No More Learning

The world would join with me, if the encomtums were just; and, if unjust, would excuse a grateful flatterer. But to come anonymous upon me, and force me to commend you against my interest, was not altogether so fatr, give me leave to say, as it was pohtic;
for b2( concealing your quahty, you might clearly understand how your work succeeded, and that the general approbation was given to your merit, not your titles. Thus, hke Apelles, you stood unseen behind your own Venus, and receiv'd the praises of the passing multitude; the work was commended, not the author; and I doubt not this was one of the most pleasing adventures of your life.
I have detain'd your Lordship longer than I intended in this dispute of preference betwixt the epic poem and the drama, and yet have not formally answer'd any of the argu- ments which are brought by Artstotle on the other side, and set in the fairest light by Dacier. But I suppose, without lookmg on the book, I may have touch'd on some of the ob- jections; for, in this address to your Lordship, I design not a treatise of heroic poetry, but write in a loose epistolary way, somewhat tending to that subject, after the example of Horace, in his First Epistle of the Second Book, to Augustus C,_. sar, and of that to the Pisos, which we call his Art of Poetry; in both of which he observes no method that I can trace, whatever Scaliger the Father or Heinsius may have seen or rather think they had seen. I have taken up, laid down, and resum'd as often as I pleas'd, the same subject; and this loose proceeding I shall use thro' all this prefatory dedication. Yet all this while I have been sailing with some side wind or other toward the point I propos'd in
? DEDICATION OF THE _N_IS 13
the beginning, the greatness and excellency of an heroic poem, with some of the difficulties which attend that work. The comparison, therefore, which I made betwixt the epopee and the tragedy was not altogether a digression; for 't is con- cluded on all hands that they are both the masterpieces of
human wit.
In the mean time, I may be bold to draw this corollary
from what has been already said, that the file of heroic poets is very short; all are not such who have assum'd that lofty title in ancient or modern ages, or have been so esteem'd by their partial and ignorant admirers.
There have been but one great Ilias, and one ,_Eneis, in so many ages. The next, but the next with a long interval be-
twixt, was the Jeruadem: I mean not so much in dtstance of time, as in excellency. After these three are enter'd, some Lord Chamberlain should be appointed, some critic of authority should be set before the door, to keep out a crowd of little poets, who press for admission, and are not of quality. Mmvius would be deaf'ning your Lordship's ears wtth his
Fortunam Prtami cantabo, et noblle bellum--
mere fustian, as Horace would tell you from behind, without pressing forward, and more smoke than fire. Pulci, Boiardo, and Ariosto would cry out: "Make room for the Italian poets, the descendants of Virgal in a right line" Father Le Moine, with his Saint Louis; and Scuddry with his Alaric: "for a godly l_ng and a Gothic conqueror;" and Chapeaain would take it ill that his Maid should be refus'd a place with Helen and Lavinia. Spenser has a better plea for his Fairy Queen, had his action been finish'd, or had been one; and Milton, if the Devil had not been his hero, instead of Adam; if the giant had not foil'd the knight, and driven htm out of his stronghold, to wander thro' the world with his lady errant; and if there had not been more machining per- sons than human in his poem. After these, the rest of our English poets shall not be mention'd. I have that honor for them which I ought to have; but, if they are worthies, they are not to be rank'd amongst the three whom I have nam'd, and who are establish'd in their reputation. . _-
? |4 DRYDEN'S TRANSLATION OF VIRGIL
Before I quitted the comparison betwixt epic poetry and tragedy, I should have acquainted my judge with one ad-
vantage of the former over the latter, which I now casually remember out of the preface of Segrais before his transla- tion of the . /Eneis, or out of Bossu, no matter which. The style of the heroic poem is, and ought to be, more lofty than that of the drama. The critic is certainly in the right, for the reason already urg'd; the work of tragedy is on the pas- sions, and in dialogue, both of them abhor strong metaphors,
in which the epopee delights. A poet cannot speak too plainly on the stage; for z_olat _rrevocabile _:erbum; the sense is lost, if it be not taken flying; but what we read alone, we have leisure to digest. There an author may beautify his sense by the boldness of his expression, which if we understand not fully at the first, we may dwell upon it till we find the secret force and excellence. That which cures the manners by alterative physic, as I said before, must proceed by insensible degrees; but that which purges tht passions must do its business all at once, or wholly fail of its effect, at least in the present operation, and without re. peated doses. We must beat the iron while 't is hot, but we may polish it at leisure. Thus, my Lord, you pay the fine of my forgetfulness; and yet the merits of both causes are
where they were, and undecided, till you declare whether it be more for the benefit of mankind to have their manners
in general corrected, or their pride and hard-heartedness remov'd.
I must now come closer to my present business, and not think of making more invasive wars abroad, when, like Han- nibal, I am ca11'd back to the defense of my own country.
Virgil is attack'd by many enemies; he has a whole con- federacy against him; and I must endeavor to defend him as well as I am able. But their principal objections being against his moral, the duration or length of time taken up
in the action of the poem, and what they have to urge against the manners of his hero, I shall omit the rest as mere cavils
of grammarians; at the worst, but casual slips of a great man's pen, or inconsiderable faults of an admirable poem, which the author had not leisure to review before t/is death.
Macrobius has answer'd what the ancients could urge against
? DEDICATION OF THE _NEIS IS
hlm; and some things I have lately read in Tatmeguy le F_vre, Valois, and another whom I name not, which are scarce worth answering. They begin with the moral of his poem, which I have elsewhere confess'd, and still must own, not to be so noble as that of Homer. But let both be fairly stated; and, without contradictang my first opinion, I can shew that Virgil's was as useful to the Romans of his age, as Homer's was to the Grecians of his, in what time soever he may be suppos'd to have liv'd and flourish'd. Homer's moral was to urge the necessity of union, and of a good understanding betwixt confederate states and princes engag'd m a war with a mighty monarch; as also of discipline in an army, and obedience in the several chiefs to the supreme commander of the joint forces. To inculcate this, he sets forth the ruinous effects of discord in the camp of those allies, occasion'd by the quarrel betwixt the general and one of the next in office under him Agamemnon gives the provocation, and Achilles resents the injury. Both parties are faulty in the quarrel, and accordingly they are both pun- ish'd; the aggressor is forc'd to sue for peace to his inferior on dishonorable conditions; the deserter refuses the satisfac- tion offer'd, and his obstinacy costs him his best friend. This works the natural effect of choler, and turns his ra. ge against him by whom he was last affronted, and most sen- sibly. The greater anger expels the less; but his character is still preserv'd. In the mean time, the Grecian army re- ceives loss on loss, and is half destroy'd by a pestilence into the bargain:
Quicquid delirant reges, plectunturAchlvl.
As the poet, in the first part of the example, had shewn the bad effects of discord, so, after the reconcilement, he gives the good effects of unity; for Hector is slain, and then Troy must fall. By this 't is probable that Homer liv'd when the Median monarchy was grown formidable to the Grecians, and that the joint endeavors of his cotmtrymen were little enough to preserve their common freedom from an encroaching enemy. Such was his moral, which all critics have allow'd to be more noble than that of Virgil, tho' not adapted to the times in which the Roman poet liv'd.
? 16 DRYDEN'S TRANSLATION OF V/RG/L
Had Virgil flourish'd in the age of Ennius, and address'd to Scipio, he had probably taken the same moral, or some other not unhke it. For then the Romans were in as much danger from the Carthaginian commonwealth as the Grecians were from the Assyrian or Median monarchy. But we are to consider him as writing his poem in a time when the old form of government was subverted, and a new one just estab- lish'd by Octavius Caesar, in effect by force of arms, but seemingly by the consent of the Roman people. The com- monwealth had receiv'd a deadly wound in the former civil wars betwixt Marius and Sylla. The commons, while the
first prevaffd, ". ad almost shaken off the yoke of the nobility; and Marius and Cinna, like the captains of the mob, under the sp_ious pretense of the public good, and of doing justice on the oppressors of their liberty, reveng'd themselves, with- out form of law, on their private enemies. Sylla, in his turn, proscrib'd the heads of the adverse party: he too had nothing'but hberty and reformation in his mouth; for the cause of rehgion is but a modern motive to rebellion, in- vented by the Christian priesthood, refining on the heathen. Sylla, to be sure, meant no more good to the Roman people than Marius before him, whatever he declar'd; but sacrific'd the lives and took the estates of all his enemies, to gratify those who brought him into power. Such was the reforma- tion of the government by both parties. The senate and the commons were the two bases on wh,ch it stood, and the two champions of either faction each destroy'd the foun_fions of the other side; so the fabric, of consequence, must fall betwixt them, and tyranny must be built upon their ruins. This comes of altering fundamental laws and constitutions; like him, who, being in good health, lodg'd himself in a physician's house, and was overpersuaded by his landlord to take physic, of which he died, for the benefit of his doctor. Stavo ben; (was written on his monument,) raa, per star meglio, sto qul.
After the death of those two usurpers, the commonwealth seem'd to recover, and held up its head for a little time. But it was all the while in a deep consumption, which is flattering disease. Pompey, Crassus, and C_esar had found the sweets of arbitrary power; and, each being a check m
? DEDICATION OF THE . _NEIS 17 the other's growth, struck up a false friendship amongst
thLmaselves,and divided the government betwixt them, which none of them was able to assume alone. These were the
public-spirited men of their age; that is, patriots for their own interest. The commonwealth look'd with a florid coun-
tenance in their management, spread in bulk, and all the while was wasting in the vitals. Not to trouble your Lord- ship with the repetition of what you know; after the death of Crassus, Pompey found himself outwitted by Caesar, broke with him, overpower'd him in the senate, and caus'd many unjust decrees to pass against him. Caesar, thus injur'd, and unable to resist the faetmn of the nobles, which was now uppermost, (for he was a Marian,) had recourse to arms; and his cause was just against Pompey, but not against his country, whose constitution ought to have been sacred to him, and never to have been violated on the account of any private wrong. But he prevail'd, and, Heav'n declaring for him, he became a providential monarch, under the title of perpetual dictator. He being murther'd by his own son, whom I neither dare commend, nor can justly blame, (tho' Dante, in his In[erno, has put him and Cassius, and Juda_ Iscariot betwixt them, into the great devil's mouth,) the com- monwealth popp'd up its head for the third time, under Brutus and Cassius, and then sunk for ever.
Thus the Roman people were grossly gull'd, twice or thrice over, and as often enslav'd in one century, and under the same pretense of reformation. At last the two battles of Philippi gave the decisive stroke against liberty; and, no_ long after, the commonwealth was turn'd into a monarchy by the conduct and good fortune of Augustus. 'T is true that the despotic power could not have fallen into better hands than those of the first and second Caesar. Your Lord-
ship well knows what obligations Virgil had to the latter ot_ them: he saw, beside, that the commonwealth was lost with-
out resource; the heads of it destroy'd; the senate, new molded, grown degenerate, and either bought off, or thrust- ing their own necks into the yoke, out of fear of being forc'd, Yet I may safely affirm for our great author, (as men of good sense are generally honest,) that he was still of repub
'lican principles in heart.
? 18 DRYDEN'S TRANSLATION OF VIRGIL Secretmque pils, his dantem jura Catonem.
I think I need use no other argument to justify my opinion, than that of this one hne, taken from the Eighth Book of the . /E_ezs. If he had not well studied his patron's temper,
it might have ruin'd him with another prince. But Augustus was not discontented, at least that we can find, that Cato was
plat'd, by his own poet, in Elysium, and there giving laws to the holy souls who deserv'd to be separated from the vulgar sort of good spirits. For his conscience could not but whis- per to the arbitrary monarch, that the kings of Rome were at first elective, and govern'd not without a senate; that Romulus was no hereditary prince; and tho', after his death, he receiv'd divine honors for the good he did on earth, yet he was but a god of their own making; that the last Tarquin was expell'd justly, for overt acts of tyranny and maladmin- istration, for such are the conditions of an elective king- dom: and I meddle not with others, being, for my own opinion, of Montaigne's principles, that an honest man ought to be contented with that form of government, and with those fundamental constitutions of it, which he receiv'd from his ancestors, and under which himself was born; tho' at the same time he confess'd freely, that if he could have chosen his place of birth, it should have been at Venice; which, for many reasons, I dislike, and am better pleas'd to have been born an Englishman.
But, to return from my long rambling, I say that Virgil, having maturely weigh'd the condition of the times in which he liv'd; that an entire liberty was not to be retriev'd; that the present settlement had the prosl_ect of a long continu-
ance in the same family, or those adopted into it; that he held his paternal estate from the bounty of the conqueror, by whom he was likewise enrich'd, esteem'd, and cherish'd; that this conqueror, tho' of a bad kind, was the very best of it; that the arts of peace flourish'd under him; that all men might be happy, if they would be quiet; that, now he was in possession of the whole, yet he shar'd a great part of his authority with the senate; that he would be chosen into the
ancient oi_ces of the commonwealth, and rul'd by the power which he derlv'd from them, and prorogued his government
from time to time, still, as it were, threat'ning to dismiss
? DEDICATION OF THE _NEIS 19
himself from public cares, which he exercis'd more for the common good than for any delight he took in greatness-- these things, I say, being ? onsider'd by the poet, he con- cluded it to be the interest of his country to be so govern'd; to infuse an awful respect into the people towards such a prince; by that respect to confirm their obedience to him, and by that obedience to make them happy. This was the moral of his divine poem; honest in the poet; honorable to the emperor, whom he derives from a divine extraction; and reflecting part of that honor on the Roman people, whom he derives also from the Trojans; and not only profit- able, but necessary, to the present age, and likely to be such to their posterity. That it was the receiv'd opinion that the Romans were descended from the Trojans, and Julius C_sar from Julius the son of _neas, was enough for Virgil; tho' perhaps he thought not so himself, or that/_neas _ver was in Italy; which Bochartus manifestly proves. And Homer, where he says that Jupiter hated the house of Priam, and was resolv'd to transfer the kingdom to the family of . _neas, yet mentions nothing of his leading a colony into a foreign country and settling there. But that the Romans valued themselves on their Trojan ancestry is so undoubted a truth that I need not prove it. Even the seals which we have re- maining of Julius Cmsar, which we know to be antique, have the star of Venus over them, tho' they were all graven after his death, as a note that he was deified. I doubt not but it was one reason why Augustus should be so passionately con- cern'd for the preservation of the 2Eneis, which its author had condemn'd to be burnt, as an imperfect poem, by his last will and testament; was because it did him a real service, as well as an honor; that a work should not be lost where his divine original was celebrated in verse which had the character of immortality stamp'd upon it.
Neither were the great Roman families which flouHsh'd in his time less oblig'd by him than the emperor. Your Lordship knows with what address he makes mention of them, as captains of ships, or leaders in the war; and even some of Italian extraction are not forgotten. These are the
single stars which are sprinkled thro' the 2Ends; but there are whole constellations of them in the Fifth Book. And I
? 20 DRYDEN'S TRANSLATION OF VIRGIL
could not but take notice, when I translated it, of some favorite families to which he gives the victory and awards the prizes, in the person of his hero, at the funeral games
which were celebrated in honor of Anchises I insist not on their names; but am pleas'd to find the Memmii amongst
them, deriv'd from Mnestheus, because Lucretius dedicates
to one of that family, a branch of which destroy'd Corinth.
I likewise either found or form'd an image to myself of the
contrary kind, that those who lost the prizes were such as
had disoblig'd the poet, or were in disgrace with Augustus,
or enemies to Mmcenas; and this was the poetical revenge
he took. For genus trritabde vatum, as l:_orace says. When
a poet is throughly provok'd, he will do himself justice, how-
ever dear it cost him; anlmamque in vulnere point I think
these are not bare imaginations of my own, tho' I find no
trace of them in the commentators; but one poet may judge
of another by himself. The vengeance we defer is not for-
gotten. I hinted before that the whole Roman people were
oblig'd by Virgil, in deriving them from Troy; an ancestry
which they affected. We and the French are of the same
humor: they would be thought to descend from a son, I think, of Hector; and we would have our Britain both nam'd and
planted by a descendant of -_neas. Spenser favors this opinion what he can His Prince Arthur, or whoever he intends by him, is a Trojan. Thus the hero of Homer was a Grecian, of Virgil a Roman, of Tasso an Italian.
I have transgress'd my bounds, and gone farther than the moral led me. But, if your Lordship is not tir'd, I am safe
enough.
Thus far, I think, my author is defended. But, as Augus- tus is still shadow'd in the person of . _neas, (of which I shall say more when I come to the manners which the poet gives his hero,) I must prepare that subject by shewing how dext'rously he manag'd both the prince and people, so as to
displease neither, and to do good to both; which is the part of a wise and an honest man, and proves that it is possible for a courtier not to be a knave. I shall continue still to speak my thoughts like a free-born subject, as I am; tho' such things, perhaps, as no Dutch commentator could, and I am sure no Frenchman durst. I have already told your Lord-
? DEDICATION OF THE IE_EIS 21
ship my opinion of Virgil, that he was no arbitrary man. Oblig'd he was to his master for his bounty, and he repays him with good counsel, how to behave himself in his new monarchy, so as to gain the affections of his subjects, and deserve to be calrd the father of his country. From this consideration zt is that he chose, for the groundwork of his poem, one empire destroy'd, and another ra_s'd from the ruins of it. This was just the parallel . _Eneas could not pretend to be Priam's heir m a hneal succession; for An- chises, the hero's father, was only of the second branch of the royal family; and Helenus, a son of Priam, was yet sur-
viving, and might lawfully claim before him. It may he Virgil mentions him on that account. Neither has he for- gotten Priamus, in the Fifth of his . _. neis, the son of Polites, youngest son of Priam, who was slain by Pyrrhus, in the Second Book. . JEneas had only married Creusa, Priam's daughter, and by her could have no title while any of the male issue were remaining. In this ease the poet gave him the next rifle, which is that of an elective king. The re- maining Trojans chose him to lead them forth, and settle them in some foreign country. Ilioneus, in his speech to Dido, calls him expressly by the name of king. Our poet, who all this while had Augustus m his eye, had no desire he should seem to succeed by any right of inheritance deriv'd from Julius C_esar, (such a title being but one degree re- mov'd from conquest,) for what was introduc'd by force, by force may be remov'd. 'T was better for the people that they should give, than he should take; since that gift was indeed no more at bottom than a trust. Virgil gives us an example of this in the person of Mezentius: he govern'd arbitrarily; he was expell'd, and came to the deserv'd end of all tyrants. Our author shews us another sort of king- ship, in the person of Latinus. He was descended from Saturn, and, as I remember, in the third degree. He is de- serib'd a just and gracious prince, solicitous for the welfare of his people, always consulting with his senate to promote the common good. We find him at the head of them, when he enters into the council hall, speaking first, but still de-
manding their advice, and steering by it, as far as the iniquity of the times would suffer him. And this is the proper char-
? 22 DRYDEN'S TRANSLATION OF VIRGIL
acter of a king by inheritance, who is born a father of h|$ country. 2Eneas, tho' he married the he2ress of the crown, yet claim'd no title to it during the life of his father-in-law. Pater arma Latinus habeto, &c. , are Virgil's words. As for himself, he was contented to take care of his country gods, who were not those of Latium; wherein our divine author seems to relate to the after-practice of the Romans, which was to adopt the gods of those they conquer'd, or receiv'd as members of their commonwealth. Yet, withal, he plainly touches at the office of the high-priesthood, with which Augustus was invested, and which made his person more sacred and inviolable than even the tribunitial power. It
was not therefore for nothing that the most judicious of all poets made that office vacant by the death of Panthus in the
Second Book of the _Ene:s, for his hero to succeed in it, and
consequently for Augustus to enjoy. I know not that any
of the commentators have taken notice of that passage. Ii
they have not, I am sure they ought; and if they have, I am not indebted to them for the observation. The words of
Virgil are very plain:
Sacra, suosquetlbi commendatTroja penates.
As for Augustus, or his uncle Julius, claiming by descent from . _neas, that title _s already out of doors. _neas suc-
ceeded not, but was elected. Troy was foredoom'd to fall for ever:
Postquamres AslaePrlamlqueevertereregnum Immentum vzsum superls.
N. _Enels,hb in, lin. i.
Augustus, 't is true, had once resolv'd to rebuild that city, and there to make the seat of empire; but Horace writes an ode on purpose to deter him from that thought, declaring the place to be accurst, and that the gods would as often destroy it as it should be rais'd. Hereupon the emperor laid aside a project so ungrateful to the Roman people. But by this, my Lord, we may conclude that he had still his pedigree in his head, and had an itch of being thought a divine king, if his poets had not given him better counsel.
I will pass by many less material objections, for want of room to answer them: what follows next is o[ great ira-
? DEDICATION OF THE _gNEIS 23
portance, if the critics can make out their charge; for 't is level'd at the manners which our poet gives his hero, and which are the same which were eminently seen in his Augus- tus. Those manners were piety to the gods and a dutiful affecUon to his father, love to his relations, care of his people, courage and conduct m the wars, gratitude to those who had oblig'd him, and justice in general to mankind.
Piety, as your Lordship sees, takes place of all, as the chief part of his character; and the word in Latin is more i_11 than it can possibly be express'd in any modem lan- guage; for there it comprehends not only devotion to the gods, but fihal love and tender affection to relations of all sorts. As instances of this, the deities of Troy and his own Penates are made the companions of his flight: they appear to him in his voyage, and advise him ; and at last he replaces them in Italy, their native country For his father, he takes him on his back, he leads his little son; his wife follows him; but, losing h2s footsteps thro' fear or ignorance, he goes back into the midst of h_s enemies to find her, and leaves not his pursuit t_ll her ghost appears, to forbid his farther search. I will say nothing of his duty to his father while he liv'd, his sorrows for his death, of the games instituted in honor of his memory, or seeking him, by his command, even after death, in the Elysian fields. I will not mention his tenderness for his son, which everywhere is visible--of his raising a tomb for Polydorus, the obsequies for Misenus, his pious remembrance of Deiphobus, the funerals of his nurse, his grief for Pallas, and his revenge taken on his murtherer, whom otherwise, by his natural compassion, he had for- given: and then the poem had been left imperfect; for we could have had no certain prospect of his happiness, while the last obstacle to it was unremov'd. Of the other parts which compose his character, as a king or as a general, I need say nothing; the whole i]inei$ is one continued instance of some one or other of them; and where I find anything of them tax'd, it shall suffice me, as briefly as I can, to vindi- cate my divine master to your Lordship, and by you to the reader. But herdn Segrais, in his admirable preface to his _anslation of the _Ene/. ? , as the author of the Dauphin's _Virgil justly calls it, has prevented me. Him I follow, and
J
? 24 DRYDEN'S TRANSLATION OF VIRGIL
what I borrow from him, am ready to acknowledge to him. For, impartially speaking, the Frencl_ are as much better critics than the English, as they are worse poets. Thus we
generally allow that they better understand the management of a war than our islanders; but we know we are superior
to them in the day of battle. They value themselves on their generals, we on our soldiers. But this is not the proper place to decide that questaon, if they make it one. I shall say perhaps as much of other nations and their poets, ex- cepting only Tasso; and hope to make my assertion good, which is but doing justice to my country, part of which honor will reflect on your Lordship, whose thoughts are al- ways just; your numbers harmonious, your words chosen, your expressions strong and manly, your verse flowing, and your turns as happy as they are easy. If you would set us more copies, your example would make all precepts needless. In the mean time, that little you have written is own'd, and that par-'ticuiarly by the poets, (who are a nation not over lavish of praise to their contemporaries,) as a principal or- nament of our language ; but the sweetest essences are always eonfin'd in the smallest glasses.
When I speak of your Lordship, 't is never a digression, and therefore I need beg no pardon for it; but take up Segrais where I left him, and shall use him less often than I have occasion for him; for his preface is a perfect piece of criticism, full and clear, and digested into an exact method; mine is loose, and, as I intended it, epistolary. Yet I dwell on many things which he durst not touch; for 't is
dangerous to offend an arbitrary master, and every patron who has the power of Augustus has not his clemency. In short, my Lord, I would not translate him, because I would bring you somewhat of my own His notes and observations on every book are of the same excellency; and, for the same reason, I omit the greater part.
He takes notice that Virgil is arraign'd for placing piety before valor, and making that piety the chief character of
his hero. I have said already from Bossu, that a poet is not oblig'd to make his hero a virtuous man; therefore, neither Homer nor Tasso are to be blam'd for giving what predominant quality they pleas'd to their first character.
? DEDICATION OF THE _NEIS 25
But Virgil, who design'd to form a perfect prince, and would insinuate that Augustus, whom he calls _neas in his poem, was truly such, found himself oblig'd to make him without blemish, thoroughly virtuous; and a thorough virtue both begins and ends in piety Tasso, without question, observ'd this before me, and therefore spht his hero in two; he gave
Godfrey piety, and Rinaldo fortitude, for their chief quali- ties or manners. Homer, who had chosen another moral, makes both Agamemnon and Achilles vicious; for his design was to instruct in virtue by shewing the deformity of vice. I avoid repetition of that I have said above. What follows
is translated literally from Segrais:
"Virgil had consider'd that the greatest virtues of Augus-
tus consisted in the perfect art of governing his people; which caus'd him to reign for more than forty years in great felicity. He constder'd that his emperor was valiant, civil, popular, eloquent, politic, and religious, he has given all these qualities to . ,Eneas. But, knowing that piety alone comprehends the whole duty of man towards the gods, towards his country, and towards his relations, he judg'd that this ought to be his first character, whom he would set for a pattern of perfection. In reality, they who believe that the praises which arise from valor are superior to those which proceed from any other virtues, have not constder'd
(as they ought) that valor, destitute of other virtues, cannot render a man worthy of any true esteem. That quality, which signifies no more than an intrepid courage, may be separated from many others which are good, and accom- panied with many which are ill. A man may be very valiant, and yet impious and vicious. But the same cannot be said of piety, which excludes all ill qualities, and comprehends even valor itself, with all other qualities which are good. Can we, for example, give the praise of valor to a man ,who should see his gods profan'd, and should want the courage to defend them ? To a man who should abandon his father, or desert his king in his last necessity? "
Thus far Segrais, in giving the preference to piety before valor. I will now follow him, where he considers this valor, or intrepid courage, singly in itself; and this also Virgil gives to his tF_. neas,and that in a heroical degree.
? +
Having first concluded that our poet did for the best in
taking the first character of his hero from that essential
virtue on which the rest depend, he proceeds to tell us that
in the ten years' war of Troy he was consider'd as the second
champion of his country (allowing Hector the first place);
and this, even by the confession of Homer, who took aU oc-
casions of setting up his own countrymen the Grecians, and
of undervaluing the Trojan chiefs. But Virgil (whom
Segrais forgot to cite) makes Diomede give him a higher
character for strength and courage.
His testimony is this, in the Eleventh Book:
Stetlmus tela aspera eontra, Contulimusquemanus- experto credite, quantus
In elypeum assurgat quo turbine torqueat hastam. Si duo przterea tales Id_. a tuhsset
Terra vlros, ultro Inachlas vemsset ad urbes Dardauus, et versis lugeret Gr_cia fatis.
_Oulcquid apud dur',_cessatum est mcmia Troj_? , Hectons /Enezque manu wetona Graium
H_esihet in decumumvestigia retulit annum. Ambo animus,ambo mmgnes pr2stantabusarmis:
Hic pietate prior.
I give not here my translation of these verses, (tho' I think I have not 111succeeded in them,) because your Lord- ship is so great a master of the original that I have no reason to desire you should see V_rgil and me so near together. But you may please, my Lord, to take notice that the Latin author refine+ upon the Greek, and insinuates that Homer had done his hero wrong in giving the advantage of the dud to his own countryman; tho' Diomedes was manifestly the second champion of the Grecians; and Ulysses preferr'd him before Ajax, when he chose him for the companion of his nightly expedition; for he had a headpiece o{ his own, and wanted only the fortitude of another to bring him off with safety, and that he might compass his design with honor.
The French translator thus proceeds: "They who accuse . _neas for want of courage, either understand not Virgil, or have read him slightly; otherwise they would not raise an
objection so easy to be answer'd. " Hereupon he gives so many instances of the hero's valor+ that to repeat them after him would tire your Lordship, and put me to the nnnecesaary
26 DRYDEN'S TRANSLATION OF VIRGIL
? DEDICATION OF THE _NEIS 27
trouble of transcribing the greatest part of the three last _ne_ds In short, more could not be expected from an Amadis, a Sir Lancelot, or the whole Round Table, than he performs. Proxima quoeque merit gladw, is the perfect ac- count of a knight-errant. "If it be replied," continues Segrais, "that it was not difficult for him to undertake and achieve such hardy enterprises, because he wore enchanted arms; that accusation, in the first place, must fall on Homer, ere it can reach Virgil. " Achilles was as well provided wzth them as . _neas, tho' he was invulnerable wlthout them. And Ariosto, the two Tassos (Bernardo and Torquato), even our own Spenser, in a word, all modern poets, have copled Homer as well as Virgil: he is neither the first nor last, but in the midst of them, and therefore is safe, if they are so. "Who knows," says Segrais, "but that his fated armor was only an allegorical defense, and signified no more than that he was under the peculiar protection of the gods ? --born, as the astrologers will tell us out of Virgil, (who was well vers'd in the Chaldaean mysteries,) under the favorable in- flence of Jupiter, Venus, and the Sun. " ! But I insist not on this, because I know you believe not in such an art; tho' not only Horace and Persius, but Augustus himself, thought otherwise. But, in defense of Virgil, I dare positively say that he has been more cautious in this particular than either his predecessor or his descendants; for z'Eneas was actually wounded m the Twelfth of the z_neis, tho' he had the same godsmith to forge his arms as had Achilles. It seems he was no warluck, as the Scots commonly call such men, who, they say, are iron-free, or lead-free. Yet, after this experi- ment that his arms were not impenetrable, when he was cur'd indeed by his mother's help, because he was that day to conclude the war by the death of Turnus, the poet durst not carry the miracle too far, and restore him wholly to his former vigor; he was still too weak to overtake his enemy; yet we see with what courage he attacks Turnus, when he faces and renews the combat. I need say no more; for Vir- gil defends himself without needing my assistance, and proves his hero truly to deserve that name. He was not then a second-rate champion, as they would have him who think fortitude the first virtue in a hero. But, being beaten
? 28 DRYDEN'S TRANSLATION OF V'fRGIL
from this hold, they will not yet allow him to be valiant, be- cause he wept more often, as they think, than well becomes a man of courage.
In the first place, if tears are arguments of cowardice, what shall I say of Homer's hero? Shall Achilles pass for timorous because he wept, and wept on less occasions than . ,Eneas? Hereto Virgil must be granted to have excelrd his master. For once both heroes are descrlb'd lamenting their lost loves: Brlseis was taken away by force from the Grecian; Creusa was lost for ever to her husband. But Achilles went roaring along the salt sea-shore, and, like a booby, was com- plaining to his mother, when he should have reveng'd his injury by arms. iEneas took a nobler course; for, having secur'd his father and his son, he repeated all his former dangers to have found his wife, if she had been above ground. And here your Lordship may observe the address of Virgil; it was not for nothing that this passage was related with all these tender circumstances. _neas told it; Dido heard it. That he had been so affectionate a husband was no ill argu- ment to the coming dowager that he might prove as kind to her. Virgil has a thousand secret beauties, tho' I have not leisure to remark them.
Segrais, on this subject of a hero's shedding tears, observes that historians commend Alexander for weeping when he read the mighty actions of Achilles, and Julius Caesar is likewise prais'd, when, out of the same noble envy, he wept at the victories of Alexander. But, if we observe more closely, we shall find that the tears of iEneas were always on a laudable occasion. Thus he weeps out of compassion and tenderness of nature, when, in the temple of Carthage, he beholds the pictures of his friends, who sacrific'd their lives in defense of their country. He deplores the lament- able end of his pilot Palinurus, the untimely death of young Pallas his confederate, and the rest, which I omit. Yet, even for these tears, his wretched critics dare condemn him. They make . ,Eneas little better than a kind of St. Swithen
hero, always raining. One of these censors is bold enough to
argue him of cowarchce, when, in the beginning of the First
Book, he not only weeps, but trembles at an approaching storm: ?
? DEDICATION OF THE _NEIS 29 :Extcmplo _ne_e solvuntur frlgore membra:
Ingemlt, et duplices tendens ad sidera palmas, &c.
But to this I have answer'd formerly, that his fear was not for himself, but for his people. And who can give a sov- ereign a better commendation, or recommend a hero more to the affection of the reader? They were threaten'd with a tempest, and he wept; he was promts'd Italy, and therefore he pray'd for the accomphshment of that promise. All this in the beginning of a storm; therefore he shew'd the more early piety, and the quicker sense of compassion. Thus much I have urg'd elsewhere in the defense of Virgil; and, since, I have been inform'd by Mr. Moyle, a young gentle- man whom I can never sufficiently commend, that the ancients accounted drowning an accursed death; so that, if we grant him to have been afraid, he had just occasion for that fear, both in relation to himself and to his subjects. I think our adversaries can carry this argument no farther, unless they tell us that he ought to have had more confidence in the promise of the gods. But how was he assttr'd that he had understood their oracles aright? Helenus might be mis- taken; Phoebus might speak doubtfully; even his mother might flatter hlm that he might prosecute his voyage, which if it succeeded happily, he should be the founder of an em- pire. For that she herself was doubtful of his fortune is apparent by the address she made to Jupiter on his behalf; to which the god makes answer in these words:
Parce metu, Cytherea: manent immota tuorum Fata tlbl, &c.
notwithstanding which, the goddess, tho' comforted, was not assur'd; for even after this, thro' the course of the whole
_neis, she still apprehends the interest which Juno might make with Jupiter against her son. For it was a moot point in heaven, whether he could alter fate, or not. And indeed some passages in Virgil would make us suspect that he was of opinion Jupiter might defer fate, tho' he could not alter
it. For in the latter end of the Tenth Book he introduces
Juno begging for the Hfe of Turnus. and flattering her hus- band with the power of changing destinymTua, qu/ potes,
oma reflec_a_t To which he graciously answers:
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DRYDEN'S TRANSLATION OF VIRGIL
Si morapraesentislethz,tempusquecaduco Oraturjuvem, meque hoc ita ponere sentis,
Tolle fuga Turnum,atque instantlbuseripe fatis. Hactenus iudulsisse vacat. Sin altior istis
Sub precibusvema ulla latet, totumquemoveri Mutanve putas bellum,spes pascis manels.
But that he could not alter those decrees, the King of Gods himsdf confesses, in the book above cited, when he comforts Hercules for the death of Pallas, who had invok'd
his aid before he threw his lance at Turnus:
Troj_ subm,_nibusalus
Tot nati cecldere deum, quin occldit una $arpedon, mea progenies. Etlam sua Turnum Fata manent, metasquedatx pervenit ad a_n -
where he plainly acknowledges that he could not save his own son, or prevent the death which he foresaw. Of his power-_o defer the blow I once occas_onally discours'd with that excellent person Sir Robert Howard, who is better con- versant than any man that I know in the doctrine of the Stoics; and he set me rlght, from the concurrent testimony of philosophers and poets, that Jupiter could not retard the effects of fate, even for a moment. For, when I cited Virgil
as favoring the contrary opimon in that verse,
Tolle fuga Turnum, atque instantlbusenpe fatis, &c.
he replied, and, I think, . with exact judgment, that, when Jupiter gave Juno leave to withdraw Turnus from the pres- ent danger, it was because he certainly foreknew that his fatal hour was not come; that it was in destiny for Juno at that time to save him; and that himself obey'd destiny in giving her that leave
I need say no more in justification of our hero's courage, and am much deceiv'd if he be ever attack'd on this side of his
character again But he is arraign'd with more shew of reason by the ladies, who will make a numerous party against
him, for being false to love, in forsaking Dido. And I can- not much blame them; for, to say the truth, 't is an ill prece-
dent for their gallants to follow. Yet, if I can bring him of[ with flying colors, they may learn experience at her cost,
and, for her sake, avoid a cave, as the worst shelter they can
? Sl
choose from a shower of ram, especially when they have a ]over in thdr company.
In the first place, Segrals observes with much acuteness ,that they who blame _neas for his insensibility of love when he left Carthage, contradict their former accusatlon of him
for being always crying, compassionate, and effemmately sensible of those misfortunes which befell others. They give
him two contrary characters; but Virgil makes him of a piece, always grateful, always tender-hearted. But they are impudent enough to discharge themselves of this blunder, by laying the contradiction at Virgil's door. He, they say, has shewn his hero with these inconsistent characters, acknowlo edging and ungrateful, compassionate and hard-hearted, but, at the bottom, fickle and self-interested; for Dido had not only receiv'd his weather-beaten troops before she saw him, and given them her protection, but had also offer'd them an equal share in her dominion:
Vultus et his mecum pariter considere regnis ? Urbem quam statuo, vestra est.
This was an obligement never to be _orgotten; and the more to be consider'd, because antecedent to her love. That passion, 't is true, produc'd the usual effects, of generosity, gallantry, and care to please; and thither we refer them. But when she had made all these advances, it was still in his power to have refus'd them; after the intrigue of the cave (call it marriage, or enjoyment only) he was no longer free to take or leave; he had accepted the favor, and was oblig'd to be constant, if he would be grateful.
My Lord, I have set this argument in the best light I can, that the ladies may not think I write booty; and perhaps it may happen to me, as it did to Doctor Cudworth, who has rais'd such strong objections against the being of a God, and Providence, that many think he has not answer'd them. You may please at least to hear the adverse party. Segrais pleads for Virgil, that no less than an absolute command from Jupiter could excuse this insensibility of the hero, and this abrupt departure, which looks so llke extreme ingraft- tude. But, at the same time, he does wisely to remember 30u, that Virgil had made piety the first character of . _neas;
DEDICATION OF THE _NEIS
. . . . I . I Jl . . II . . . . . ___-"
? 32 DRYDEN'S TRANSLATION OF VIRGIL
and, this being allow'd, (as I am afraid it must,) he was oblig'd, antecedent to all other considerations, to search an asylum for his gods in Italy--for those very gods, I say, who had promis'd to his race the umversal empire. Could a pious man dispense with the commands of Juptter, to satisfy his passion, or (take _t in the strongest sense) to comply with the obligations of his gratitude? Rehglon, 't is true, must have moral honesty for its groundwork, or we shall be apt to suspect its truth, but an immedmte revelation dispenses with all duties of morality. All casmsts agree that theft is a breach of the moral law; yet, if I might presume to mingle things sacred with profane, the Israelites only spoil'd the Egyptians, not robb'd them, because the propriety was trans- ferr'd by a revelation to their lawgiver. I confess Dido was a very infidel in th_s point; for she would not believe, as Virgil makes her say, that ever Jupiter would send Mer- cury on such an immoral errand. But this needs no answer,
at least no more than V_rgfl gives it:
Fata obstant; placxdasqueviri deus obstruit aures.
This notwithstanding, as Segrais confesses, he might have shewn a little more sensibility when he left her; for that had been according to his character.
But let Virgil answer for himself. He still lov'd her, and struggled with his inclinations to obey the gods:
Curaresub corde premebat,
Multa gemens, magnoque ammum labefactus amofe.
Upon the whole matter, and humanly speaking, I doubt there was a fault somewhere; and Jupiter is better able to bear the blame than either Virgil or . ,Eneas. The poet, it seems, had found it out, and therefore brings the deserting hero and the forsaken lady to meet together in the lower regions, where he excuses himself when 't is too late; and accordingly she will take no satisfaction, nor so much as hear him. Now Segrais is forc'd to abandon his defense, and ex- cuses his author by saying that the . SF. neis is an imperfect work, and that death prevented the divine poet from review- ing it; and for that reason he had condemu'd it to the fire; tho', at the same t_me, his two translators must acknowledge
HC--Vol,18---1
? DEDICATION OF THE _NEIS
that the Sixth Book is the most correct of the whole z_. neis. O, how convenient is a machine sometimes in a heroic poem[ This of Mercury is plainly one; and Virgil was constrain'd to use it here, or the honesty of his hero would be ill de- fended. And the fair sex, however, if they had the deserter m their power, would certainly have shewn him no more mercy than the Bacchanals did Orpheus: for, if too much constancy may be a fault sometunes, then want of constancy, and ingratitude after the last favor, is a crime that never will be forgiven. But of machines, more in their proper place: where I shall shew with how much judgment they have been us'd by V_rgil; and, in the mean time, pass to another article of his defense on the present subject; where, if I cannot clear the hero, I hope at least to bring off the poet ; for here I must divide their causes. Let _neas trust to his machine, which will only help to break his fall; but the address is in- comparable. Plato, who borrow'd so much from Homer, and yet concluded for the banishment of all poets, would at least have rewarded Virgil before he sent him into exile. But I go farther, and say that he ought to be acquitted, and de- serv'd, beside, the bounty of Awgustus and the gratitude of the Roman people. If, after this, the ladies will stand out, let them remember that the jury is not all agreed; for Oc- tavia was of his party, and was of the first quality in Rome; she was also present at the reading of the S_xth . _Eneid, and we know not that she condemn'd -_neas; but we are sure she presented the poet for his admirable elegy on her son Marcellus.
But let us consider the secret reasons which Virgil had for thus framing this noble episode, wherein the whole passion of love is more exactly describ'd than in any other poet. Love was the theme of his Fourth Book : and, tho' it is the shortest of the whole _nezs, yet there he has given its beginning, its progress, its traverses, and its conclusion; and had exhausted so entirely this subject, that he could resume it but very slightly m the eight ensuing books.
She was warm'd with the graceful appearance of the hero; she smother'd those sparkles out of decency; but conversa- tion blew them up into a flame. Then she was forc'd to
m_lce a confident of her whom she best might tr_st, her own HC--Vol. I_-. -Z
? $4 DRYDEN'S TRANSLATION OF VIRGII_
Sister, who approves the passion, and thereby augments it; then succeeds her public owning it; and, after that, the con- smnmation. Of Venus and Juno, Jupiter and Mercury, I say nothing, for they were all machining work; but, possession having cool'd his love, as it increas'd hers, she soon perceiv'd
the change, or at least grew suspicaous of a change; this sus- picion _on tum'd to jealousy, and jealousy to rage; then she disdains and threatens, and again _shumble, and intreat% and, nothing availing, despairs, curses, and at last becomes her own executioner. See here the whole process of that passion, to which nothing can be added. I dare go no farther, lest I should lose the connection of my discourse.
To love our native country, and to study its bene? t and its glory, to be interested in its concerns, is natural to all men, and is indeed our common duty. A poet makes a farther step; for, endeavoring to do honor to it, 't is allowable in him even to be partial in its cause; for he is not tied to truth, or feb ter'd'by the laws of history. Homer and Tasso are justly prais'd for choosing their heroes out of Greece and Italy; Virgil indeed made his a Trojan; but it was to derive the Romans and his own Augustus from him. But all the three poets are manifestly partial to their heroes, in favor o? their country; for Dares Phrygius reports of Hector that he was slain cowardly: . _meas, according tQ the best account, slew not Mezentius, but was slain by him; and the chronicles of Italy tell us little of that Rinaldo d'Este who conquers Jeru- salem in Tasso. He might be a champion of the Chwrch; but we know not that he was so much as present at the siege. To apply this to Virgil, he thought himself engag'd in honor to espouse the cause and quarrel of his country against Carthage. He knew he could not please the Romans better, or oblige them more to patronize his poem, than by disgracing the fotmdress of that city. He shews her ungrateful to the memory of her first husband, doting on a stranger; enjoy'd, and afterwards forsaken by him. This was the original, says he, of the immortal hatred betwixt the two rival nations. 'T is true, he colors the falsehood of . ,Eneas by an express command from Jupiter, to forsake the queen who had oblig'd him; but he knew the Romans were to be his readers, and them he brib'd, perhaps at the expense of his hero's honesty_
? DEDICATION OF THE _NEIS
but he gain'd his cause, however, as pleading before corrupt judges. They were content to see their founder false to love, for still he had the advantage of the amour: it was their enemy whom he forsook, and she might have forsaken him, if he had not got the start of her: she had already forgotten her vows to her Siclueus; and varium et ? nutalnle semper [emina is the sharpest satire, in the fewest words, that ever was made on womankand; for both the adjectives are neuter, and animal must be understood, to make them grammar. Virgil does well to put those words into the mouth of Mer- cury. Ifa god had not spoken them, geither durst he have wr:tten them, nor I translated them. Yet the deity was forc'd to come twice on the same errand; and the second time, as much a hero as _neas was, he frighted him. It seems he fear'd not Jupiter so much as Dido; for your Lordship may observe that, as much intent as he was upon his voyage, yet he still delay'd it, till the messenger was oblig'd to tell him plainly, that, if he weigh'd not anchor in the night, the queen would be with him in the morning. Notumque furens quid femma possitmshe was injur'd; she was revengeful; she was powerful. The poet had likewise before hinted that her people were naturally perfidious; for he gives their character in their queen, and makes a proverb of Pumca tides, many
ages before it was invented.
Thus I hope, my Lord, that I have made good my promise,
and justified the poet, whatever becomes of the false knight. And sure a poet is as much privileg'd to lie as an ambassador, for the honor and interests of his country; at least as Sir
Henry Wotton has defin'd.
This naturally leads me to the defense of the famous anach-
ronism, in making JEneas and Dido contemporaries; for 't is certain that the hero liv'd almost two hundred years before the building of Carthage. One who imitates Bocaline says that Virgil was aeeus'd before Apollo for this error. The god soon found that he was not able to defend his favorite by reason, for the case was dear: he therefore gave this middle sentence, that anything might be allow'd to his son Virgil, on the accoant of his other merits; that, being a monarch, he had a dispensing power, and pardon'd him. But, that this _ecial act o/ grace might never be drawn into
? DRYDEN'S TRANSLATION OF VIRGIL
example, or pleaded by his puny successors in justification of
their ignorance, he decreed for the future, no poet should
presume to make a lady die for love two hundred years before her birth To moralize this story, Virgil is the Apollo who
has this dispensing power. His great judgment made the laws of poetry; but he never made himself a slave to them:
chronolo_, at best, is but a cobweb law, and he broke thro' it with his weight They who will imitate him wisely must choose, as he did, an obscure and a remote ? ra, where they
may invent at pleasure, and not be easily contradicted. Neither he, nor the Romans, had ever read the Bible, by which only his false computation of times can be made out against him This Segrais says in his defense, and proves it from his learned friend Bochartus, whose letter on this subject he has printed at the end of the Fourth Agneid, to which I refer your Lordship and the reader. Yet the credit of Virgil was so great that he made this fable of his own invention pass for an authentic history, or at least as credible as anything in Homer. Ovid takes it up after him, even in the
same age, and makes an ancient heroine of' Virgil's new- created Dido; dictates a letter for her, just before her death,
to the ingrateful fugitive; and, very unluckily for himself, is for measuring a sword with a man so much superior in
force to him, on the same subject. I think I may be judge of this, because I have translated both. The famous author
of the Art of Love has nothing of his own; he borrows a_[1 from a greater master in his own profession and, which is
worse, improves nothing which he finds. Nature fails him; and, being forc'd to his old shift, he has recourse to witticism. This passes indeed with his soft admirers, and gives h_m the preference to Virgil in their esteem. But let them like for themselves, and not prescribe to others; for our author needs not their admiration.
The motives that induc'd Virgil tocoin this fable I have shew'd already; and have also begun to shew that he might make this anachronism by superseding the mechanic rules of poetry, for the same reason that a monarch may dispense with or suspend his own laws, when he finds it necessary so to do, especially if those laws are not altogether fundamental. Nothing is to be call'd a fault in poetry, says Aristotle, bit
? DEDICATION OF THE _. NEIS
wliat |s aga'mst the art; therefore a man may be an admirable poet without being an exact chronologer. Shall we dare, con- tinues Segrais, to condemn Virgil for having made a fiction against the order of time, when we commend Ovid and other _oets who have made many of their fictions against the order of natare? For what else are the splendid miracles of the Metaraorphoses? Yet these are beautiful as they are related, and have also deep learmng and instructive mythologies couch'd urtder them; but to give, as Virgil does in this episode, the original cause of the long wars betwixt Rome and Car- thage, to draw truth out of fiction after so probable a manner, with so much beauty, and so much for the honor of his coun- try, was proper only to the divine wit of Maro; and Tasso, in one of his discourses, admires him for this particularly 'T is not lawful, indeed, to contradict a point of history which is known to all the world, as, for example, to make Hannibal and Scipio contemporaries with Alexander; but, in the dark recesses of antiquity, a great poet may and ought to feign such things as he finds not there, if they can be brought to embelhsh that subject which he treats. On the other side, the pains and diligence of i11poets is but thrown away when they want the genius to invent and feign agreeably. But if the fictions be delightful; (which they always are, ,f they be natural); if they be of a piece; if the beginning, the middle, and the end be in their due places, and artEully united to each other, such works can never fail of their deserv'd suc- cess. And such is Virgil's episode of Dido and . _neas ; where the sourest critic must acknowledge that, if he had depriv'd his/F. neis of so great an ornament because he found no traces of it in antiquity, he had avoided their unjast censure, but had wanted one of the greatest beauties of his poem. I shall say more of this in the next article of their charge against him, which is want of invention. In the mean time I may affirm, in honor of this episode, that it is not only now esteem'd the most pleasing entertainment of the Aineis, but was so ac- coanted in his own age, and before it was mdlow'd into that reputation which time has given it; for which I need produce no other testimony than that of Ovid, his contemporary:
Nec pars ulla magis legltur de corporetoto, Ouam non legitimo fo_derejunctus amor.
? DRYDEN'S TRANSLATION OF VIRGIL
Where, by the way, you may observe, my Lord, that Ovl"_, in those words, non legitimo foedere iunctus amor, will by no means allow it to be a lawful marriage betwixt Dido and 2Eneas. He was in banishment when he wrote those verses, which I cite from his letter to Augustus: "You, sir," saith he, "have sent me into exile for writing my Art of Love, and my wanton Elegies; yet your own poet was happy in your good graces, tho' he brought Dido and _neas into a cave, and left them there not over honestly together. May I be so bold to ask your Majesty, is it a greater fault to teach the art of unlawful love, than to shew it in the action? " Bat was Ovid, the court poet, so bad a courtier as to find no other plea to excuse himsdf than by a plain accusation of his mas- ter? Virgil confess'd it was a lawful marriage betwixt the lovers, that Juno, the goddess of matrimony, had ratified it by her presence; for it was her business to bring matters to that issue. That the ceremonies were short, we may beheve;
for Dido was not only amorous, but a widow. Mercury him- self, tho' employ'd on a quite contrary errand, yet owns it a marriage by an innuendo: pulchramque uxorius urben Ex- _trusis. He calls 2_Eneasnot only a husband, but upbraids him for being a fond husband, as the word uxomus implies. Now mark a htfle, if your Lordship pleases, why Virgil is so much concern'd to make this marriage (for he seems to be the father of the bride himself, and to give her to the bride- groom) : it was to make away for the divorce which he in- tended afterwards; for he was a finer flatterer than Ovid, and I more than conjecture that he had in his eye the divorce which not long before had pass'd betwixt the emperor and Scribonia.