" It is noteworthy that Otto even at this
stage of his development expressed his idea of using intro-
spection as a research method in psychology.
stage of his development expressed his idea of using intro-
spection as a research method in psychology.
Weininger - 1946 - Mind and Death of a Genius
Schnitzler him-
self belonged to the bourgeoisie. His father, a professor of
medicine at the University, fostered his son's talents. Schnitzler
was undecided in his youth whether to be a physician, a mu-
sician, or a writer. Finally, after a medical career, he decided
to devote his life to literature. He took a somewhat material-
istic stand about life, in contrast to his contemporary, the poet
Hugo von Hoffmannsthal. While the poet described and inter^
preted the environment, the Wiener Wald, the Stephans-
kirche, the Schonbrunn Palace, and the Burggarten, Schnitzler
interpreted the people themselves. Hoffmannsthal's world was
that of the creations of Vienna, which led him to be infatuated
with the souls of the people, to speak of their mutual destiny,
their past, and their future. He was the creator of beauty,
of spirit, and of form. He therefore spoke in his poetry and
in his dramas about men's dreams and their imaginings, crystal-
lizing them into a kind of symbolism, a symbolism which Rich-
ard Strauss tried to express in the music for the operas on which
he and Hoffmannsthal collaborated, Der Rosenkavalier and
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? 32 City by the River
Elektra. Most interesting were Hoffmannsthal's friendly rela-
tions with Jakob Wassermann, a poor Jewish fellow in con-
trast to the prosperous poet. But the contrasts do not end with
their relative wealth. Wassermann's world was the world of
Dostoyevsky, while Hoffmannsthal, with his eloquent spirit and
womanlike manners, was immersed in the world of French sym-
bolism. Wassermann and his fellow Viennese authors spoke
well, but Hoffmannsthal had such a variety of expression, such
a choice of words, such a charming intuition, that, compared
with his eloquence, the others seemed to stammer.
Hoffmannsthal proclaimed the soul of Vienna, the very same
soul which Schnitzler tried to find in the people. But Schnitzler
was frustrated in his hopes. He felt that people were too hedo-
nistic, too lazy, too rational to strive for things of the spirit.
It was in this search for the soul of Vienna that he created his
heroes, his aristocrats, and the women around them. Such a
hero was the man who could recite, play the piano, be ap-
plauded by his friends, and then think about what to do next
to please the world. This man, a gentleman of taste, played
at making love to a girl in a conquering way, neither promis-
ing marriage nor excluding hope of it. He might break the
heart of the girl, he might ruin her life. In spite of this, he
always felt free to walk to new pastures and start over again.
The world of Schnitzler was therefore a sad world, filled
with people shaken and ruined, not because they were bas-
ically malicious, but because they were too much filled with
themselves. Schnitzler's heroes did not know how to make
sacrifices, how to be useful in the struggle of life, where give-
and-take is the principle. This was not only because such be-
havior was fashionable and smart, but because it was in the
air, it was something which had to be done. No wonder that
this atmosphere gave the people a feeling of despair! This was
not the wine-sweet, nostalgic city; this was the city of weariness
and Weltschmerz.
In this same city with its mood of Weltschmerz, Sigmund
Freud started his work, first as an apprentice in medicine, later
as an investigator into the human mind; the cradle of psycho-
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? City by the River 33
analysis was there. The city, the people, their blasted hopes,
the depressing influence of Schopenhauer's and Nietzsche's
philosophy, all gave impetus to a reorientation of thinking in
general and of medical thinking in particular. At a time when
Fechner's, Weber's, and William Wundt's experimental psy-
chology gripped the minds of scholars within the medical and
psychological world, Freud made a complete turn about and
took their eyes from an academic experimental psychology to
the human psyche itself. His was the study of the mind: its
action and reaction, its drives, wishes, and hopes. This was in
strong contrast to the experimental psychologists, who were
interested in investigating common sensations and discover-
ing how an individual responded physiologically to ten or
fifteen drops of caffein, or how he reacted to a galvanic current.
Freud's searching eye without doubt had looked beneath
the surface gaiety of Viennese life and had seen the despair of
men and women searching for happiness; he had seen their
search for satisfaction of their emotional needs. He felt that
they had found nothing. He himself had been bewildered. As
a medical student, he had busied himself with studies in
neuroanatomy and then, dissatisfied with what Vienna had to
offer him in medicine, he had gone to Paris to study under the
great master of contemporary medicine, Charcot. It was in
Paris in the school of Charcot that Freud was inspired to
penetrate into the minds of humans. His earlier interest in
the anatomy of the nervous system was superseded when he
became acquainted with the studies of this French master
concerning the disturbances of hysteria. He learned hypnosis,
and upon his return to Vienna he established himself as a
physician and employed his knowledge of hypnosis as one
means to penetrate into the unconscious mind of the sick
person. His experience with hypnosis and his Studies of Hys-
teria (written with Breuer), which appeared in 1893 and was
the basis for his later viewpoint, prepared the way for a revo-
lutionary new approach to the study and treatment of the
diseased mind.
First, there were the problems of repression, of which he
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? 34 City by the River
had seen all too much in Vienna. His assertion that repression
of the sexual drive is one of the reasons for human unhappi-
ness caused a turmoil, not only in Viennese medical circles, but
also among the intellectuals. Nobody knew then, of course,
that Freud's ideas were later to permeate the whole culture
--philosophy, sociology, and religion. It was he who for the
first time proclaimed that humans largely live in a mental
underworld, where drives, hopes, and wishes move, obscure to
the conscious mind but still in reality the actual forces which
lead men into action.
What was true of Vienna was equally true of the other cities
of the Western world. Men and women everywhere were seek-
ing and searching, but without really knowing the object of
their quest. They indulged in stereotyped and unrewarding
gaiety. They listened to sweet or noisy music. They talked, and
whether their words were heavy with meaning or mere prattle,
the conversations were futile. All such activities were only more
or less disguised forms of a more or less sublimated sexual drive
--or, at the worst, of sexual repression and distortion. Few men
dared to look beneath the surface, and among those few Freud
was outstanding. He had not only the moral courage to chal-
lenge conventional beliefs but also the intellectual courage to
think realistically and to draw logical conclusions from experi-
ence and empirical science.
, His revelations touched a match to the powder keg of Vien-
nese society. To the existing unrest a new unrest was added.
No wonder anti-Semitic sentiment was increased. Its growing
violence was shown throughout Freud's life.
Let us for a moment look at the Jews in Vienna. Although
the new constitution adopted in 1867 had officially abolished
religious disabilities, the Jew was still persona non grata to
his Viennese fellow citizens. The "Noble Window-Breakers,"
a society of aristocratic anti-Semites who took their name from
the manner in which they expressed their political opinions,
were overlooked by the authorities, and such social antagonism
became an ever-increasing menace to the social security of a
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? City by the River 35
great many people. Of two million people, about two hundred
thousand were Jews, a good many of them being physicians
and lawyers. The anti-Semites claimed that all the intellectual
and theatrical fields were dominated by Jews. However, they
never asked why this was the case; if they had, they would
have found that the upper-class population of Vienna would
have little or nothing to do with artistic or intellectual life.
The original upper middle class, small in numbers, had been
financially destroyed, and their influence was gone. The lower
middle class, with the Jews and the court, gave Vienna its
color.
The keen competition between Jewish and non-Jewish citb
zens, along with other social conflicts, kept unrest and disorder
alive. The church and tradition kept their conventional hold
on the mind of the people. Education was training in obedi-
ence. The duty and the virtue of the child was to sit quietly
on a chair and be silent. All wishes and desires of the child
had to be suppressed. This suppression in reality also dom-
inated the life of the adult. Darwin's biological viewpoint was
rejected: man was not descended from animals; man was
created in the image of God. Drives, emotions, wishes, and
hopes were driven under. The impact of Schopenhauer's phi-
losophy on this society created more pessimism, while Nietz-
sche's influence, bewildering and chaotic, led to more uncer-
tainty than ever.
In view of the strong grip conventional ideas had upon
their minds, one would have thought Europeans by and large
would have been obedient to the existing social order, and yet
this was far from the case. Dating back to the great revolu-
tion of 1848, unrest continually resurged and broke out again
and again in wars between the European countries.
In this society, which was being torn apart by stresses and
strains, only the natural sciences exercised vital force in creat-
ing a new viewpoint. In the wake of the natural sciences fol-
lowed a trend within philosophy, positivism, which came
to the fore mainly because of the enormous advances made by
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? ^6 City by the River
scientific research since the beginning of the nineteenth cen-
tury. When scientific research expanded human knowledge,
its results made themselves felt at the universities, leading to
more stress on the practical rather than on the theoretical re-
sults of scientific investigation. Purely theoretical knowledge
was not enough. It was thought that if a true concept of the
world was ever to be attained, it could be reached only on the
basis of empiric knowledge.
' In this choir of philosophical voices, one could hear above
all others the loud voice of Nietzsche. This contradictory man,
in his yearning for new ideals, thought he had found the truth
about mankind, a truth brought forth in his own anguish and
terror, in his own despair and hopelessness. Nietzsche set the
philosophical and moral tone of the end of the past century--
a tone colored with Wagner's bombastic romanticism. By
many, as by the Nazis in later days, his philosophy was inter-
preted as permitting brutal force, while in reality he was
speaking of man's inner spiritual striving, the conquest within
by the force of virtue. Nietzsche became defiant of the exist-
ing morality in the same way that Ibsen became a rebel against
society. Both hoped to discover new glory for mankind. Po-? -.
litical revolutions were, according to Ibsen, small things. The
significant thing would be a revolution within the spirit of the
human being.
A new moral evaluation crept through the thought of the
philosophers, Ibsen, Nietzsche, Kierkegaard, and many others,
who claimed that the action of man should be dependent
upon his whole personality with all its emotional and intel-
lectual content and, therefore, that all ideals, even the sacred
one, would have to be abandoned if the personality were to
survive. This could mean no less than that the act and the ego
would have to be one and that the act and ego would together
win or die.
The whole fight, then, was a fight to save one's own indi-
viduality, one's own personality, one's own existence. It is only
in this light that we can understand many of the prodigies and
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? City by the River 37
philosophers who flourished in the last decades of the nine-
teenth century, all of them reflecting the moods of the people.
In short, Schopenhauer's philosophy, intermingled with Nietz-
sche's Lebensphilosophie and criss-crossed with concepts
derived from the various fields in science, created contradic-
tions. But these very contradictions were in reality only a re-
flection of what was going on in the minds of the people.
Discussions about the nature of truth were going on, and the
disputes could mean only uncertainty and doubt.
Was this uncertainty new? No, it stemmed from the days
when the human being first noticed that he had two contra-
dictory currents within himself: the romantic and the realistic;
the mystical and the empirical; the idealistic and the positivis-
tic. Of this warfare within himself man has been more or less
conscious, keeping alive the conflict, which has never lessened.
But these very oppositions have always produced doubt about
the nature of existence, a doubt which persisted even after
the impact of science had made itself felt.
Such was also the case with the people of Vienna. This un-
certainty about life in general meant tiredness, it meant de-
. spondency and weariness, even though behind a glittering
front.
Bad as this uncertainty might appear, however, it had its
own virtue. It was not static and did not mean--had never
meant--a perfect condition, a fait accompli, a feeling that all
was accomplished and done. Instead, uncertainty meant that
something had to be torn down and something else created. It
caused men to search for new ideals, a search stemming from
the eternal roots of ignorance of man's destiny and future.
Hence, the spasmodic despair, the relentless doubt; the twi-
light mood emerged as men strove to correlate their own exist-
ence with reality.
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? Student and
Senilis
On july 14, 1898, Otto Weininger was graduated from
the secondary schools, and in that same year he matricu-
lated for the winter term at the University of Vienna, entering
the Department of Philosophy. He attended lectures on all
sorts of subjects, for it seems that he had not yet definitely
chosen any special branch of knowledge. His energy was enor-
mous. In addition to psychology and philosophy, he studied
literature, physics, and mathematics. He wanted to know every-
thing. But in the autumn of 1900 he lost interest in mathe-
matics and physics, and after he had written a cursory essay,
"The Problem of Talent," he started to study biology and
medicine. His interest was so great that, although he had not
cared for laboratory work in physics, he even dissected a hu-
man brain. At that time he began collecting material for his
psychobiological thesis, which was later to become the first
part of Sex and Character. It would seem just to say that he
was much more interested in this outside work than he was in
the courses at the University which might have prepared him
for a profession and provided him the means of making a
living.
From the start Otto Weininger attracted wide attention
because of his intensive studies and other activities. "There
was not at this time," writes Gerber, "a single event of any
importance in Vienna that escaped his interest. Throughout
the years he followed the intellectual and cultural life of the
capital. In Vienna there was not one book, not one concert,
not one theatrical performance, of which he did not form an
opinion. There was not one happening within his sphere of
influence about which he did not make up his mind" (Taschen-
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? Student and Genius 39
buch, p. 9). He lived in the center of excessive activity, not
jubilantly, but observing, not as an enjoying youth, but as a
searching and doubting man. He looked at everything with
keen eyes from every angle and tried to penetrate each so
that he could do what he most wanted to: understand. With
such an attitude, he had to be active, but being so, he appar-
ently could not remain merely part of an audience and enjoy
the spectacle as an audience could. His restless nature gave him
little time to enjoy things and to savor life.
Such a penetrating attitude was strengthened to no small
extent by his interest in psychology, which he studied in his
customary manner--through introspection. His enthusiasm for
psychology expressed itself by his journey to attend the Con-
ference of Psychology (rv* Congres International de Psy-
chologic) at Paris in 1900. It was here, in the city where
Charcot twenty-five years earlier had become famous, that
Otto attracted public attention to himself for the first time.
A youngster of twenty, he spoke confidently of his own views
to the learned gathering.
Otto Weininger's part in the discussion (which is printed
in the proceedings of the meeting, published in Paris in 1901,
pp. 642-43) was based on a paper given by Dr. Paul M. }. Joire
entitled "New, Especially Experimental, Methods in the
Study of Psychology.
" It is noteworthy that Otto even at this
stage of his development expressed his idea of using intro-
spection as a research method in psychology. He opened his
remarks with the statement, "I should like only to say a few
words about the scant value which Dr. Joire gives to intro-
spection. " Then, after brief remarks on experimental psy-
chology, he asks, "Will introspection become superfluous? "
He finished with the following words: "To reach the goal
of psychology we need an introspection so refined that we
hardly can visualize it today--an introspection to establish a
coordination as continuous as possible, the absolute parallelism
between the phenomena we call psychic and all the neurocere-
bral accompaniment. In other words, I can only repeat my
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? 40 Student and Genius
belief that introspection should go hand in hand with progress
in the physiology of the nervous system. "
It would be wrong to think that such a view was new. The
idea had been in the air for a long, long time, and it had
cone to the fore particularly since Freud started his new
approach to exploring the mind, psychoanalysis. To Otto
Weininger introspection into the personality came to mean
something more, and gradually became so much that it finally
was for him an end in itself, no matter what his activity was.
The tendency was also strengthened by his belief that he
was himself to become a genius. He made little reference in
his speech to what others might think on the same subject.
Indeed, "he was conscious of being a genius," as Gerber wrote
later (Taschenbuch, p. 11). This same thought is found in
Sex and Character in the discussion of the early development
of the genius: "To every great man there comes a moment
when he has the absolute certainty that he has an ego of spe-
cial importance. " No doubt he was thinking of himself when
he wrote these words. Belief in himself was also demonstrated
by the study he devoted to the works and biographies of out-
standing men in order to find some basic elements that he
might have in common with them (Taschenbuch, p. 11).
Above all, introspection as he discussed it at the Conference
he applied to himself. To this end, he even used to look at his
face in the minor, particularly when he had an inspiration, to see
if his feelings and thoughts had left any impression on his face.
He repeatedly stated that "the more important the man be-
came, the more impressive his features became" (Taschenbuch,
pp. 10-11), a statement which undoubtedly was borne out
when he looked at his own countenance in the minor. One
would be justified in saying that introspection became for him
one of the ways by which to squeeze the utmost from himself
and from his own life.
Thus, there is good reason to believe that even at an early
age Weininger thought he possessed the power to become a
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? LETTER WRITTEN BY FREUD, MARCH 14, 1938
This letter was written at the time of Hitler's triumphal march into
Vienna. Note on the envelope (on reverse of this page) the post-
mark "Der Fuhrer in Wten. "
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? Student and Genius 43
great man, and it was his conviction that he would in time
present new visions to the world.
I With this feeling of superiority and in a rather excited mood
he returned to Vienna from Paris. About a month later some-
thing happened to him which in itself might have been of no
great importance but, happening at a time when it was bound
to make the greatest impression on his sensitive mind, actually
came to mean much to him. In fact it became the cornerstone
of his work. One evening in October, 1900, he met his friend
Swoboda, who had just had a talk with Freud about the prob-
lems of bisexuality. During this discussion Freud had told
Swoboda that the dualism present in man could be explained
by the bisexual disposition of each human and that this was
possible because of the nature of human anatomy. Swoboda
was excited about the whole idea and repeated it to Weininger
that same evening. 1
To learn of this happening is startling, especially since Ot-
to's good friend Lucka and his sister knew nothing of this
connection with Freud. I therefore wrote to Freud himself,
who gave me the following answer: "His principal thesis he
also got from me indirectly, and in a quite inaccurate way"
(Letter IV). 2
How did Weininger get in touch with Freud? Freud has
1 The details of this conversation can be found in Die gemeinniitzige Forschung
und der eigennutzige Forscher, a book by Swoboda, published in 1906. "In
October, 1900 . . . Freud remarked that the dualism I had noticed could
be explained by the bisexual disposition of every man and that it was made
plausible by this anatomical fact. That was all Freud said to me. I was very
interested and told Weininger the same evening. I cannot with certainty say
he heard the word bisexuality from me. In any case, he cannot have heard
more than that word, for that was all I knew" (pp. 6-7).
2 It is beyond the scope of this book to judge between Weininger and Swoboda
on one side and Fliess on the other. Bisexuality, as a concept, seems to have
been defined as early as 1846, by A. Berthold, in his essay, "Geschlechtseigen-
tumlichkeiten" (Handworterbuch der Psychologie, Vol. I; see Swoboda, Die
Forschung, p. 8), so it would seem that neither Weininger nor Swoboda nor
Fliess had priority on the word. It is interesting to see what Freud himself wrote
in this connection: "As recently as 1906, W. Fliess (Der Abhuf des Lebens)
has claimed ownership of the idea of bisexuality (in the sense of double sex).
In uninformed circles assertion is made that the philosopher, O. Weininger,
is the authority for the human bisexuality conception since this idea is made
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? 44 Student and Genius
given me the answer to this, too: "Weininger was never my pa-
tient, but one of his friends was. Through this means Weininger
became acquainted with the views on bisexuality which I had
already applied in my analysis, prompted by Fliess" (Letter
XIV).
This evidence is also supported by an article "Otto Wei-
ninger Plagiarist," written by Julius Kraus (in Die Wage, No.
43, October, 1906, p. 970). The article says that Fliess wrote
a book Vber den Ablauf des Lebens, which had just recently
been published. During the many years he worked on it, he
kept Freud informed about his progress. Professor Freud dis-
cussed the book with his friend and patient, Dr. Hermann
Swoboda in Vienna, who was an intimate friend of Otto
Weininger. In this way Weininger became familiar with the
ideas of Dr. Fliess.
This concept of bisexuality strongly affected Weininger's
sensitive mind. It became rooted in him; since it was men-
tioned to him when he was on his own for the first time, the
effect was unusually strong.
Such a phenomenon is often seen in people of a nature like
Weininger's. When a minor event registers in the mind of a
particular disposition, little significance may be attached to '
it in the beginning. Yet because of the particular mechanism of
the psychological reactions, the event, unimportant as it may
appear, eventually grows stronger in effect and may even be-
come the turning point of development. Thus, what Weininger
was told of bisexuality was destined to be of decisive impor-
tance in his life.
Bisexuality was not the original basis for his thesis. The
cursory sketches of this work which were read by Oskar Ewald
(pseudonym for Oskar Friedlander) were more concerned with
talent than with sex, and they were intended for use in an at-
tempt to obtain a scholarship. Further, Weininger's work was
the foundation of his rather hasty work," Geschlect und Charakter, 1903
(Freud, Basic Writings, ed. by A. A. Brill, Modern Library ed. , New York,
1938, p. 559).
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? Student and Genius 45
not originally called Sex and Character but Eros and Psyche,
a title he later changed because of its literary coloring.
From the moment that Weininger became aware of the
problem of bisexuality, he began collecting his material. The
theory of bisexuality led him to believe that man and woman
were not separated distinctly from each other, but that there
was in every individual a mixture of masculine and feminine
substance (Sex and Character, pp. 9-10).
Thus, he reduced all differences between man and woman
to one single principle, the sex difference; but in doing so, he
placed more value on man than on woman; indeed as we shall
see later, he reduced woman's position in absurdum.
The dominating idea of bisexuality influenced him greatly.
This particular subject absorbed all his energy, and he worked
day and night to solve the sexual problem. "We spent many
a night together, often with other friends, discussing practically
everything he wanted to work out further. " 3 The work fasci-
nated him, and his absorption in it was increased by his study
of empiric criticism, a positivistic, pragmatic view at that time
predominant at the University of Vienna.
This viewpoint made Weininger at the beginning of his
university career an extreme antimetaphysicist. He became,
so to say, ametaphysical and was mainly occupied with us-
ing science in a broad sense to solve the problem of knowl-
edge. It was no coincidence that Kant's problem, "How is
experience possible? " had a deep influence on him. Like Kant,
he searched for the conditions of knowledge and for its proof,
sharing with him the opinion that the basis for knowledge was
a combination of empirical and rational material.
Weininger's was a positivistic view. As an intellectual with-
out any disposition toward metaphysics or mysticism, he at
this time subscribed to the words of Auguste Comte: Savoir
pour prevoir, peur pouvoir. Following the teachings of Pro-
tagoras and Hume, Weininger considered experience as the
* Emil Lucka, Otto Weininger: Der Mensch und sein Werk (Vienna, 1905).
Hereafter cited in the text simply as Lucka.
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? 46 Student and Genius
only foundation of knowledge. Along this trend of thought
he met empiric criticism. He was familiar with the doctrines
as early as 1899 and 1900, but he became better acquainted
with them after having been drawn into a group which in-
cluded his friend of later days, Emil Lucka. Lucka relates how
several young men who took an interest in the problem of
knowledge formed a small discussion group. "During 1901 we
got together once a week in the workshop belonging to the
father of one of the group. Guided by some trained men, we
read Richard Avenarius's Kritik der reinen Erfanning (Cri-
tique of Pure Experience). We were very serious about it;
we would often discuss one sentence for hours. "
Thus--in colorful reality--the young men got together in
the evenings and late into the night discussed the man whose
psychological and philosophical views were at this time a focal
point in philosophical circles in Vienna. It is not hard to guess
that Otto Weininger did not take much part in the discus-
sions. But let us hear what Lucka says of how he behaved: "He
was usually silent during the discussions, apparently making
his own observations. We went together most of the way home,
arid I found that our ideas concurred amazingly. Although I
was the older, he knew far more than I and told me much I did
not know. I asked him to come to see me, and we became good
friends in a very short while. We were equally interested in all
problems of psychology and philosophy, and agreed on most
points. However, when he found an observation on women I
had made in one of my earlier essays, we were in utter accord
with each other" (Lucka, p. 4).
There seems to be no doubt that the discussions in the group
made a deep impression upon Weininger's receptive and un-
prepared mind. Perhaps he at bottom was in discord with their
views; yet for the time being his own protests were overruled
by the group and he became a strong adherent to the theo-
retical and methodological principles of Avenarius. 4
* The influence of Avenarius is quite noticeable in Weininget's first scientific
researches. The principles of Avenarius's methods obviously were used as models
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? Student and Genius 47
Weininger's studies became more "empirical," and he him-
self was now taking an eager interest in the natural sciences.
In the fall and winter of 1900 he worked feverishly at collect-
ing research data, and he arrived early in 1901, according to
his own statement, at the "Law of Sexual Attraction. " This
formulation was an important event to him. He seemed exceed-
ingly happy about his discovery and explained with great joy
the mathematical formula of his law to his good friend,
Swoboda, whom he met practically every day at that time. As
it later turned out, however, his joy did not endure, for he
then discovered that Schopenhauer had earlier found this same
law (Sex and Character, p. 489).
In any event, as his work fanned out, he started to deal with
the problem of homosexuality and the emancipation of
woman, but his studies still remained on the surface empirical.
During this period of intense activity he was incessantly
occupied. When he was at home he had dinner only two or
three times weekly, and sometimes he ate only bare necessi-
ties, not even his supper (see Der Fall, p. 8). In the summer of
1901, while he was staying in a little garden house in Piirkers-
dorf, near Vienna, he wrote down his ideas with terrific energy
and at a forced tempo. Lucka says (p. 75), "Otto Weininger
in a month assimilated as many books and thought inde-
pendently about as many matters as other talented men would
in the course of one or more years. " The manuscript, amount-
ing to 120 pages in all, was to be his doctor's thesis (see Swo-
boda, Die Forschung, p. 14).
He harmonized his style with his subject; therefore the writ-
ing is, by and large, quiet, although one can feel his blazing
spirit behind the apparently calm front. The reader has the
distinct impression that the author is working within limits
far too narrow for such an indomitable mind. On the surface,
when Weininger applied the same methods. Another basic similarity between
Avenarius and Weininger is the way they both start from a biological founda-
tion. One can also note the influence of Avenarius's terminology. The real
content of his general conception of experience is explained in his Der mensch-
liche Weltbegriff (Leipzig, 1891).
? ?
self belonged to the bourgeoisie. His father, a professor of
medicine at the University, fostered his son's talents. Schnitzler
was undecided in his youth whether to be a physician, a mu-
sician, or a writer. Finally, after a medical career, he decided
to devote his life to literature. He took a somewhat material-
istic stand about life, in contrast to his contemporary, the poet
Hugo von Hoffmannsthal. While the poet described and inter^
preted the environment, the Wiener Wald, the Stephans-
kirche, the Schonbrunn Palace, and the Burggarten, Schnitzler
interpreted the people themselves. Hoffmannsthal's world was
that of the creations of Vienna, which led him to be infatuated
with the souls of the people, to speak of their mutual destiny,
their past, and their future. He was the creator of beauty,
of spirit, and of form. He therefore spoke in his poetry and
in his dramas about men's dreams and their imaginings, crystal-
lizing them into a kind of symbolism, a symbolism which Rich-
ard Strauss tried to express in the music for the operas on which
he and Hoffmannsthal collaborated, Der Rosenkavalier and
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? 32 City by the River
Elektra. Most interesting were Hoffmannsthal's friendly rela-
tions with Jakob Wassermann, a poor Jewish fellow in con-
trast to the prosperous poet. But the contrasts do not end with
their relative wealth. Wassermann's world was the world of
Dostoyevsky, while Hoffmannsthal, with his eloquent spirit and
womanlike manners, was immersed in the world of French sym-
bolism. Wassermann and his fellow Viennese authors spoke
well, but Hoffmannsthal had such a variety of expression, such
a choice of words, such a charming intuition, that, compared
with his eloquence, the others seemed to stammer.
Hoffmannsthal proclaimed the soul of Vienna, the very same
soul which Schnitzler tried to find in the people. But Schnitzler
was frustrated in his hopes. He felt that people were too hedo-
nistic, too lazy, too rational to strive for things of the spirit.
It was in this search for the soul of Vienna that he created his
heroes, his aristocrats, and the women around them. Such a
hero was the man who could recite, play the piano, be ap-
plauded by his friends, and then think about what to do next
to please the world. This man, a gentleman of taste, played
at making love to a girl in a conquering way, neither promis-
ing marriage nor excluding hope of it. He might break the
heart of the girl, he might ruin her life. In spite of this, he
always felt free to walk to new pastures and start over again.
The world of Schnitzler was therefore a sad world, filled
with people shaken and ruined, not because they were bas-
ically malicious, but because they were too much filled with
themselves. Schnitzler's heroes did not know how to make
sacrifices, how to be useful in the struggle of life, where give-
and-take is the principle. This was not only because such be-
havior was fashionable and smart, but because it was in the
air, it was something which had to be done. No wonder that
this atmosphere gave the people a feeling of despair! This was
not the wine-sweet, nostalgic city; this was the city of weariness
and Weltschmerz.
In this same city with its mood of Weltschmerz, Sigmund
Freud started his work, first as an apprentice in medicine, later
as an investigator into the human mind; the cradle of psycho-
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? City by the River 33
analysis was there. The city, the people, their blasted hopes,
the depressing influence of Schopenhauer's and Nietzsche's
philosophy, all gave impetus to a reorientation of thinking in
general and of medical thinking in particular. At a time when
Fechner's, Weber's, and William Wundt's experimental psy-
chology gripped the minds of scholars within the medical and
psychological world, Freud made a complete turn about and
took their eyes from an academic experimental psychology to
the human psyche itself. His was the study of the mind: its
action and reaction, its drives, wishes, and hopes. This was in
strong contrast to the experimental psychologists, who were
interested in investigating common sensations and discover-
ing how an individual responded physiologically to ten or
fifteen drops of caffein, or how he reacted to a galvanic current.
Freud's searching eye without doubt had looked beneath
the surface gaiety of Viennese life and had seen the despair of
men and women searching for happiness; he had seen their
search for satisfaction of their emotional needs. He felt that
they had found nothing. He himself had been bewildered. As
a medical student, he had busied himself with studies in
neuroanatomy and then, dissatisfied with what Vienna had to
offer him in medicine, he had gone to Paris to study under the
great master of contemporary medicine, Charcot. It was in
Paris in the school of Charcot that Freud was inspired to
penetrate into the minds of humans. His earlier interest in
the anatomy of the nervous system was superseded when he
became acquainted with the studies of this French master
concerning the disturbances of hysteria. He learned hypnosis,
and upon his return to Vienna he established himself as a
physician and employed his knowledge of hypnosis as one
means to penetrate into the unconscious mind of the sick
person. His experience with hypnosis and his Studies of Hys-
teria (written with Breuer), which appeared in 1893 and was
the basis for his later viewpoint, prepared the way for a revo-
lutionary new approach to the study and treatment of the
diseased mind.
First, there were the problems of repression, of which he
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? 34 City by the River
had seen all too much in Vienna. His assertion that repression
of the sexual drive is one of the reasons for human unhappi-
ness caused a turmoil, not only in Viennese medical circles, but
also among the intellectuals. Nobody knew then, of course,
that Freud's ideas were later to permeate the whole culture
--philosophy, sociology, and religion. It was he who for the
first time proclaimed that humans largely live in a mental
underworld, where drives, hopes, and wishes move, obscure to
the conscious mind but still in reality the actual forces which
lead men into action.
What was true of Vienna was equally true of the other cities
of the Western world. Men and women everywhere were seek-
ing and searching, but without really knowing the object of
their quest. They indulged in stereotyped and unrewarding
gaiety. They listened to sweet or noisy music. They talked, and
whether their words were heavy with meaning or mere prattle,
the conversations were futile. All such activities were only more
or less disguised forms of a more or less sublimated sexual drive
--or, at the worst, of sexual repression and distortion. Few men
dared to look beneath the surface, and among those few Freud
was outstanding. He had not only the moral courage to chal-
lenge conventional beliefs but also the intellectual courage to
think realistically and to draw logical conclusions from experi-
ence and empirical science.
, His revelations touched a match to the powder keg of Vien-
nese society. To the existing unrest a new unrest was added.
No wonder anti-Semitic sentiment was increased. Its growing
violence was shown throughout Freud's life.
Let us for a moment look at the Jews in Vienna. Although
the new constitution adopted in 1867 had officially abolished
religious disabilities, the Jew was still persona non grata to
his Viennese fellow citizens. The "Noble Window-Breakers,"
a society of aristocratic anti-Semites who took their name from
the manner in which they expressed their political opinions,
were overlooked by the authorities, and such social antagonism
became an ever-increasing menace to the social security of a
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? City by the River 35
great many people. Of two million people, about two hundred
thousand were Jews, a good many of them being physicians
and lawyers. The anti-Semites claimed that all the intellectual
and theatrical fields were dominated by Jews. However, they
never asked why this was the case; if they had, they would
have found that the upper-class population of Vienna would
have little or nothing to do with artistic or intellectual life.
The original upper middle class, small in numbers, had been
financially destroyed, and their influence was gone. The lower
middle class, with the Jews and the court, gave Vienna its
color.
The keen competition between Jewish and non-Jewish citb
zens, along with other social conflicts, kept unrest and disorder
alive. The church and tradition kept their conventional hold
on the mind of the people. Education was training in obedi-
ence. The duty and the virtue of the child was to sit quietly
on a chair and be silent. All wishes and desires of the child
had to be suppressed. This suppression in reality also dom-
inated the life of the adult. Darwin's biological viewpoint was
rejected: man was not descended from animals; man was
created in the image of God. Drives, emotions, wishes, and
hopes were driven under. The impact of Schopenhauer's phi-
losophy on this society created more pessimism, while Nietz-
sche's influence, bewildering and chaotic, led to more uncer-
tainty than ever.
In view of the strong grip conventional ideas had upon
their minds, one would have thought Europeans by and large
would have been obedient to the existing social order, and yet
this was far from the case. Dating back to the great revolu-
tion of 1848, unrest continually resurged and broke out again
and again in wars between the European countries.
In this society, which was being torn apart by stresses and
strains, only the natural sciences exercised vital force in creat-
ing a new viewpoint. In the wake of the natural sciences fol-
lowed a trend within philosophy, positivism, which came
to the fore mainly because of the enormous advances made by
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? ^6 City by the River
scientific research since the beginning of the nineteenth cen-
tury. When scientific research expanded human knowledge,
its results made themselves felt at the universities, leading to
more stress on the practical rather than on the theoretical re-
sults of scientific investigation. Purely theoretical knowledge
was not enough. It was thought that if a true concept of the
world was ever to be attained, it could be reached only on the
basis of empiric knowledge.
' In this choir of philosophical voices, one could hear above
all others the loud voice of Nietzsche. This contradictory man,
in his yearning for new ideals, thought he had found the truth
about mankind, a truth brought forth in his own anguish and
terror, in his own despair and hopelessness. Nietzsche set the
philosophical and moral tone of the end of the past century--
a tone colored with Wagner's bombastic romanticism. By
many, as by the Nazis in later days, his philosophy was inter-
preted as permitting brutal force, while in reality he was
speaking of man's inner spiritual striving, the conquest within
by the force of virtue. Nietzsche became defiant of the exist-
ing morality in the same way that Ibsen became a rebel against
society. Both hoped to discover new glory for mankind. Po-? -.
litical revolutions were, according to Ibsen, small things. The
significant thing would be a revolution within the spirit of the
human being.
A new moral evaluation crept through the thought of the
philosophers, Ibsen, Nietzsche, Kierkegaard, and many others,
who claimed that the action of man should be dependent
upon his whole personality with all its emotional and intel-
lectual content and, therefore, that all ideals, even the sacred
one, would have to be abandoned if the personality were to
survive. This could mean no less than that the act and the ego
would have to be one and that the act and ego would together
win or die.
The whole fight, then, was a fight to save one's own indi-
viduality, one's own personality, one's own existence. It is only
in this light that we can understand many of the prodigies and
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? City by the River 37
philosophers who flourished in the last decades of the nine-
teenth century, all of them reflecting the moods of the people.
In short, Schopenhauer's philosophy, intermingled with Nietz-
sche's Lebensphilosophie and criss-crossed with concepts
derived from the various fields in science, created contradic-
tions. But these very contradictions were in reality only a re-
flection of what was going on in the minds of the people.
Discussions about the nature of truth were going on, and the
disputes could mean only uncertainty and doubt.
Was this uncertainty new? No, it stemmed from the days
when the human being first noticed that he had two contra-
dictory currents within himself: the romantic and the realistic;
the mystical and the empirical; the idealistic and the positivis-
tic. Of this warfare within himself man has been more or less
conscious, keeping alive the conflict, which has never lessened.
But these very oppositions have always produced doubt about
the nature of existence, a doubt which persisted even after
the impact of science had made itself felt.
Such was also the case with the people of Vienna. This un-
certainty about life in general meant tiredness, it meant de-
. spondency and weariness, even though behind a glittering
front.
Bad as this uncertainty might appear, however, it had its
own virtue. It was not static and did not mean--had never
meant--a perfect condition, a fait accompli, a feeling that all
was accomplished and done. Instead, uncertainty meant that
something had to be torn down and something else created. It
caused men to search for new ideals, a search stemming from
the eternal roots of ignorance of man's destiny and future.
Hence, the spasmodic despair, the relentless doubt; the twi-
light mood emerged as men strove to correlate their own exist-
ence with reality.
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? Student and
Senilis
On july 14, 1898, Otto Weininger was graduated from
the secondary schools, and in that same year he matricu-
lated for the winter term at the University of Vienna, entering
the Department of Philosophy. He attended lectures on all
sorts of subjects, for it seems that he had not yet definitely
chosen any special branch of knowledge. His energy was enor-
mous. In addition to psychology and philosophy, he studied
literature, physics, and mathematics. He wanted to know every-
thing. But in the autumn of 1900 he lost interest in mathe-
matics and physics, and after he had written a cursory essay,
"The Problem of Talent," he started to study biology and
medicine. His interest was so great that, although he had not
cared for laboratory work in physics, he even dissected a hu-
man brain. At that time he began collecting material for his
psychobiological thesis, which was later to become the first
part of Sex and Character. It would seem just to say that he
was much more interested in this outside work than he was in
the courses at the University which might have prepared him
for a profession and provided him the means of making a
living.
From the start Otto Weininger attracted wide attention
because of his intensive studies and other activities. "There
was not at this time," writes Gerber, "a single event of any
importance in Vienna that escaped his interest. Throughout
the years he followed the intellectual and cultural life of the
capital. In Vienna there was not one book, not one concert,
not one theatrical performance, of which he did not form an
opinion. There was not one happening within his sphere of
influence about which he did not make up his mind" (Taschen-
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? Student and Genius 39
buch, p. 9). He lived in the center of excessive activity, not
jubilantly, but observing, not as an enjoying youth, but as a
searching and doubting man. He looked at everything with
keen eyes from every angle and tried to penetrate each so
that he could do what he most wanted to: understand. With
such an attitude, he had to be active, but being so, he appar-
ently could not remain merely part of an audience and enjoy
the spectacle as an audience could. His restless nature gave him
little time to enjoy things and to savor life.
Such a penetrating attitude was strengthened to no small
extent by his interest in psychology, which he studied in his
customary manner--through introspection. His enthusiasm for
psychology expressed itself by his journey to attend the Con-
ference of Psychology (rv* Congres International de Psy-
chologic) at Paris in 1900. It was here, in the city where
Charcot twenty-five years earlier had become famous, that
Otto attracted public attention to himself for the first time.
A youngster of twenty, he spoke confidently of his own views
to the learned gathering.
Otto Weininger's part in the discussion (which is printed
in the proceedings of the meeting, published in Paris in 1901,
pp. 642-43) was based on a paper given by Dr. Paul M. }. Joire
entitled "New, Especially Experimental, Methods in the
Study of Psychology.
" It is noteworthy that Otto even at this
stage of his development expressed his idea of using intro-
spection as a research method in psychology. He opened his
remarks with the statement, "I should like only to say a few
words about the scant value which Dr. Joire gives to intro-
spection. " Then, after brief remarks on experimental psy-
chology, he asks, "Will introspection become superfluous? "
He finished with the following words: "To reach the goal
of psychology we need an introspection so refined that we
hardly can visualize it today--an introspection to establish a
coordination as continuous as possible, the absolute parallelism
between the phenomena we call psychic and all the neurocere-
bral accompaniment. In other words, I can only repeat my
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? 40 Student and Genius
belief that introspection should go hand in hand with progress
in the physiology of the nervous system. "
It would be wrong to think that such a view was new. The
idea had been in the air for a long, long time, and it had
cone to the fore particularly since Freud started his new
approach to exploring the mind, psychoanalysis. To Otto
Weininger introspection into the personality came to mean
something more, and gradually became so much that it finally
was for him an end in itself, no matter what his activity was.
The tendency was also strengthened by his belief that he
was himself to become a genius. He made little reference in
his speech to what others might think on the same subject.
Indeed, "he was conscious of being a genius," as Gerber wrote
later (Taschenbuch, p. 11). This same thought is found in
Sex and Character in the discussion of the early development
of the genius: "To every great man there comes a moment
when he has the absolute certainty that he has an ego of spe-
cial importance. " No doubt he was thinking of himself when
he wrote these words. Belief in himself was also demonstrated
by the study he devoted to the works and biographies of out-
standing men in order to find some basic elements that he
might have in common with them (Taschenbuch, p. 11).
Above all, introspection as he discussed it at the Conference
he applied to himself. To this end, he even used to look at his
face in the minor, particularly when he had an inspiration, to see
if his feelings and thoughts had left any impression on his face.
He repeatedly stated that "the more important the man be-
came, the more impressive his features became" (Taschenbuch,
pp. 10-11), a statement which undoubtedly was borne out
when he looked at his own countenance in the minor. One
would be justified in saying that introspection became for him
one of the ways by which to squeeze the utmost from himself
and from his own life.
Thus, there is good reason to believe that even at an early
age Weininger thought he possessed the power to become a
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? LETTER WRITTEN BY FREUD, MARCH 14, 1938
This letter was written at the time of Hitler's triumphal march into
Vienna. Note on the envelope (on reverse of this page) the post-
mark "Der Fuhrer in Wten. "
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? Student and Genius 43
great man, and it was his conviction that he would in time
present new visions to the world.
I With this feeling of superiority and in a rather excited mood
he returned to Vienna from Paris. About a month later some-
thing happened to him which in itself might have been of no
great importance but, happening at a time when it was bound
to make the greatest impression on his sensitive mind, actually
came to mean much to him. In fact it became the cornerstone
of his work. One evening in October, 1900, he met his friend
Swoboda, who had just had a talk with Freud about the prob-
lems of bisexuality. During this discussion Freud had told
Swoboda that the dualism present in man could be explained
by the bisexual disposition of each human and that this was
possible because of the nature of human anatomy. Swoboda
was excited about the whole idea and repeated it to Weininger
that same evening. 1
To learn of this happening is startling, especially since Ot-
to's good friend Lucka and his sister knew nothing of this
connection with Freud. I therefore wrote to Freud himself,
who gave me the following answer: "His principal thesis he
also got from me indirectly, and in a quite inaccurate way"
(Letter IV). 2
How did Weininger get in touch with Freud? Freud has
1 The details of this conversation can be found in Die gemeinniitzige Forschung
und der eigennutzige Forscher, a book by Swoboda, published in 1906. "In
October, 1900 . . . Freud remarked that the dualism I had noticed could
be explained by the bisexual disposition of every man and that it was made
plausible by this anatomical fact. That was all Freud said to me. I was very
interested and told Weininger the same evening. I cannot with certainty say
he heard the word bisexuality from me. In any case, he cannot have heard
more than that word, for that was all I knew" (pp. 6-7).
2 It is beyond the scope of this book to judge between Weininger and Swoboda
on one side and Fliess on the other. Bisexuality, as a concept, seems to have
been defined as early as 1846, by A. Berthold, in his essay, "Geschlechtseigen-
tumlichkeiten" (Handworterbuch der Psychologie, Vol. I; see Swoboda, Die
Forschung, p. 8), so it would seem that neither Weininger nor Swoboda nor
Fliess had priority on the word. It is interesting to see what Freud himself wrote
in this connection: "As recently as 1906, W. Fliess (Der Abhuf des Lebens)
has claimed ownership of the idea of bisexuality (in the sense of double sex).
In uninformed circles assertion is made that the philosopher, O. Weininger,
is the authority for the human bisexuality conception since this idea is made
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? 44 Student and Genius
given me the answer to this, too: "Weininger was never my pa-
tient, but one of his friends was. Through this means Weininger
became acquainted with the views on bisexuality which I had
already applied in my analysis, prompted by Fliess" (Letter
XIV).
This evidence is also supported by an article "Otto Wei-
ninger Plagiarist," written by Julius Kraus (in Die Wage, No.
43, October, 1906, p. 970). The article says that Fliess wrote
a book Vber den Ablauf des Lebens, which had just recently
been published. During the many years he worked on it, he
kept Freud informed about his progress. Professor Freud dis-
cussed the book with his friend and patient, Dr. Hermann
Swoboda in Vienna, who was an intimate friend of Otto
Weininger. In this way Weininger became familiar with the
ideas of Dr. Fliess.
This concept of bisexuality strongly affected Weininger's
sensitive mind. It became rooted in him; since it was men-
tioned to him when he was on his own for the first time, the
effect was unusually strong.
Such a phenomenon is often seen in people of a nature like
Weininger's. When a minor event registers in the mind of a
particular disposition, little significance may be attached to '
it in the beginning. Yet because of the particular mechanism of
the psychological reactions, the event, unimportant as it may
appear, eventually grows stronger in effect and may even be-
come the turning point of development. Thus, what Weininger
was told of bisexuality was destined to be of decisive impor-
tance in his life.
Bisexuality was not the original basis for his thesis. The
cursory sketches of this work which were read by Oskar Ewald
(pseudonym for Oskar Friedlander) were more concerned with
talent than with sex, and they were intended for use in an at-
tempt to obtain a scholarship. Further, Weininger's work was
the foundation of his rather hasty work," Geschlect und Charakter, 1903
(Freud, Basic Writings, ed. by A. A. Brill, Modern Library ed. , New York,
1938, p. 559).
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? Student and Genius 45
not originally called Sex and Character but Eros and Psyche,
a title he later changed because of its literary coloring.
From the moment that Weininger became aware of the
problem of bisexuality, he began collecting his material. The
theory of bisexuality led him to believe that man and woman
were not separated distinctly from each other, but that there
was in every individual a mixture of masculine and feminine
substance (Sex and Character, pp. 9-10).
Thus, he reduced all differences between man and woman
to one single principle, the sex difference; but in doing so, he
placed more value on man than on woman; indeed as we shall
see later, he reduced woman's position in absurdum.
The dominating idea of bisexuality influenced him greatly.
This particular subject absorbed all his energy, and he worked
day and night to solve the sexual problem. "We spent many
a night together, often with other friends, discussing practically
everything he wanted to work out further. " 3 The work fasci-
nated him, and his absorption in it was increased by his study
of empiric criticism, a positivistic, pragmatic view at that time
predominant at the University of Vienna.
This viewpoint made Weininger at the beginning of his
university career an extreme antimetaphysicist. He became,
so to say, ametaphysical and was mainly occupied with us-
ing science in a broad sense to solve the problem of knowl-
edge. It was no coincidence that Kant's problem, "How is
experience possible? " had a deep influence on him. Like Kant,
he searched for the conditions of knowledge and for its proof,
sharing with him the opinion that the basis for knowledge was
a combination of empirical and rational material.
Weininger's was a positivistic view. As an intellectual with-
out any disposition toward metaphysics or mysticism, he at
this time subscribed to the words of Auguste Comte: Savoir
pour prevoir, peur pouvoir. Following the teachings of Pro-
tagoras and Hume, Weininger considered experience as the
* Emil Lucka, Otto Weininger: Der Mensch und sein Werk (Vienna, 1905).
Hereafter cited in the text simply as Lucka.
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? 46 Student and Genius
only foundation of knowledge. Along this trend of thought
he met empiric criticism. He was familiar with the doctrines
as early as 1899 and 1900, but he became better acquainted
with them after having been drawn into a group which in-
cluded his friend of later days, Emil Lucka. Lucka relates how
several young men who took an interest in the problem of
knowledge formed a small discussion group. "During 1901 we
got together once a week in the workshop belonging to the
father of one of the group. Guided by some trained men, we
read Richard Avenarius's Kritik der reinen Erfanning (Cri-
tique of Pure Experience). We were very serious about it;
we would often discuss one sentence for hours. "
Thus--in colorful reality--the young men got together in
the evenings and late into the night discussed the man whose
psychological and philosophical views were at this time a focal
point in philosophical circles in Vienna. It is not hard to guess
that Otto Weininger did not take much part in the discus-
sions. But let us hear what Lucka says of how he behaved: "He
was usually silent during the discussions, apparently making
his own observations. We went together most of the way home,
arid I found that our ideas concurred amazingly. Although I
was the older, he knew far more than I and told me much I did
not know. I asked him to come to see me, and we became good
friends in a very short while. We were equally interested in all
problems of psychology and philosophy, and agreed on most
points. However, when he found an observation on women I
had made in one of my earlier essays, we were in utter accord
with each other" (Lucka, p. 4).
There seems to be no doubt that the discussions in the group
made a deep impression upon Weininger's receptive and un-
prepared mind. Perhaps he at bottom was in discord with their
views; yet for the time being his own protests were overruled
by the group and he became a strong adherent to the theo-
retical and methodological principles of Avenarius. 4
* The influence of Avenarius is quite noticeable in Weininget's first scientific
researches. The principles of Avenarius's methods obviously were used as models
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? Student and Genius 47
Weininger's studies became more "empirical," and he him-
self was now taking an eager interest in the natural sciences.
In the fall and winter of 1900 he worked feverishly at collect-
ing research data, and he arrived early in 1901, according to
his own statement, at the "Law of Sexual Attraction. " This
formulation was an important event to him. He seemed exceed-
ingly happy about his discovery and explained with great joy
the mathematical formula of his law to his good friend,
Swoboda, whom he met practically every day at that time. As
it later turned out, however, his joy did not endure, for he
then discovered that Schopenhauer had earlier found this same
law (Sex and Character, p. 489).
In any event, as his work fanned out, he started to deal with
the problem of homosexuality and the emancipation of
woman, but his studies still remained on the surface empirical.
During this period of intense activity he was incessantly
occupied. When he was at home he had dinner only two or
three times weekly, and sometimes he ate only bare necessi-
ties, not even his supper (see Der Fall, p. 8). In the summer of
1901, while he was staying in a little garden house in Piirkers-
dorf, near Vienna, he wrote down his ideas with terrific energy
and at a forced tempo. Lucka says (p. 75), "Otto Weininger
in a month assimilated as many books and thought inde-
pendently about as many matters as other talented men would
in the course of one or more years. " The manuscript, amount-
ing to 120 pages in all, was to be his doctor's thesis (see Swo-
boda, Die Forschung, p. 14).
He harmonized his style with his subject; therefore the writ-
ing is, by and large, quiet, although one can feel his blazing
spirit behind the apparently calm front. The reader has the
distinct impression that the author is working within limits
far too narrow for such an indomitable mind. On the surface,
when Weininger applied the same methods. Another basic similarity between
Avenarius and Weininger is the way they both start from a biological founda-
tion. One can also note the influence of Avenarius's terminology. The real
content of his general conception of experience is explained in his Der mensch-
liche Weltbegriff (Leipzig, 1891).
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