. 79. )
therefore preferred both by Dionysius and Livy,
TU'LLIUS GEMINUS. [GEMINUS. ] states that his father, likewise called Servius Tul.
TU'LLIUS LAU'REA (Toúricos Aavpéas), lius, was a noble
, of Corniculum, who was slain at
the author of three epigrams in the Greek Antho- the taking of the city, and that his mother, then
logy. Fabricius conjectured, and Reiske and in a state of pregnancy, was carried away captive
Jacobs approve of the suggestion, that he is iden- to Rome where she gave birth to the future king
tical with Laurea Tullius, the freedman of Cicero, in the royal palace. The prodigies which preceded
from whose Latin poems in elegiac verse Pliny the birth of Servius accompanied his youth. Once
(H. N. xxxi. 2) quotes some lines, which are as he was sleeping at mid-day in the porch of the
printed also in Burmann's Anthologia Latina (vol. palace, his head was seen surrounded with flames.
i. p. 340). This conjecture is strongly confirmed Tanaquil forbade their being extinguished, for her
by the fact, that the epigrams of Tullius had a prophetic spirit recognised the future destiny of
place in the Anthology of Philip, which consisted the boy: they played around him without harm-
chiefly of the poets of the Augustan age. In the ing him, and when he awoke, the fire vanished.
title of one of the three epigrams there is a slight from this time forward Servius was brought up
confusion in the different copies of the Anthology, as the king's child with the greatest hopes. Nor
the Planudean giving Eatvilov, and the Palatine were these hopes disappointed. By his personal
Tatvariou, both of which variations perhaps arise bravery he gained a battle which the Romans
from the reading M. Tullov. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. had nearly lost ; and Tarquinius placed such
vol. iv. p. 498; Brunck, Anal. vol. ii. p. 102 ; confidence in him, that he gave him his daughter
Jacobs, Anth. Graec. vol. ii. p. 90, vol. xiii. p. in marriage, and entrusted him with the exercise
907. )
[P. S. ) of the government. His rule was mild and bene-
L. TU'LLIUS MONTANUS, accompanied ficent; and so popular did he become, that the
M. Cicero the younger to Athens in B. C. 45. He sons of Ancus Marcius, fearing lest they should
is also mentioned at a later time in Cicero's cor- be deprived of the throne which they claimed as
respondence, and it is probably to him that the their inheritance, procured the assassination of Tar-
Tullianum caput refers. (Cic. ad Att. xii. 52, 53, quinius [TARQUINIUS). They did not, however,
xiv, 16, 17, xv. 26, 29. )
reap the fruit of their crime, for Tanaquil, pretend-
TU'LLIUS RUFUS, a man of quaestorian ing that the king's wound was not mortal, told the
rank, belonged to the Pompeian army, and was people that Tarquinius would recover in a few days,
slain at the battle of Thapsus, B. C. 46. (Hirt, and that he had commanded Servius meantime to
B. Afr. 85. )
discharge the duties of the kingly office. Servius
TU'LLIUS SENE/CIO. (Senecio. ) forthwith began to act as king, greatly to the satis-
TU'LLIUS, SERVIUS, the sixth king of faction of the people ; and when the death of Tar-
Rome. The account of the early life and death of quinius could no longer be concealed, he was already
Servius Tullius is full of marvels, and cannot be in firm possession of the royal power. Servius thus
regarded as possessing any title to a real historical succeeded to the throne without being elected by
narrative. According to the general tradition, he the senate and the curiae ; but the curiae after-
was of servile origin, and owed his elevation to the wards, at his own request, invested him with the
favour of the gods, and especially to the protection imperium. (Cic. de Rep. ii. 21; Dionys. iv. 12. )
of the goddess Fortune, with whom he was always The reign of Servius Tullius is almost as barren
a favourite. During his life-time she used to visit of military exploits as that of Numa. The only
him secretly in his chamber as his spouse ; and war which Livy mentions (i. 42) is one against
after his death, his statue was placed in her Veii, which was brought to a speedy conclusion.
temple, and remained unhurt when the temple This war is magnified by Dionysius (iv. 27) into
itself was once destroyed by fire (Оv. Fast. vi. victories over the whole Étruscan nation, which is
573, foll. , 625; Val. Max. i. 8. $ 11). The future said to have revolted after the death of Tarquinius
greatness of Servius was announced by a miracle Priscus; and these pretended triumphs have found
belure his birth. His mother Ocrisia, a female their way into the Fasti, where they are recorded,
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with the year and date of their occurrence. But creditor of the power of seizing the body of his
the great deeds of Servius were deeds of peace ;/ debtor, and restricted him to the seizure of the
and he was regarded by posterity as the author of goods of the latter ; and that lie assigned to the
all their civil rights and institutions, just as Numa plebeians allotments of lands out of the territories
was of their religious rites and ordinances. Three which they had won in war (Cic. de Rep. ii. 21;
important events are assigned to Servius by uni- Dionys. iv. 9; Liv. i. 46). The king had good
versal tradition. First he established a constitu- reasons for mistrusting the patricians. Accordingly,
tion, in which the plebs took its place as the second when he took up his residence on the Esquiline,
part of the nation, and of which we shall speak he would not allow them to dwell there, but ns-
more fully below. Secondly, he extended the po- signed to them the valley, which was called after
moerium, or hallowed boundary of the city (Dict. them the Patricius Vicus, or Patrician Street
of Antiq. s. v. Pomoerium), and completed the city (Festus s. v. ). Meantime, the long and uninter-
by incorporating with it the Quirinal, Viminal and rupted popularity of the king seemed to deprive
Esquiline hills. He surrounded the whole with L. Tarquinius more and more of the chance of
a stone wall called after him the wall of Ser. regaining the throne of his father.
The patricians,
vius Tullius ; and from the Porta Collina to the anxious to recover their supremacy, readily joined
Esquiline Gate where the hills sloped gently to the Tarquinius in a conspiracy to assassinate the king.
plain, he constructed a gigantic mound, nearly a The legend of his death is too celebrated to be
mile in length, and a moat, one hundred feet in omitted here, although it perhaps contains no fur-
breadth and thirty in depth, from which the earth ther truth than that Servius fell a victim to a pa-
of the mound was dug: Rome thus acquired a trician conspiracy, the leader of which was the son
circumference of five miles, and this continued to or descendant of the former king. The legend ran
be the legal extent of the city till the time of the as follows. Servius Tullius, soon after his succes-
emperors, although suburbs were added to it. sion, gave his two daughters in marriage to the two
Thirdly, Servius established an important alliance sons of Tarquinius Priscus. L. Tarquinius the elder
with the Latins, by which Rome and the cities of was married to a quiet and gentle wife ; Aruns,
Latium became the members of one great league. the younger, to an aspiring and ambitious woman.
As leagues of this kind were always connected the character of the two brothers was the very
among the ancients with the worship at some opposite of the wives who had fallen to their lot';
common temple, a temple of Diana or the Moon was for Lucius was proud and haughty, but Arung un-
built upon the Aventine, which was not included ambitious and quiet. The wife of Aruns, enraged
in the pomoerium, as the place of the religious at the long life of her father, and fearing that
meetings of the two nations. It appears that the at his death her husband would tamely resign
Sabines likewise shared in the worship of this the sovereignty to his elder brother, resolved to
temple. There was a celebrated tradition, that a destroy both her father and her husband. Her
Sabine husbandman had a cow of extraordinary fiendish spirit put into the heart of Lucius thoughts
beauty and size, and that the soothsayers had pre- of crime which he had never entertained before.
dicted that whoever should sacrifice this cow to Lucius murdered his wife, and the younger Tullia
Diana on the Aventine, would raise his country to her husband ; and the survivors, without even the
rule over the confederates. The Sabine, anxious to show of mourning, were straightway joined in un-
Becure the supremacy of his own people, had driven hallowed wedlock. Tullia now incessantly urged
the cow to Rome, and was on the point of sacri- her husband to murder her father, and thus obtain
ficing her before the altar, when the crafty Roman the kingdom which he so ardently coveted. It was
priest rebuked him for daring to offer it with un- said that their design was hastened by the belief
washed hands. While the Sabine went and washed that Servius, in order to complete his legislation,
in the Tiber, the Roman sacrificed the cow. The entertained the thought of laying down his kingly
gigantic horns of the animal were preserved down power, and establishing the consular form of go-
to very late times, nailed up in the vestibule (Liv. vernment. The patricians were no less alarmed at
i. 45). From the fact that the Aventine was se. this scheme, as it would have had the effect of con-
lected as the place of meeting, it has been inferred | firming for ever the hated laws of Servius. Their
that the supremacy of Rome was acknowledged by mutual hatred and fears united them closely_to
the Latins; but since we find it expressly stated gether; and when the conspiracy was ripe, Tar-
that this supremacy was not acquired till the reign quinius entered the forum arrayed in the kingly
of Tarquinius Superbus, this view is perhaps not robes, seated himself in the royal chair in the
strictly correct. (Comp. Niebuhr, Lectures on the senate- house, and ordered the senators to be sum-
History of Rome, p. 118, London, 1848. )
moned to him as their king. At the first news of
After Servius had established his new constitu- the commotion, Servius hastened to the senate-
tion, he did homage to the majesty of the cen- house, and standing at the door-way, ordered Tar-
turies, by calling them together, and leaving them quinius to come down from the throne. Tarquinius
to decide whether he was to reign over them or sprang forward, seized the old man, and flung him
not. The body which he had called into existence, the stone steps. Covered with blood, the
naturally ratified his power, and declared him to king was hastening home ; but, before he reached
be their king. The patricians, however, were far it, he was overtaken by the servants of Tarquinius,
from acquiescing in the new order of things, and and murdered. Tullia drove to the senate-house,
hated the man who had deprived them of their and greeted her husband as king ; but her trans-
exclusive rule, and had conferred such important ports of joy struck even him with horror. He bade
benefits upon the plebeians. In addition to his her go home ; and as she was returning, her cha-
constitutional changes in favour of the second order rioteer pulled up, and pointed out the corpse of her
in the state, tradition related, that out of his pri- father lying in his blood across the road. She
vate wealtb, he discharged the debts of those who commanded him to drive on; the blood of her
were reduced to indigence ; that he deprived the father spirted over the carriage and on her dress ;
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and from that day forward the street bore the this point we are entirely in the dark. Niebuhr,
name of the Vicus Sceleratus, or Wicked Street in the first edition of his history, inclined strongly
The body lay unburied, for Tarquinius said scof- to the opinion that Rome was of Etruscan origin,
fingly, “Romulus too went without burial ;” and and in his lectures, delivered in the year 1826, he
this impious mockery is said to have given rise to adopted the Etruscan tradition respecting the origin
his surname of Superbus (Liv. i. 46–48 ; Ov. of Servius Tullius, on the ground " that Etruscan
Fast. vi. 581, foll. ). Servius had reigned forty. | literature is so decidedly more ancient than that of
four years. His memory was long cherished by the Romans, that he did not hesitate to give pre-
the plebeians, and his birth-day was celebrated on ference to the traditions of the former. ” (Lectures,
the nones of every month, for it was remembered p. 84. ) In the second edition of his history, how-
that he was born on the nones of some month, but ever, Niebuhr so completely abandoned his former
the month itself had become a matter of uncer- idea of the Etruscan origin of Rome, that he would
tainty. At a later time, when the oppressions of not even admit the Etruscan origin of the Luceres, a
the patricians became more and more intolerable, point in which most subsequent scholars dissent
the senate found it necessary to forbid the markets from him ; and in his Lectures of the year 18:28,
to be holden on the nones, lest the people should he strongly maintains the Latin origin of Servius
attempt an insurrection to restore the laws of Tullius, and asserts his belief that "Etruscan lite-
their martyred monarch. (Macrob. Sat. i. 13. ) rature is mostly assigned to too early a period, and
The Roman traditions, as we have seen, were that to the time from the Hannibalian war down to
unanimous in making Servius Tullius of Latin the time of Sulla, a period of somewhat more than a
origin. He is universally stated to have been the century, most of the literary productions of the Etrus-
son of a native of Corniculum, which was a Latin cans must be referred. ” (Lectures, p. 125. ) But the
town ; and Niebuhr, in his Lectures, supposes that fact is that whether we are to follow the Etruscan
he may have been the offspring of a marriage be- or the Roman tradition about Servius is one of
tween one of the Luceres and a woman of Corni- those points on which no certainty can be by any
culum, previously to the establishment of the con possibility obtained. So much seems clear, that
nubium, and that this may be the foundation of Servius usurped the throne : he seized the royalty
the story of his descent. His name Tullius also upon the murder of the former king, without being
indicates a Latin origin, since the Tullii are ex- elected by the senate and the comitia, and he in-
pressly mentioned as one of the Alban gentes troduced great constitutional changes, apparently
which were received into the Latin state in the to strengthen his power against a powerful faction
reign of Tullus Hostilius. (Liv. i. 30. ) His in- | in the state. It is equally clear that his reign
stitutions, likewise, bear all the traces of a Latin came to a violent end: he was dethroned and
character. But the Etruscan tradition about this murdered by the descendants of the previous king,
king was entirely different, and made him a native in league with his enemies in the state, who sought
of Etruria. This Etruscan tradition was related to recover the power of which they had been dis-
by the emperor Claudius, in a speech which he possessed. Now if we are right in our supposition
made upon the admission of some Lugdunensian that Tarquinius Priscus and Tarquinius Superbus
Gauls into the senate ; and the fragments of which were both of Etruscan origin, and represent an
are still preserved on two tables discovered at Etruscan sovereignty at Rome (TARQUINIUS), it
Lyons in the sixteenth century, and since the time seems to follow that the reign of Servius Tullius
of Lipsius have been printed in most editions of represents a successful attempt of the Latins to
Tacitus. In this speech Claudius says
that, ac-
recover their independence, or in any case the so-
cording to the Tuscans, Servius was the faithful com- vereignty of an Etruscan people different from the
panion of Caeles Vibenna, and shared all his for-
one to which the Tarquins belonged. Further than
tunes: that at last being overpowered by a variety of this we cannot go ; and it seems to us impossible
disasters, he quitted Etruria with the remains of to determine which supposition has the greatest pre-
the army which had served under Caeles, went to ponderance of evidence in its favour. K. O. Müller
Rome, and occupied the Caelian Hill, calling it so adopted the latter supposition. He believed that
after his former commander: that he exchanged the Etruscan town of Tarquinii was at the head of
his Tuscan name Masturna for the Roman one of the twelve cities of Etruria at this time, that it
Servius Tullius, obtained the kingly power, and conquered Rome, and that the reign of Tarquinius
wielded it to the great good of the state. ” This Priscus represents the supremacy of the state of
Caeles Vibenna was well known to the Roman Tarquinii at Rome. He further supposed that the
writers, according to whom he came himself to supremacy of Tarquinii may not have been uni-
Rome, though the statements in whose reign he versally acknowledged throughout Etruria, and
came differed greatly. All accounts, however, re- that the army of Caeles and of his lieutenant Mas-
present him as a leader of an army raised by him- tarna perhaps belonged to the town of Volsinii,
self, and not belonging to any state, and as coming which wished to maintain its independence against
to Rome by the invitation of the Roman kings, to Tarquinii ; that it was with the remains of this
assist them. (CAELES. ] There can be no question army that Mastarna eventually conquered Rome,
that the emperor Claudius drew his account from and thus destroyed the dominion of Tarquinii in
Etruscan annals ; and there is no reason for dis- that city. (Müller, Etrusker, vol. i. p. 121. )
believing that Caeles Vibenna and Mastarna are
CONSTITUTION OF SERVIUS TULLIUS.
historical personages, for, as Niebuhr ohserves,
Caeles is too frequently and too distinctly men- The most important event connected with the
tioned to be fabulous, and his Etruscan name can reign of Servius Tullius is the new constitution
not have been invented by the Romans. The value which he gave to the Roman state. The details of
of the tradition about Mastarna would very much this constitution are stated in different articles in
depend upon the date of the Etruscan authorities, the Dictionary of Antiquities, and it is therefore only
from whom Claudius derived his account ; but on ) necessary to give here a general outline, which the
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reader can fill up by references to the work just | inhabitants in each regio, and of their property,
mentioned. The two main objects of the consti- for purposes of taxation, and for levying the troops
tution of Servius were to give the plebs political for the armies. Further, each country tribe or
independence, and to assign to property that in- regio was divided into a certain number of Pagi,
fluence in the state which had previously belonged a name which had been given to the divisions of
to birth exclusively ; and it cannot be questioned the Roman territory as early as the reign of Numa
that the military and financial objects, which he (Dionys. ii. 76); and each Pagus also formed an
Becured by the changes he introduced, were re- organised body, with a Magister Pausi at its hend,
garded by him as of secondary importance. In who kept a register of the naines and of the pro-
order to carry his purpose into effect Servius made perty of all persons in the pagus, mised the taxes,
a two-fold division of the Roman people, one ter- and summoned the people, when necessary, to war.
ritorial, and the other according to property. He Each pagus had its own sacred rites and common
first divided the whole Roman territory into Re- sanctuary, connected with which was a yearly fes-
giones, and the inhabitants into Tribus, the people tival called Puganalia, at which all the Pagani took
of each region forming a tribe. The city was part. Dionysius anys that the Pagi were fortified
divided into four regions or tribes, and the country places, established by Servius Tullius, to which the
around into twenty-six regions or tribes, so that country people might retreat in case of an hostile in-
the entire number of Tribus Urbanae and Tribus road ; but this is scarcely correct, for even if Servius
Rusticae, as they were respectively called, amounted Tullius established such fortified places, it is evident
to thirty. (Livi i. 43 ; Dionys. iv. 14, 15. ) Livy that the word was used to indicate a local division,
does not mention the number of the country tribes and must have been given to the country adjoining
in his account of the Servian constitution, and we the fortified place as well as to the fortified place
are indebted to Fabius Pictor, the oldest of the itself. (Dionys. iv. 15; Varr. L. L. vi. 24, 26 ;
Roman annalists (Dionys. l. c. ), and to Varro (ap. Macrob. Saturn. i. 16 ; Ov. Fast. i. 669 ; Dict. of
Non. p. 43), for the number of twenty-six. More- Antiq. s. v. Pagi. ) As the country tribes were
over Livy, when he speaks of the whole number of divided into Pagi, so were the city tribes divided
the tribes in B. C. 495, says that they were made into Vici, with a Magister Vici at the head of each,
twenty-one in that year. (Liv. ii. 21 ; comp. Dionys. who performed duties analogous to those of the
vii. 61. ) Hence the statements of Fabius Pictor Magister Pagi. The Vici in like manner had their
and Varro might appear to be doubtful. But in own religious rites and sanctuaries, which were
the first place their account has the greatest in- erected at spots where two or more ways met (in
ternal probability, since the number thirty plays compitis); and consequently their festival, cor-
such an important part in the Roman constitution, responding to the Paganalia, was called Compitalia.
and the thirty tribes would thus correspond to the (Dionys. iv. 14 ; Dict. of Antiq. s. vv. Vicus and
thirty curiae ; and in the second place Niebuhr Compitalia. )
has called attention to the fact that in the war with The main object which Servius had in view in
Porsena, Rome lost a considerable part of her ter- the institution of the tribes was to give an organi-
ritory, and thus the number of her tribes would sation to the plebeians, of which they had been
naturally be reduced. When, however, Niebuhr entirely destitute before ; but whether the patricians
proceeds to say that the tribes were reduced in the were included in the tribes or not, is a subject of
war with Porsena from thirty to twenty, because great difficulty, and has given rise to great differ-
it was the ancient practice in Italy to deprive a ence of opinion among modern scholars, some
conquered nation of a third part of its territory, he regarding the division into tribes as a local division
seems to have forgotten, as Becker has remarked, of the whole Roman people, and consequently of
that the four city tribes could not have been taken patricians and their clients as well as of plebeians,
into account in such a forfeiture, and that conse- while others look upon it as simply an organisation
quently a third part of the territory would not of the second order. The undoubted object of
have been ten tribes. Into this question, however, Servius Tullius in the institution of the tribes led
it is unnecessary further to enter. The conquest Niebuhr to maintain that the patricians could not
of Porsena bad undoubtedly broken up the whole possibly have belonged to the tribes originally ;
Servian system ; and thus it was all the easier to but as we find them in the tribes at a later period
form a new tribe in B. C. 504, when the gens (Liv. iv. 24, v. 30, 32), he supposed that they were
Claudia migrated to Rome. (Liv. ii. 16. ) It would admitted into them by the legislation of the de-
appear that an entirely new distribution of the cemvirs. But probable as this might appear, all
tribes became necessary, and this was probably the evidence we possess goes the other way, and
carried into effect in B. C. 495, soon after the battle tends to show that the tribes were a local division
of the lake of Regillus. In fact the words of Livy of the whole Roman people. In the first place, if
(ii. 21) already referred to state as much, for he Servius had created thirty local tribes for the plebs
does not say that before this year there were alone, from which the patricians were excluded, it
twenty tribes, or that the twenty-first was then is not easy to see why the three ancient tribes of
added for the first time, but simply that twenty- the Ramnes, Tities, and Luceres, should not have
one tribes were then formed (Romae tribus una et continued in existence. This we know was not the
viginti factae). The subsequent increase in the num- case ; for it is certain, that the three ancient tribes
ber of the tribes, till they reached that of thirty-five, disappear from the time of the Servian constitution,
is related in the Dictionary of Antiquities (s. v. and that their names alone were retained by the
Tribus). But to return from this digression to the Equites, and that henceforward we read only of
Servian constitution. Each tribe was an organised the division of the patricians into thirty curiae :
body, with a magistrate at its head, called $u- indeed it is expressly said that the pural yerikal
Adpxos by Dionysius (iv. 14), and Curator Tribus were abolished by Servius, and that the Qural TO#-
by Varro (L. L. vi. 86), whose principal duty ap- xal were established in their place. (Dionys. iv.
pears to have consisted in keeping a register of the 14. ) Secondly, it is certain that all the tribes of the
4 6 2
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1
year B. C. 495, with the exception of the Crustu- 1 100,000 asses: the second class those who had at
mina, take their names from patrician gentes. least 75,000 asses : the third those who had at
Thirdly, the establishment of the Claudian tribe, least 50,000 asses: the fourth those who had at
consisting as it did mainly of the patrician Claudia least 25,000 asses: and the fifth those who had
geng, is almost of itself sufficient to prove that at least 10,000 asses, according to Böckh's pro-
patricians were included in the Servian tribes. bable conjecture, for Dionysius makes the sum
Niebuhr lays great stress upon the fact that in no necessary for admission to this class 12,500 asses
instance do we find the patricians voting in the (127 minae) and Livy 11,000 asses. It must be
Comitia Tributa before the time of the decemvirs ; recollected, however, that these numbers are not
but as Becker very justly remarks, this does not the ancient onee, when the as was a pound weight
prove any thing, as we have no reason for supposing of copper, but those of the sixth century of the
that the Comitia Tributa were established by city. The original numbers were probably 20,000,
Servius along with the tribes. Such an assembly 15,000, 10,000, 5000, and 2000 asses respectively,
would have had no meaning in the Servian consti- which were increased fivefold, when the as was
tution, and would have been opposed to its first coined so much lighter. (Böckh, Metrologische
principles.
tenth year of the republic, B. c. 500. [LONGUS. ] a different person both from M. Tullius Decula,
The patrician branch of the gens appears to have consul B. C. 81, and from M. Tullius Albinovanus.
become extinct at an early period; for after the The fragments of Cicero's speech for Tullius were
early times of the republic no one of the name published for the first time from a palimpsest manu-
occurs for some centuries, and the Tullii of a later script by Angelo Mai. An analysis of it is given
age are not only plebeians, but, with the excep-by Drumann. (Geschichte Roms, vol. v. p. 258,
tion of their bearing the same name, cannot be foll. )
regarded as having any connection with the 5. L. TULLIUS, a legate of Cicero in Cilicia,
ancient gens. The first plebeian Tullius who rose owed his appointment to the influence of Q. Titi-
nius, and probably also of Atticus, whose friend he
* It is stated by Middleton (Life of Cicero, was. His conduct, however, did not give satis-
vol. ii. p. 365), on the authority of Plutarch (Cic. faction to Cicero. (Cic
. ad Att. v. 4, 11, 14, 21. )
41), that Tullia died at Dolabella's house at Rome; In one of Cicero's letters (ad Fam. xv. 14. 8 8)
but Plutarch does not say so; and Drumann has we read of his legate L. Tulleius, which is pro-
shown clearly from passages in Cicero's letters, bably a false reading for L. Tullius.
that she died at her father's Tusculan villa. 6. TiB, Tullius, fought on the side of the
a
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Ponipeian party in Spain in B. c. 45. (Auctor, slave of the queen's, and one of the captives taken
B. Hisp. 17, 18. )
at Corniculum, was offering cakes to the Lar or
TULLIUS ALBINOVA'NUS. [ALBINO- the household genius, when she saw in the fire on
VANUS. )
the hearth an apparition of the deity. Tanaquil,
TU'LLIUS, A'TTIUS, the celebrated king of who understood the portent, commanded her to
the Volscians, to whom Coriolanus Aled, when he dress herself as a bride, and to shut herself up
was banished from Rome, and who induced his in the chamber. There she became pregnant by
people to make war upon the Romans, with Corio the god, whom some Romans maintained to be the
lanus as their general. For details and authorities, houschold genius, and others Vulcan ; the former
see CORIOLANUS. In the best MSS. of Livy the supporting their opinion by the festival which
name is written Attius Tullius, and in Zonaras we Servius established in honour of the Lares, the
also find Touarios; but in
and Plutarch latter by the deliverance of his statue from fire
the form Τύλλος occurs. Tullius, and not Tullus (Ov. Fast. vi. 625, foll. ; Dionys. iv. 2). There are
is the correct form. (Alschefski, ad Liv. ii. 37 ; two other legends respecting the birth of Servius,
Niebuhr, Hist. of Rome, vol. ii. note 217. )
which have more of an historical air, and may
TU'LLIUS BASSUS. [Bassus, p. 471. ] therefore be regarded as of later origin. One re-
TU'LLIUS or TI'LLIUS CIMBER. [Cim-lated that his mother was a slave from Tarquinii,
BER. )
that his father was a client of the king, and that
TÚ’LLIUS FLAVIA'NUS, a commander of he himself was brought up in the palace with the
a troop of cavalry under Petilius Cerialia, was other household slaves, and waited at the royal
taken prisoner by the Vitellian troops in the battle table (Cic. de Rep. ii. 21). The other legend,
in the suburbs of Rome, A. D. 69. (Tac. Hist. which gives Servius a nobler origin, and which is
ji. 79. )
therefore preferred both by Dionysius and Livy,
TU'LLIUS GEMINUS. [GEMINUS. ] states that his father, likewise called Servius Tul.
TU'LLIUS LAU'REA (Toúricos Aavpéas), lius, was a noble
, of Corniculum, who was slain at
the author of three epigrams in the Greek Antho- the taking of the city, and that his mother, then
logy. Fabricius conjectured, and Reiske and in a state of pregnancy, was carried away captive
Jacobs approve of the suggestion, that he is iden- to Rome where she gave birth to the future king
tical with Laurea Tullius, the freedman of Cicero, in the royal palace. The prodigies which preceded
from whose Latin poems in elegiac verse Pliny the birth of Servius accompanied his youth. Once
(H. N. xxxi. 2) quotes some lines, which are as he was sleeping at mid-day in the porch of the
printed also in Burmann's Anthologia Latina (vol. palace, his head was seen surrounded with flames.
i. p. 340). This conjecture is strongly confirmed Tanaquil forbade their being extinguished, for her
by the fact, that the epigrams of Tullius had a prophetic spirit recognised the future destiny of
place in the Anthology of Philip, which consisted the boy: they played around him without harm-
chiefly of the poets of the Augustan age. In the ing him, and when he awoke, the fire vanished.
title of one of the three epigrams there is a slight from this time forward Servius was brought up
confusion in the different copies of the Anthology, as the king's child with the greatest hopes. Nor
the Planudean giving Eatvilov, and the Palatine were these hopes disappointed. By his personal
Tatvariou, both of which variations perhaps arise bravery he gained a battle which the Romans
from the reading M. Tullov. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. had nearly lost ; and Tarquinius placed such
vol. iv. p. 498; Brunck, Anal. vol. ii. p. 102 ; confidence in him, that he gave him his daughter
Jacobs, Anth. Graec. vol. ii. p. 90, vol. xiii. p. in marriage, and entrusted him with the exercise
907. )
[P. S. ) of the government. His rule was mild and bene-
L. TU'LLIUS MONTANUS, accompanied ficent; and so popular did he become, that the
M. Cicero the younger to Athens in B. C. 45. He sons of Ancus Marcius, fearing lest they should
is also mentioned at a later time in Cicero's cor- be deprived of the throne which they claimed as
respondence, and it is probably to him that the their inheritance, procured the assassination of Tar-
Tullianum caput refers. (Cic. ad Att. xii. 52, 53, quinius [TARQUINIUS). They did not, however,
xiv, 16, 17, xv. 26, 29. )
reap the fruit of their crime, for Tanaquil, pretend-
TU'LLIUS RUFUS, a man of quaestorian ing that the king's wound was not mortal, told the
rank, belonged to the Pompeian army, and was people that Tarquinius would recover in a few days,
slain at the battle of Thapsus, B. C. 46. (Hirt, and that he had commanded Servius meantime to
B. Afr. 85. )
discharge the duties of the kingly office. Servius
TU'LLIUS SENE/CIO. (Senecio. ) forthwith began to act as king, greatly to the satis-
TU'LLIUS, SERVIUS, the sixth king of faction of the people ; and when the death of Tar-
Rome. The account of the early life and death of quinius could no longer be concealed, he was already
Servius Tullius is full of marvels, and cannot be in firm possession of the royal power. Servius thus
regarded as possessing any title to a real historical succeeded to the throne without being elected by
narrative. According to the general tradition, he the senate and the curiae ; but the curiae after-
was of servile origin, and owed his elevation to the wards, at his own request, invested him with the
favour of the gods, and especially to the protection imperium. (Cic. de Rep. ii. 21; Dionys. iv. 12. )
of the goddess Fortune, with whom he was always The reign of Servius Tullius is almost as barren
a favourite. During his life-time she used to visit of military exploits as that of Numa. The only
him secretly in his chamber as his spouse ; and war which Livy mentions (i. 42) is one against
after his death, his statue was placed in her Veii, which was brought to a speedy conclusion.
temple, and remained unhurt when the temple This war is magnified by Dionysius (iv. 27) into
itself was once destroyed by fire (Оv. Fast. vi. victories over the whole Étruscan nation, which is
573, foll. , 625; Val. Max. i. 8. $ 11). The future said to have revolted after the death of Tarquinius
greatness of Servius was announced by a miracle Priscus; and these pretended triumphs have found
belure his birth. His mother Ocrisia, a female their way into the Fasti, where they are recorded,
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TULLIUS.
with the year and date of their occurrence. But creditor of the power of seizing the body of his
the great deeds of Servius were deeds of peace ;/ debtor, and restricted him to the seizure of the
and he was regarded by posterity as the author of goods of the latter ; and that lie assigned to the
all their civil rights and institutions, just as Numa plebeians allotments of lands out of the territories
was of their religious rites and ordinances. Three which they had won in war (Cic. de Rep. ii. 21;
important events are assigned to Servius by uni- Dionys. iv. 9; Liv. i. 46). The king had good
versal tradition. First he established a constitu- reasons for mistrusting the patricians. Accordingly,
tion, in which the plebs took its place as the second when he took up his residence on the Esquiline,
part of the nation, and of which we shall speak he would not allow them to dwell there, but ns-
more fully below. Secondly, he extended the po- signed to them the valley, which was called after
moerium, or hallowed boundary of the city (Dict. them the Patricius Vicus, or Patrician Street
of Antiq. s. v. Pomoerium), and completed the city (Festus s. v. ). Meantime, the long and uninter-
by incorporating with it the Quirinal, Viminal and rupted popularity of the king seemed to deprive
Esquiline hills. He surrounded the whole with L. Tarquinius more and more of the chance of
a stone wall called after him the wall of Ser. regaining the throne of his father.
The patricians,
vius Tullius ; and from the Porta Collina to the anxious to recover their supremacy, readily joined
Esquiline Gate where the hills sloped gently to the Tarquinius in a conspiracy to assassinate the king.
plain, he constructed a gigantic mound, nearly a The legend of his death is too celebrated to be
mile in length, and a moat, one hundred feet in omitted here, although it perhaps contains no fur-
breadth and thirty in depth, from which the earth ther truth than that Servius fell a victim to a pa-
of the mound was dug: Rome thus acquired a trician conspiracy, the leader of which was the son
circumference of five miles, and this continued to or descendant of the former king. The legend ran
be the legal extent of the city till the time of the as follows. Servius Tullius, soon after his succes-
emperors, although suburbs were added to it. sion, gave his two daughters in marriage to the two
Thirdly, Servius established an important alliance sons of Tarquinius Priscus. L. Tarquinius the elder
with the Latins, by which Rome and the cities of was married to a quiet and gentle wife ; Aruns,
Latium became the members of one great league. the younger, to an aspiring and ambitious woman.
As leagues of this kind were always connected the character of the two brothers was the very
among the ancients with the worship at some opposite of the wives who had fallen to their lot';
common temple, a temple of Diana or the Moon was for Lucius was proud and haughty, but Arung un-
built upon the Aventine, which was not included ambitious and quiet. The wife of Aruns, enraged
in the pomoerium, as the place of the religious at the long life of her father, and fearing that
meetings of the two nations. It appears that the at his death her husband would tamely resign
Sabines likewise shared in the worship of this the sovereignty to his elder brother, resolved to
temple. There was a celebrated tradition, that a destroy both her father and her husband. Her
Sabine husbandman had a cow of extraordinary fiendish spirit put into the heart of Lucius thoughts
beauty and size, and that the soothsayers had pre- of crime which he had never entertained before.
dicted that whoever should sacrifice this cow to Lucius murdered his wife, and the younger Tullia
Diana on the Aventine, would raise his country to her husband ; and the survivors, without even the
rule over the confederates. The Sabine, anxious to show of mourning, were straightway joined in un-
Becure the supremacy of his own people, had driven hallowed wedlock. Tullia now incessantly urged
the cow to Rome, and was on the point of sacri- her husband to murder her father, and thus obtain
ficing her before the altar, when the crafty Roman the kingdom which he so ardently coveted. It was
priest rebuked him for daring to offer it with un- said that their design was hastened by the belief
washed hands. While the Sabine went and washed that Servius, in order to complete his legislation,
in the Tiber, the Roman sacrificed the cow. The entertained the thought of laying down his kingly
gigantic horns of the animal were preserved down power, and establishing the consular form of go-
to very late times, nailed up in the vestibule (Liv. vernment. The patricians were no less alarmed at
i. 45). From the fact that the Aventine was se. this scheme, as it would have had the effect of con-
lected as the place of meeting, it has been inferred | firming for ever the hated laws of Servius. Their
that the supremacy of Rome was acknowledged by mutual hatred and fears united them closely_to
the Latins; but since we find it expressly stated gether; and when the conspiracy was ripe, Tar-
that this supremacy was not acquired till the reign quinius entered the forum arrayed in the kingly
of Tarquinius Superbus, this view is perhaps not robes, seated himself in the royal chair in the
strictly correct. (Comp. Niebuhr, Lectures on the senate- house, and ordered the senators to be sum-
History of Rome, p. 118, London, 1848. )
moned to him as their king. At the first news of
After Servius had established his new constitu- the commotion, Servius hastened to the senate-
tion, he did homage to the majesty of the cen- house, and standing at the door-way, ordered Tar-
turies, by calling them together, and leaving them quinius to come down from the throne. Tarquinius
to decide whether he was to reign over them or sprang forward, seized the old man, and flung him
not. The body which he had called into existence, the stone steps. Covered with blood, the
naturally ratified his power, and declared him to king was hastening home ; but, before he reached
be their king. The patricians, however, were far it, he was overtaken by the servants of Tarquinius,
from acquiescing in the new order of things, and and murdered. Tullia drove to the senate-house,
hated the man who had deprived them of their and greeted her husband as king ; but her trans-
exclusive rule, and had conferred such important ports of joy struck even him with horror. He bade
benefits upon the plebeians. In addition to his her go home ; and as she was returning, her cha-
constitutional changes in favour of the second order rioteer pulled up, and pointed out the corpse of her
in the state, tradition related, that out of his pri- father lying in his blood across the road. She
vate wealtb, he discharged the debts of those who commanded him to drive on; the blood of her
were reduced to indigence ; that he deprived the father spirted over the carriage and on her dress ;
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and from that day forward the street bore the this point we are entirely in the dark. Niebuhr,
name of the Vicus Sceleratus, or Wicked Street in the first edition of his history, inclined strongly
The body lay unburied, for Tarquinius said scof- to the opinion that Rome was of Etruscan origin,
fingly, “Romulus too went without burial ;” and and in his lectures, delivered in the year 1826, he
this impious mockery is said to have given rise to adopted the Etruscan tradition respecting the origin
his surname of Superbus (Liv. i. 46–48 ; Ov. of Servius Tullius, on the ground " that Etruscan
Fast. vi. 581, foll. ). Servius had reigned forty. | literature is so decidedly more ancient than that of
four years. His memory was long cherished by the Romans, that he did not hesitate to give pre-
the plebeians, and his birth-day was celebrated on ference to the traditions of the former. ” (Lectures,
the nones of every month, for it was remembered p. 84. ) In the second edition of his history, how-
that he was born on the nones of some month, but ever, Niebuhr so completely abandoned his former
the month itself had become a matter of uncer- idea of the Etruscan origin of Rome, that he would
tainty. At a later time, when the oppressions of not even admit the Etruscan origin of the Luceres, a
the patricians became more and more intolerable, point in which most subsequent scholars dissent
the senate found it necessary to forbid the markets from him ; and in his Lectures of the year 18:28,
to be holden on the nones, lest the people should he strongly maintains the Latin origin of Servius
attempt an insurrection to restore the laws of Tullius, and asserts his belief that "Etruscan lite-
their martyred monarch. (Macrob. Sat. i. 13. ) rature is mostly assigned to too early a period, and
The Roman traditions, as we have seen, were that to the time from the Hannibalian war down to
unanimous in making Servius Tullius of Latin the time of Sulla, a period of somewhat more than a
origin. He is universally stated to have been the century, most of the literary productions of the Etrus-
son of a native of Corniculum, which was a Latin cans must be referred. ” (Lectures, p. 125. ) But the
town ; and Niebuhr, in his Lectures, supposes that fact is that whether we are to follow the Etruscan
he may have been the offspring of a marriage be- or the Roman tradition about Servius is one of
tween one of the Luceres and a woman of Corni- those points on which no certainty can be by any
culum, previously to the establishment of the con possibility obtained. So much seems clear, that
nubium, and that this may be the foundation of Servius usurped the throne : he seized the royalty
the story of his descent. His name Tullius also upon the murder of the former king, without being
indicates a Latin origin, since the Tullii are ex- elected by the senate and the comitia, and he in-
pressly mentioned as one of the Alban gentes troduced great constitutional changes, apparently
which were received into the Latin state in the to strengthen his power against a powerful faction
reign of Tullus Hostilius. (Liv. i. 30. ) His in- | in the state. It is equally clear that his reign
stitutions, likewise, bear all the traces of a Latin came to a violent end: he was dethroned and
character. But the Etruscan tradition about this murdered by the descendants of the previous king,
king was entirely different, and made him a native in league with his enemies in the state, who sought
of Etruria. This Etruscan tradition was related to recover the power of which they had been dis-
by the emperor Claudius, in a speech which he possessed. Now if we are right in our supposition
made upon the admission of some Lugdunensian that Tarquinius Priscus and Tarquinius Superbus
Gauls into the senate ; and the fragments of which were both of Etruscan origin, and represent an
are still preserved on two tables discovered at Etruscan sovereignty at Rome (TARQUINIUS), it
Lyons in the sixteenth century, and since the time seems to follow that the reign of Servius Tullius
of Lipsius have been printed in most editions of represents a successful attempt of the Latins to
Tacitus. In this speech Claudius says
that, ac-
recover their independence, or in any case the so-
cording to the Tuscans, Servius was the faithful com- vereignty of an Etruscan people different from the
panion of Caeles Vibenna, and shared all his for-
one to which the Tarquins belonged. Further than
tunes: that at last being overpowered by a variety of this we cannot go ; and it seems to us impossible
disasters, he quitted Etruria with the remains of to determine which supposition has the greatest pre-
the army which had served under Caeles, went to ponderance of evidence in its favour. K. O. Müller
Rome, and occupied the Caelian Hill, calling it so adopted the latter supposition. He believed that
after his former commander: that he exchanged the Etruscan town of Tarquinii was at the head of
his Tuscan name Masturna for the Roman one of the twelve cities of Etruria at this time, that it
Servius Tullius, obtained the kingly power, and conquered Rome, and that the reign of Tarquinius
wielded it to the great good of the state. ” This Priscus represents the supremacy of the state of
Caeles Vibenna was well known to the Roman Tarquinii at Rome. He further supposed that the
writers, according to whom he came himself to supremacy of Tarquinii may not have been uni-
Rome, though the statements in whose reign he versally acknowledged throughout Etruria, and
came differed greatly. All accounts, however, re- that the army of Caeles and of his lieutenant Mas-
present him as a leader of an army raised by him- tarna perhaps belonged to the town of Volsinii,
self, and not belonging to any state, and as coming which wished to maintain its independence against
to Rome by the invitation of the Roman kings, to Tarquinii ; that it was with the remains of this
assist them. (CAELES. ] There can be no question army that Mastarna eventually conquered Rome,
that the emperor Claudius drew his account from and thus destroyed the dominion of Tarquinii in
Etruscan annals ; and there is no reason for dis- that city. (Müller, Etrusker, vol. i. p. 121. )
believing that Caeles Vibenna and Mastarna are
CONSTITUTION OF SERVIUS TULLIUS.
historical personages, for, as Niebuhr ohserves,
Caeles is too frequently and too distinctly men- The most important event connected with the
tioned to be fabulous, and his Etruscan name can reign of Servius Tullius is the new constitution
not have been invented by the Romans. The value which he gave to the Roman state. The details of
of the tradition about Mastarna would very much this constitution are stated in different articles in
depend upon the date of the Etruscan authorities, the Dictionary of Antiquities, and it is therefore only
from whom Claudius derived his account ; but on ) necessary to give here a general outline, which the
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reader can fill up by references to the work just | inhabitants in each regio, and of their property,
mentioned. The two main objects of the consti- for purposes of taxation, and for levying the troops
tution of Servius were to give the plebs political for the armies. Further, each country tribe or
independence, and to assign to property that in- regio was divided into a certain number of Pagi,
fluence in the state which had previously belonged a name which had been given to the divisions of
to birth exclusively ; and it cannot be questioned the Roman territory as early as the reign of Numa
that the military and financial objects, which he (Dionys. ii. 76); and each Pagus also formed an
Becured by the changes he introduced, were re- organised body, with a Magister Pausi at its hend,
garded by him as of secondary importance. In who kept a register of the naines and of the pro-
order to carry his purpose into effect Servius made perty of all persons in the pagus, mised the taxes,
a two-fold division of the Roman people, one ter- and summoned the people, when necessary, to war.
ritorial, and the other according to property. He Each pagus had its own sacred rites and common
first divided the whole Roman territory into Re- sanctuary, connected with which was a yearly fes-
giones, and the inhabitants into Tribus, the people tival called Puganalia, at which all the Pagani took
of each region forming a tribe. The city was part. Dionysius anys that the Pagi were fortified
divided into four regions or tribes, and the country places, established by Servius Tullius, to which the
around into twenty-six regions or tribes, so that country people might retreat in case of an hostile in-
the entire number of Tribus Urbanae and Tribus road ; but this is scarcely correct, for even if Servius
Rusticae, as they were respectively called, amounted Tullius established such fortified places, it is evident
to thirty. (Livi i. 43 ; Dionys. iv. 14, 15. ) Livy that the word was used to indicate a local division,
does not mention the number of the country tribes and must have been given to the country adjoining
in his account of the Servian constitution, and we the fortified place as well as to the fortified place
are indebted to Fabius Pictor, the oldest of the itself. (Dionys. iv. 15; Varr. L. L. vi. 24, 26 ;
Roman annalists (Dionys. l. c. ), and to Varro (ap. Macrob. Saturn. i. 16 ; Ov. Fast. i. 669 ; Dict. of
Non. p. 43), for the number of twenty-six. More- Antiq. s. v. Pagi. ) As the country tribes were
over Livy, when he speaks of the whole number of divided into Pagi, so were the city tribes divided
the tribes in B. C. 495, says that they were made into Vici, with a Magister Vici at the head of each,
twenty-one in that year. (Liv. ii. 21 ; comp. Dionys. who performed duties analogous to those of the
vii. 61. ) Hence the statements of Fabius Pictor Magister Pagi. The Vici in like manner had their
and Varro might appear to be doubtful. But in own religious rites and sanctuaries, which were
the first place their account has the greatest in- erected at spots where two or more ways met (in
ternal probability, since the number thirty plays compitis); and consequently their festival, cor-
such an important part in the Roman constitution, responding to the Paganalia, was called Compitalia.
and the thirty tribes would thus correspond to the (Dionys. iv. 14 ; Dict. of Antiq. s. vv. Vicus and
thirty curiae ; and in the second place Niebuhr Compitalia. )
has called attention to the fact that in the war with The main object which Servius had in view in
Porsena, Rome lost a considerable part of her ter- the institution of the tribes was to give an organi-
ritory, and thus the number of her tribes would sation to the plebeians, of which they had been
naturally be reduced. When, however, Niebuhr entirely destitute before ; but whether the patricians
proceeds to say that the tribes were reduced in the were included in the tribes or not, is a subject of
war with Porsena from thirty to twenty, because great difficulty, and has given rise to great differ-
it was the ancient practice in Italy to deprive a ence of opinion among modern scholars, some
conquered nation of a third part of its territory, he regarding the division into tribes as a local division
seems to have forgotten, as Becker has remarked, of the whole Roman people, and consequently of
that the four city tribes could not have been taken patricians and their clients as well as of plebeians,
into account in such a forfeiture, and that conse- while others look upon it as simply an organisation
quently a third part of the territory would not of the second order. The undoubted object of
have been ten tribes. Into this question, however, Servius Tullius in the institution of the tribes led
it is unnecessary further to enter. The conquest Niebuhr to maintain that the patricians could not
of Porsena bad undoubtedly broken up the whole possibly have belonged to the tribes originally ;
Servian system ; and thus it was all the easier to but as we find them in the tribes at a later period
form a new tribe in B. C. 504, when the gens (Liv. iv. 24, v. 30, 32), he supposed that they were
Claudia migrated to Rome. (Liv. ii. 16. ) It would admitted into them by the legislation of the de-
appear that an entirely new distribution of the cemvirs. But probable as this might appear, all
tribes became necessary, and this was probably the evidence we possess goes the other way, and
carried into effect in B. C. 495, soon after the battle tends to show that the tribes were a local division
of the lake of Regillus. In fact the words of Livy of the whole Roman people. In the first place, if
(ii. 21) already referred to state as much, for he Servius had created thirty local tribes for the plebs
does not say that before this year there were alone, from which the patricians were excluded, it
twenty tribes, or that the twenty-first was then is not easy to see why the three ancient tribes of
added for the first time, but simply that twenty- the Ramnes, Tities, and Luceres, should not have
one tribes were then formed (Romae tribus una et continued in existence. This we know was not the
viginti factae). The subsequent increase in the num- case ; for it is certain, that the three ancient tribes
ber of the tribes, till they reached that of thirty-five, disappear from the time of the Servian constitution,
is related in the Dictionary of Antiquities (s. v. and that their names alone were retained by the
Tribus). But to return from this digression to the Equites, and that henceforward we read only of
Servian constitution. Each tribe was an organised the division of the patricians into thirty curiae :
body, with a magistrate at its head, called $u- indeed it is expressly said that the pural yerikal
Adpxos by Dionysius (iv. 14), and Curator Tribus were abolished by Servius, and that the Qural TO#-
by Varro (L. L. vi. 86), whose principal duty ap- xal were established in their place. (Dionys. iv.
pears to have consisted in keeping a register of the 14. ) Secondly, it is certain that all the tribes of the
4 6 2
## p. 1188 (#1204) ##########################################
1188
TULLIUS.
TULLIUS.
+
1
year B. C. 495, with the exception of the Crustu- 1 100,000 asses: the second class those who had at
mina, take their names from patrician gentes. least 75,000 asses : the third those who had at
Thirdly, the establishment of the Claudian tribe, least 50,000 asses: the fourth those who had at
consisting as it did mainly of the patrician Claudia least 25,000 asses: and the fifth those who had
geng, is almost of itself sufficient to prove that at least 10,000 asses, according to Böckh's pro-
patricians were included in the Servian tribes. bable conjecture, for Dionysius makes the sum
Niebuhr lays great stress upon the fact that in no necessary for admission to this class 12,500 asses
instance do we find the patricians voting in the (127 minae) and Livy 11,000 asses. It must be
Comitia Tributa before the time of the decemvirs ; recollected, however, that these numbers are not
but as Becker very justly remarks, this does not the ancient onee, when the as was a pound weight
prove any thing, as we have no reason for supposing of copper, but those of the sixth century of the
that the Comitia Tributa were established by city. The original numbers were probably 20,000,
Servius along with the tribes. Such an assembly 15,000, 10,000, 5000, and 2000 asses respectively,
would have had no meaning in the Servian consti- which were increased fivefold, when the as was
tution, and would have been opposed to its first coined so much lighter. (Böckh, Metrologische
principles.
