They are, or are willing
to be, the sons, by marriage not by blood, of 'these Senators', or
rather of their money-bags.
to be, the sons, by marriage not by blood, of 'these Senators', or
rather of their money-bags.
Donne - 2
Bishop Valentine has paired them; the Bishop in
church has united them; the consummation is their own act.
PAGE =131=. ECCLOGUE. 1613. _December_ 26, &c.
It is unnecessary to detail all the ugly history of this notorious
marriage. See Gardiner, _History of England_, ii. 16 and 20. Frances
Howard, daughter of Thomas Howard, the first Earl of Suffolk, was
married in 1606 to the youthful Earl of Essex, the later Parliamentary
general. In 1613, after a prolonged suit she was granted a divorce,
or a decree of nullity, and was at once married to King James's ruling
favourite, Robert Carr, created Viscount Rochester in 1611, and
Earl of Somerset in 1613. Donne, like every one else, had sought
assiduously to win the favour of the all-powerful favourite. Mr. Gosse
was in error in attributing to him a report on 'the proceedings in the
nullity of the marriage of Essex and Lady Frances Howard' (Harl. MS.
39, f. 416), which was the work of his namesake, Sir Daniell Dunn.
None the less, Donne's own letters show that he was quite willing to
lend a hand in promoting the divorce; and that before the decree was
granted he was already busy polishing his epithalamium. One of these
letters is addressed to Sir Robert Ker, afterwards Earl of Ancrum, a
friend of Donne's and a protégé of Somerset's. It seems to me probable
that Sir Robert Ker is the 'Allophanes' of the Induction. Donne is
of course 'Idios', the private man, who holds no place at Court.
'Allophanes' is one who seems like another, who bears the same name as
another, i. e. the bridegroom. The name of both Sir Robert and the Earl
of Somerset was Robert Ker or Carr.
PAGE =132=, l. 34. _in darke plotts. _ Here the reading of _1635_,
'plotts,' has the support of all the MSS. , and the 'places' of _1633_,
to which _1669_ returns, is probably an emendation accidental or
intentional of the editor or printer. It disturbs the metre. The word
'plot' of a piece of ground was, and is, not infrequent, and here its
meaning is only a little extended. In the _Progresse of the Soule_, l.
129, Donne speaks of 'a darke and foggie plot'.
_fire without light. _ Compare: 'Fool, saies Christ, this night they
will fetch away thy soul; but he neither tells him, who they be that
shall fetch it, nor whither they shall carry it; he hath no light but
lightnings; a sodain flash of horror first, and then he goes into fire
without light. ' _Sermons_ 26. 19. 273. 'This dark fire, which was not
prepared for us. ' Ibid.
l. 57. _In the East-Indian fleet. _ The MSS. here give us back a word
which _1633_ had dropped, the other editions following suit. It was
the East-Indian fleet which brought spices, the West-Indian brought
'plate', i. e. gold or (more properly) silver, to which there is no
reference here.
l. 58. _or Amber in thy taste? _ 'Amber' is here of course 'Ambergris',
which was much used in old cookery, in which considerable importance
was attached to scent as well as flavour. Compare:
beasts of chase, or foul of game,
In pastry built, or from the spit, or boil'd,
Gris-amber steam'd;
Milton, _Paradise Regained_, ii. 344.
and
Be sure
The wines be lusty, high, and full of spirit,
And amber'd all.
Beaumont and Fletcher, _The Custom of the Country_, iii. 2.
This was the original meaning of the word 'amber', which was extended
to the yellow fossil resin through some mistaken identification of
the two substances. Mr. Gosse has called my attention to some passages
which seem to indicate that the other amber was also eaten. Tallemant
des Réaux says of the Marquise de Rambouillet, 'Elle bransle un peu la
teste, et cela lui vient d'avoir trop mangé d'ambre autrefois. '
This may be ambergris; but Olivier de Serres, in his _Théâtre
d'Agriculture_ (1600), speaks of persons who had formed a taste for
drinking 'de l'ambre jaune subtilement pulvérisé'.
PAGE =134=, ll. 85-6. _Thou hast no such; yet here was this, and more,
An earnest lover, wise then, and before. _
This is the reading of _1633_ and gives, I think, Donne's meaning.
Missing this, later editions placed a full stop after 'more', so that
each line concludes a sentence. Mr. Chambers emends by changing the
full stop after 'before' into a comma, and reading:
Thou hast no such; yet here was this and more.
An earnest lover, wise then, and before,
Our little Cupid hath sued livery.
This looks ingenious, but I confess I do not know what it means. When
was Cupid wise? When had he been so before? And with what special
propriety is Cupid here called 'an earnest lover'? What Donne says is:
'Here _was_ all this,--a court such as I have described, and more--an
earnest lover (viz. the Earl of Somerset), wise in love (when most
men are foolish), and wise before, as is approved by the King's
confidence. In being admitted to that breast Cupid has ceased to be a
child, has attained his majority, and the right to administer his own
affairs. ' Compare: '_I love them that love me, &c. _. . . The Person that
professes love in this place is Wisdom herself . . . so that _sapere et
amare_, to be wise and to love, which perchance never met before nor
since, are met in this text. ' _Sermons_ 26. 18, Dec. 14, 1617.
Then, sweetest Silvia, let's no longer stay;
True love we know, precipitates delay.
Away with doubts, all scruples hence remove;
No man at one time can be wise and love.
Herrick, _To Silvia to Wed_.
PAGE =135=. I have inserted the title _Epithalamion_ after the
_Ecclogue_ from _D_, _H49_, _Lec_, _O'F_, _S96_, as otherwise the
latter title is extended to the whole poem. This poem is headed in
two different ways in the MSS. In _A18_, _N_, _TC_, the title at the
beginning is: _Eclogue Inducing an Epithalamion at the marriage of the
E. of S. _ The proper titles of the two parts are thus given at once,
and no second title is needed later. In the other MSS. the title at
the beginning is _Eclogue. 1613. Decemb. 26. _ Later follows the title
_Epithalamion_. As _1633_ follows this fashion at the beginning, it
should have done so throughout.
PAGE =136=, l. 126. _Since both have both th'enflaming eyes. _ This
is the reading of all the MSS. and it explains the fact that
'th'enflaming' is so printed in _1633_. Without the 'both' this
destroys the metre and, accordingly, the later editions read 'the
enflaming'. It was natural to bring 'eye' into the singular and
make 'th'enflaming eye' balance 'the loving heart'. Moreover 'both
th'enflaming eyes' may have puzzled a printer. It is a Donnean device
for emphasis. He has spoken of _her_ flaming eyes, and now that he
identifies the lovers, that identity must be complete. Both the eyes
of both are lit with the same flame, both their hearts kindled at the
same fire. Compare later: 225. 'One fire of foure inflaming eyes,' &c.
l. 129. _Yet let_ _A23_, _O'F_. The first of these MSS. is an early
copy of the poem. 'Yet' improves both the sense and the metre. It
would be easily dropped from its likeness to 'let' suggesting a
duplication of that word.
PAGE =137=, l. 150. _Who can the Sun in water see. _ The Grolier Club
edition alters the full stop here to a semicolon; and Chambers quotes
the reading of _A18_, _N_, _TC_, 'winter' for 'water', as worth
noting. Both the change and the suggestion imply some misapprehension
of the reference of these lines, which is to the preceding verse:
For our ease, give thine eyes th'unusual part
Of joy, a Teare.
The opening of a stanza with two lines which in thought belong to the
previous one is not unprecedented in Donne's poems. Compare the sixth
stanza of _A Valediction: of my name in the window_, and note.
Dryden has borrowed this image--like many another of Donne's:
Muse down again precipitate thy flight;
For how can mortal eyes sustain immortal light?
But as the sun in water we can bear,
Yet not the sun, but his reflection there,
So let us view her here in what she was,
And take her image in this watery glass.
_Eleonora_, ll. 134-9.
l. 156. _as their spheares are. _ The crystalline sphere in which each
planet is fixed.
PAGE =138=, ll. 171-81. _The Benediction. _ The accurate punctuation
of Donne's poetry is not an easy matter. In the 1633 edition the last
five lines of this stanza have no stronger stop than a comma. This may
be quite right, but it leaves ambiguous what is the exact force and
what the connexion of the line--
Nature and grace doe all, and nothing Art.
The editions of 1635-69, by placing a full stop after 'give' (l. 178),
connect 'Nature and grace' with what follows, and Chambers and the
Grolier Club editor have accepted this, though they place a semicolon
after 'Art'. It seems to me that the line must go with what precedes.
The force of 'may' is carried on to 'doe all':
may here, to the worlds end, live
Heires from this King, to take thanks, you, to give,
Nature and grace doe all and nothing Art.
'May there always be heirs of James to receive thanks, of you two to
give; and may this mutual relation owe everything to nature and grace,
the goodness of your descendants, the grace of the king, nothing to
art, to policy and flattery. ' That is the only meaning I can give to
the line. The only change in _1633_ is that of a comma to a full stop,
a big change in value, a small one typographically.
PAGE =139=, l. 200. _they doe not set so too_; I have changed the full
stop after 'too' to a semicolon, as the 'Therefore thou maist' which
follows is an immediate inference from these two lines. 'You rose at
the same hour this morning, but you (the bride) must go first to bed. '
ll. 204-5. _As he that sees, &c. _ 'I have sometimes wondered in the
reading what was become of those glaring colours which amazed me in
_Bussy D'Ambois_ upon the theatre; but when I had taken up what I
supposed a fallen star, I found I had been cozened with a jelly;
nothing but a cold, dull mass, which glittered no longer than it was
a-shooting. ' Dryden, _The Spanish Friar_. In another place Dryden uses
the figure in a more poetic or at least ambitious fashion:
The tapers of the gods,
The sun and moon, run down like waxen globes;
The shooting stars end all in purple jellies,
And chaos is at hand.
_Oedipus_, II. i.
The idea was a common one, but I have no doubt that Dryden owed his
use of it as an image to Donne. There is no poet from whom he pilfers
'wit' more freely.
PAGE =140=, ll. 215-16. _Now, as in Tullias tombe_, i. e. Cicero's
daughter. 'According to a ridiculous story, which some of the moderns
report, in the age of Pope Paul III a monument was discovered on the
Appian road with the superscription _Tulliolae filiae meae_; the body
of a woman was found in it, which was reduced to ashes as soon as
touched; there was also a lamp burning, which was extinguished as soon
as the air gained admission there, and which was supposed to have been
lighted above 1500 years. ' Lemprière. See Browne, _Vulgar Errors_,
iii. 21.
PAGE =141=, l. 17. _Help with your presence and devise to praise. _
I have dropped the comma after 'presence' because it suggests to us,
though it did not necessarily do so to seventeenth-century readers,
that 'devise' here is a verb--both Dr. Grosart and Mr. Chambers have
taken it as such--whereas it is the noun 'device' = fancy, invention.
Their fancy and invention is to be shown in the attiring of the bride:
Conceitedly dresse her, and be assign'd
By you, fit place for every flower and jewell,
Make her for love fit fewell
As gay as Flora, and as rich as Inde.
'Devise to praise' would be a very awkward construction.
PAGE =142=, l. 26. _Sonns of these Senators wealths deep oceans. _ The
corruption of the text here has arisen in the first place from the
readily explicable confusion of 'sonnes' or 'sonns' as written and
'sonne', the final 's' being the merest flourish and repeatedly
overlooked in copying and printing, while 'sonne' easily becomes
'some', and secondly from a misapprehension of Donne's characteristic
pun. The punctuation of the 1633 edition is supported by almost every
MS.
The 'frolique Patricians' are of course not the sons of 'these
Senators' by birth. 'I speak not this to yourselves, you Senators
of London,' says Donne in the _Sermon Preached at Pauls Cross . . . 26
Mart. 1616_, 'but as God hath blessed you in your ways, and in your
callings, so put your children into ways and courses too, in which God
may bless them. . . . The Fathers' former labours shall not excuse their
Sons future idleness. ' The sons of wealthy citizens might grow idle
and extravagant; they could not be styled 'Patricians'. It is not
of them that Donne is thinking, but of the young noblemen who are
accompanying their friend on his wedding-day.
They are, or are willing
to be, the sons, by marriage not by blood, of 'these Senators', or
rather of their money-bags. In a word, they marry their daughters for
money, as the hero of the _Epithalamion_ is doing. It is fortunate for
the Senators if the young courtiers do not find in their wives as well
as their daughters, like Fastidious Brisk in Jonson's comedy, 'Golden
Mines and furnish'd Treasurie. ' But they are 'Sunnes' as well as
Sonnes'--suns which drink up the deep oceans of these Senators'
wealth:
it rain'd more
Then if the Sunne had drunk the sea before.
_Storme_, 43-4.
Hence the metaphor 'deep oceans', and hence the appropriateness of the
predicate 'Here shine'. This pun on 'sunne' and 'sonne' is a favourite
with Donne:
Mad paper stay, and grudge not here to burne
With all those sonnes [sunnes _B_, _S96_] whom my braine did create.
_To Mrs. M. H. H. _, p. 216.
I am thy sonne, made with thyself to shine.
_Holy Sonnets_, II. 5.
Sweare by thyself, that at my death thy sonne
Shall shine as hee shines now, and heretofore.
_A Hymn to God the Father. _
'This day both Gods Sons arose: The Sun of his Firmament, and the Son
of his bosome. ' _Sermons_ 80. 26. 255. 'And when thy Sun, thy soule
comes to set in thy death-bed, the Son of Grace shall suck it up into
glory. ' Ibid. 80. 45. 450.
Correctly read the line has a satiric quality which Donne's lines
rarely want, and in which this stanza abounds. I have chosen the
spelling 'Sonns' as that which is most commonly used in the MSS. for
'sonnes' and 'sunnes'.
PAGE =143=, l. 57. _His steeds nill be restrain'd. _ I had adopted
the reading 'nill' for 'will' conjecturally before I found it in _W_.
There can be no doubt it is right. As printed, the two clauses (57-8)
simply contradict each other. The use of 'nill' for 'will' was one
of Spenser's Chaucerisms, and Donne comes closer to Spenser in the
_Epithalamia_ than anywhere else. Sylvester uses it in his translation
of Du Bartas:
For I nill stiffly argue to and fro
In nice opinions, whether so or so.
And it occurs in Davison's _Poetical Rhapsody_:
And therefore nill I boast of war.
In Shakespeare, setting aside the phrase 'nill he, will he', we have:
in scorn or friendship, nill I construe whether.
ll. 81-2. _Till now thou wast but able
To be what now thou art_;
She has realized her potentiality; she is now actually what hitherto
she has been only [Greek: en dynamei], therefore she 'puts on
perfection'. 'Praeterea secundum Philosophum . . . _qualibet potentiâ
melior est eius actus_; nam forma est melior quam materia, et actio
quam potentia activa: est enim finis eius. ' Aquinas, _Summa_, xxv. i.
See also Aristotle, _Met. _ 1050 _a_ 2-16. This metaphysical doctrine
is not contradicted by the religious exaltation of virginity, for it
is not virginity as such which is preferred to marriage by the Church,
but the virgin's dedication of herself to God: 'Virginitas inde
honorata, quia Deo dicata. . . . Virgines ideo laudatae, quia Deo
dicatae. Nec nos hoc in virginibus praedicamus, quod virgines sunt;
sed quod Deo dicatae piâ continentiâ virgines. Nam, quod non temere
dixerim, felicior mihi videtur nupta mulier quam virgo nuptura: habet
enim iam illa quod ista adhuc cupit. . . . Illa uni studet placere cui
data est: haec multis, incerta cui danda est,' &c. ; August. _De Sanct.
Virg. _ I. x, xi. Compare Aquinas, _Summa_ II. 2, Quaest. clii. 3.
Wedded to Christ the virgin puts on a higher perfection.
SATYRES.
The earliest date assignable to any of the _Satyres_ is 1593, or more
probably 1594-5. On the back of the Harleian MS. 5110 (_H51_), in the
British Museum, is inscribed:[1]
Jhon Dunne his Satires
Anno Domini 1593
The handwriting is not identical with that in which the poems are
transcribed, and it is impossible to say either when the poems were
copied or when the title and date were affixed. One may not build too
absolutely on its accuracy; but there are in the three first _Satires_
(which alone the MS. contains) some indications that point to 1593-5
as the probable date. Mr. Chambers notes the reference in 1. , 80, 'the
wise politic horse,' to Banks' performing horse, and says: 'A large
collection of them' (i. e. allusions to the horse) 'will be found in
Mr. Halliwell-Phillips's Memoranda on _Love's Labour's Lost_. Only one
of these allusions is, however, earlier than 1593. It is in 1591, and
refers not to an exhibition in London, but in the provinces, and not
to Morocco, which was a bay, but to a white horse. It is probable,
therefore, that by 1591 Banks had not yet come to London, and if so
the date 1593 on the Harl. MS. 5110 of Donne's _Satires_ cannot be far
from that of their composition. ' But this is not the only allusion.
The same lines run on:
Or thou O Elephant or Ape wilt doe.
This has been passed by commentators as a quite general reference; but
the Ape and Elephant seem to have been animals actually performing,
or exhibited, in London about 1594. Thus in _Every Man out of his
Humour_, acted in 1599, Carlo Buffone says (IV. 6): ''S heart he keeps
more ado with this monster' (i. e. Sogliardo's dog) 'than ever Banks
did with his horse, or the fellow with the elephant. ' Further, all
three are mentioned in the _Epigrams_ of Sir John Davies, e. g. :
In Dacum.
Amongst the poets Dacus numbered is
Yet could he never make an English rime;
But some prose speeches I have heard of his,
Which have been spoken many an hundred time:
The man that keepes the Elephant hath one,
Wherein he tells the wonders of the beast:
Another Bankes pronounced long agon,
When he his curtailes qualities exprest:
Hee first taught him that keepes the monuments
At Westminster his formall tale to say:
And also him which Puppets represents,
And also him that w^{th} the Ape doth play:
Though all his poetry be like to this,
Amongst the poets Dacus numbred is.
And again:
In Titum
Titus the brave and valorous young gallant
Three years together in the town hath beene,
Yet my Lo. Chancellors tombe he hath not seene,
Nor the new water-worke, nor the Elephant.
I cannot tell the cause without a smile:
Hee hath been in the Counter all the while.
Colonel Cunningham has pointed out another reference in Basse's
_Metamorphosis of the Walnut Tree_ (1645), where he tells how 'in our
youth we saw the Elephant'. Grosart's suggestion that the Elephant was
an Inn is absurd.
Davies' _Epigrams_ were first published along with Marlowe's version
of Ovid's _Elegies_, but no date is affixed to any of the three
editions which followed one another. But a MS. in the Bodleian
which contains forty-five of the Epigrams describes them as _English
Epigrammes much like Buckminsters Almanacke servinge for all England
but especially for the meridian of the honourable cittye of London
calculated by John Davies of Grayes Inne gentleman An^o 1594 in
November_. [2] This seems much too exact to be a pure invention, and
if it be correct it is very unlikely that the allusions would be to
ancient history. Banks' Horse, the performing Ape, and the Elephant
were all among the sights of the day, like the recently erected tomb
of Lord Chancellor Hatton, who died in 1591. The atmosphere of the
first _Satyre_, as of Davies' _Epigrams_, is that of 1593-5.
The phrase 'the Infanta of London, Heire to an India', in which
commentators have found needless difficulty, contains possibly,
besides its obvious meaning, an allusion to the fact that since 1587
the Infanta of Spain had become in official Catholic circles heir to
the English throne. In 1594 Parsons' tract, _A Conference about the
next Succession to the Crown of England. By R. Doleman_, defended her
claim, and made the Infanta's name a byword in England.
If _H51_ is thus approximately right in its dating of the first Satire
it may be the better trusted as regards the other two, and there is at
least nothing in them to make this date impossible. The references to
poetry in the second acquire a more vivid interest when their date or
approximate date is remembered. In 1593 died Marlowe, the greatest of
the brilliant group that reformed the stage, giving
ideot actors means
(Starving 'themselves') to live by 'their' labour'd sceanes;
and Shakespeare was one of the 'ideot actors'. Shakespeare, too, was
one of the many sonneteers who 'would move Love by rithmes', and in
1593 and 1594 he appeared among those 'who write to Lords, rewards to
get'.
It would be interesting if we could identify the lawyer-poet, Coscus,
referred to in this Satire. Malone, in a MS. note to his copy of
_1633_ (now in the Bodleian Library), suggested John Hoskins or
Sir Richard Martin. Grosart conjectured that Donne had in view the
_Gullinge Sonnets_ preserved in the Farmer-Chetham MS. , and ascribed
with probability to Sir John Davies, the poet of the _Epigrams_
just mentioned. Chambers seems to lean to this view and says, 'these
sonnets are couched in legal terminology. ' Donne is supposed to have
mistaken Davies' 'gulling' for serious poetry. This is very unlikely.
Moreover, only the last two of Davies' sonnets are 'couched in legal
terminology':
My case is this, I love Zepheria bright,
Of her I hold my harte by fealty:
and
To Love my lord I doe knights service owe
And therefore nowe he hath my wit in ward.
Nor, although Davies' style parodies the style of the sonneteers (not
of the anonymous _Zepheria_ only), is it particularly harsh. It is
much more probable that Donne, like Davies, has chiefly in view this
anonymous series of sonnets--_Zepheria_. _Ogni dì viene la sera. Mysus
et Haemonia juvenis qui cuspide vulnus senserat, hac ipsa cuspide
sensit opem. At London: Printed by the Widow Orwin, for N. L.
and John Busby. _ 1594. The style of _Zepheria_ exactly fits Donne's
description:
words, words which would teare
The tender labyrinth of a soft maids eare.
'The verbs "imparadize", "portionize", "thesaurize", are some of
the fruits of his ingenuity. He claims that his Muse is capable
of "hyperbolised trajections"; he apostrophizes his lady's eyes as
"illuminating lamps" and calls his pen his "heart's solicitor". '
Sidney Lee, _Elizabethan Sonnets_. The following sonnet from the
series illustrates the use of legal terminology which both Davies and
Donne satirize:
Canzon 20.
How often hath my pen (mine heart's Solicitor)
Instructed thee in Breviat of my case!
While Fancy-pleading eyes (thy beauty's visitor)
Have pattern'd to my quill, an angel's face.
How have my Sonnets (faithful Counsellors)
Thee without ceasing moved for Day of Hearing!
While they, my Plaintive Cause (my faith's Revealers! ),
Thy long delay, my patience, in thine ear ring.
How have I stood at bar of thine own conscience
When in Requesting Court my suit I brought!
How have the long adjournments slowed the sentence
Which I (through much expense of tears) besought!
Through many difficulties have I run,
Ah sooner wert thou lost, I wis, than won.
We do not know who the author of _Zepheria_ was, so cannot tell how
far Donne is portraying an individual in what follows. It can hardly
be Hoskins or Martin, unless _Zepheria_ itself was intended to be
a burlesque, which is possible. Quite possibly Donne has taken the
author of _Zepheria_ simply as a type of the young lawyer who writes
bad poetry; and in the rest of the poem portrays the same type when
he has abandoned poetry and devoted himself to 'Law practice for
mere gain', extorting money and lands from Catholics or suspected
Catholics, and drawing cozening conveyances. If _Zepheria_ be the
poems referred to, then 1594-5 would be the date of this Satire.
The third _Satyre_ has no datable references, but its tone reflects
the years in which Donne was loosening himself from the Catholic
Church but had not yet conformed, the years between 1593 and 1599,
and probably the earlier rather than the later of these years. On the
whole 1593 is a little too early a date for these three satires. They
were probably written between 1594 and 1597.
The long fourth _Satyre_ is in the Hawthornden MS. (_HN_) headed
_Sat. 4. anno 1594_. But this is a mistake either of Drummond, who
transcribed the poems probably as late as 1610, or of Donne himself,
whose tendency was to push these early effusions far back in his life.
The reference to 'the losse of Amyens' (l. 114) shows that the poem
must have been written after March 1597, probably between that date
and September, when Amiens was re-taken by Henry IV. These lines _may_
be an insertion, but there is no extant copy of the _Satyre_ without
them. It belongs to the period between the 'Calis-journey' and the
'Island-voyage', when first Donne is likely to have appeared at court
in the train of Essex.
The fifth _Satyre_ is referred by Grosart and Chambers to 1602-3 on
the ground that the phrase 'the great Carricks pepper' is a reference
to the expedition sent out by the East India Company under Captain
James Lancaster to procure pepper, the price of which commodity was
excessively high. Lancaster captured a Portuguese Carrick and sent
home pepper and spice. There is no proof, however, that this ship was
ever known as 'the Carrick' or 'the great Carrick'. That phrase _was_
applied to 'that prodigious great carack called the _Madre de Dios_ or
_Mother of God_, one of the greatest burden belonging to the crown of
Portugal', which was captured by Raleigh's expedition and brought to
Dartmouth in 1592. 'This prize was reckoned the greatest and richest
that had ever been brought into England' and 'daily drew vast numbers
of spectators from all parts to admire at the hugeness of it' (Oldys,
_Life of Raleigh_, 1829, pp. 154-7). Strype states that she 'was seven
decks high, 165 foot long, and manned with 600 men' (_Annals_, iv.
177-82). That pepper formed a large part of the Carrick's cargo is
clear from the following order issued by the Privy Council: _A letter
to Sir Francis Drake, William Killigrewe, Richard Carmarden and Thomas
Midleton Commissioners appointed for the Carrique_. 'Wee have received
your letter of the 23^{rd} of this presente of your proceeding in
lading of other convenient barkes with the pepper out of the Carrique,
and your opinion concerning the same, for answere whereunto we do
thinke it meete, and so require you to take order, so soone as the
goods are quite dischardged, that Sir Martin Frobisher be appointed to
have the charge and conduction of those shippes laden with the pepper
and other commodities out of the Carrique to be brought about to
Chatham. ' 27 Octobris, 1592. See also under October 1. The reference
in 'the great Carricks pepper' is thus clear. The words 'You Sir,
whose righteousness she loves', &c. , ll. 31-3, show that the poem was
written after Donne had entered Sir Thomas Egerton's service,
i. e. between 1598, if not earlier, and February 1601-2 when he was
dismissed, which makes the date suggested by Grosart and Chambers
(1602-3) impossible. The poem was probably written in 1598-9. There is
a note of enthusiasm in these lines as of one who has just entered
on a service of which he is proud, and the occasion of the poem was
probably Egerton's endeavour to curtail the fees claim'd by the Clerk
of the Star Chamber (see note below). With Essex's return from
Ireland in 1599 began a period of trouble and anxiety for Egerton, and
probably for Donne too. The more sombre cast of his thought, and
the modification in his feelings towards Elizabeth, after the fatal
February of 1600-1, are reflected in the satirical fragment _The
Progresse of the Soule_.
The so-called sixth and seventh _Satyres_ (added in 1635 and 1669)
I have relegated to the _Appendix B_, and have given elsewhere my
reasons for assigning them to Sir John Roe. That Donne wrote only five
regular _Satyres_ is very definitely stated by Drummond of Hawthornden
in a note prefixed to the copy of the fourth in _HN_: 'This Satyre
(though it heere have the first place because no more was intended
to this booke) was indeed the authors fourth in number and order
he having written five in all to using which this caution will
sufficientlie direct in the rest. '
[Footnote 1: Attention was first called to this inscription by
J. Payne Collier in his _Poetical Decameron_ (1820). He uses
the date to vindicate the claim for Donne's priority as a
satirist to Hall. 'Dunne' is of course one of the many ways
in which the poet's name is spelt, and 'Jhon' is a spelling
of 'John'. The poet's own signature is generally 'Jo. Donne. '
'Jhon Don' is Drummond's spelling on the title-page of _HN_.
In _Q_ the first page is headed 'M^r John Dunnes Satires'. ]
[Footnote 2: Of the forty-five which the MS. contains, some
thirty-three were published in the edition referred to above.
On the other hand the edition contains some which are not
in the MS. Of these, one, 47, 'Meditations of a gull,' alone
refers to events which are certainly later than 1594.
church has united them; the consummation is their own act.
PAGE =131=. ECCLOGUE. 1613. _December_ 26, &c.
It is unnecessary to detail all the ugly history of this notorious
marriage. See Gardiner, _History of England_, ii. 16 and 20. Frances
Howard, daughter of Thomas Howard, the first Earl of Suffolk, was
married in 1606 to the youthful Earl of Essex, the later Parliamentary
general. In 1613, after a prolonged suit she was granted a divorce,
or a decree of nullity, and was at once married to King James's ruling
favourite, Robert Carr, created Viscount Rochester in 1611, and
Earl of Somerset in 1613. Donne, like every one else, had sought
assiduously to win the favour of the all-powerful favourite. Mr. Gosse
was in error in attributing to him a report on 'the proceedings in the
nullity of the marriage of Essex and Lady Frances Howard' (Harl. MS.
39, f. 416), which was the work of his namesake, Sir Daniell Dunn.
None the less, Donne's own letters show that he was quite willing to
lend a hand in promoting the divorce; and that before the decree was
granted he was already busy polishing his epithalamium. One of these
letters is addressed to Sir Robert Ker, afterwards Earl of Ancrum, a
friend of Donne's and a protégé of Somerset's. It seems to me probable
that Sir Robert Ker is the 'Allophanes' of the Induction. Donne is
of course 'Idios', the private man, who holds no place at Court.
'Allophanes' is one who seems like another, who bears the same name as
another, i. e. the bridegroom. The name of both Sir Robert and the Earl
of Somerset was Robert Ker or Carr.
PAGE =132=, l. 34. _in darke plotts. _ Here the reading of _1635_,
'plotts,' has the support of all the MSS. , and the 'places' of _1633_,
to which _1669_ returns, is probably an emendation accidental or
intentional of the editor or printer. It disturbs the metre. The word
'plot' of a piece of ground was, and is, not infrequent, and here its
meaning is only a little extended. In the _Progresse of the Soule_, l.
129, Donne speaks of 'a darke and foggie plot'.
_fire without light. _ Compare: 'Fool, saies Christ, this night they
will fetch away thy soul; but he neither tells him, who they be that
shall fetch it, nor whither they shall carry it; he hath no light but
lightnings; a sodain flash of horror first, and then he goes into fire
without light. ' _Sermons_ 26. 19. 273. 'This dark fire, which was not
prepared for us. ' Ibid.
l. 57. _In the East-Indian fleet. _ The MSS. here give us back a word
which _1633_ had dropped, the other editions following suit. It was
the East-Indian fleet which brought spices, the West-Indian brought
'plate', i. e. gold or (more properly) silver, to which there is no
reference here.
l. 58. _or Amber in thy taste? _ 'Amber' is here of course 'Ambergris',
which was much used in old cookery, in which considerable importance
was attached to scent as well as flavour. Compare:
beasts of chase, or foul of game,
In pastry built, or from the spit, or boil'd,
Gris-amber steam'd;
Milton, _Paradise Regained_, ii. 344.
and
Be sure
The wines be lusty, high, and full of spirit,
And amber'd all.
Beaumont and Fletcher, _The Custom of the Country_, iii. 2.
This was the original meaning of the word 'amber', which was extended
to the yellow fossil resin through some mistaken identification of
the two substances. Mr. Gosse has called my attention to some passages
which seem to indicate that the other amber was also eaten. Tallemant
des Réaux says of the Marquise de Rambouillet, 'Elle bransle un peu la
teste, et cela lui vient d'avoir trop mangé d'ambre autrefois. '
This may be ambergris; but Olivier de Serres, in his _Théâtre
d'Agriculture_ (1600), speaks of persons who had formed a taste for
drinking 'de l'ambre jaune subtilement pulvérisé'.
PAGE =134=, ll. 85-6. _Thou hast no such; yet here was this, and more,
An earnest lover, wise then, and before. _
This is the reading of _1633_ and gives, I think, Donne's meaning.
Missing this, later editions placed a full stop after 'more', so that
each line concludes a sentence. Mr. Chambers emends by changing the
full stop after 'before' into a comma, and reading:
Thou hast no such; yet here was this and more.
An earnest lover, wise then, and before,
Our little Cupid hath sued livery.
This looks ingenious, but I confess I do not know what it means. When
was Cupid wise? When had he been so before? And with what special
propriety is Cupid here called 'an earnest lover'? What Donne says is:
'Here _was_ all this,--a court such as I have described, and more--an
earnest lover (viz. the Earl of Somerset), wise in love (when most
men are foolish), and wise before, as is approved by the King's
confidence. In being admitted to that breast Cupid has ceased to be a
child, has attained his majority, and the right to administer his own
affairs. ' Compare: '_I love them that love me, &c. _. . . The Person that
professes love in this place is Wisdom herself . . . so that _sapere et
amare_, to be wise and to love, which perchance never met before nor
since, are met in this text. ' _Sermons_ 26. 18, Dec. 14, 1617.
Then, sweetest Silvia, let's no longer stay;
True love we know, precipitates delay.
Away with doubts, all scruples hence remove;
No man at one time can be wise and love.
Herrick, _To Silvia to Wed_.
PAGE =135=. I have inserted the title _Epithalamion_ after the
_Ecclogue_ from _D_, _H49_, _Lec_, _O'F_, _S96_, as otherwise the
latter title is extended to the whole poem. This poem is headed in
two different ways in the MSS. In _A18_, _N_, _TC_, the title at the
beginning is: _Eclogue Inducing an Epithalamion at the marriage of the
E. of S. _ The proper titles of the two parts are thus given at once,
and no second title is needed later. In the other MSS. the title at
the beginning is _Eclogue. 1613. Decemb. 26. _ Later follows the title
_Epithalamion_. As _1633_ follows this fashion at the beginning, it
should have done so throughout.
PAGE =136=, l. 126. _Since both have both th'enflaming eyes. _ This
is the reading of all the MSS. and it explains the fact that
'th'enflaming' is so printed in _1633_. Without the 'both' this
destroys the metre and, accordingly, the later editions read 'the
enflaming'. It was natural to bring 'eye' into the singular and
make 'th'enflaming eye' balance 'the loving heart'. Moreover 'both
th'enflaming eyes' may have puzzled a printer. It is a Donnean device
for emphasis. He has spoken of _her_ flaming eyes, and now that he
identifies the lovers, that identity must be complete. Both the eyes
of both are lit with the same flame, both their hearts kindled at the
same fire. Compare later: 225. 'One fire of foure inflaming eyes,' &c.
l. 129. _Yet let_ _A23_, _O'F_. The first of these MSS. is an early
copy of the poem. 'Yet' improves both the sense and the metre. It
would be easily dropped from its likeness to 'let' suggesting a
duplication of that word.
PAGE =137=, l. 150. _Who can the Sun in water see. _ The Grolier Club
edition alters the full stop here to a semicolon; and Chambers quotes
the reading of _A18_, _N_, _TC_, 'winter' for 'water', as worth
noting. Both the change and the suggestion imply some misapprehension
of the reference of these lines, which is to the preceding verse:
For our ease, give thine eyes th'unusual part
Of joy, a Teare.
The opening of a stanza with two lines which in thought belong to the
previous one is not unprecedented in Donne's poems. Compare the sixth
stanza of _A Valediction: of my name in the window_, and note.
Dryden has borrowed this image--like many another of Donne's:
Muse down again precipitate thy flight;
For how can mortal eyes sustain immortal light?
But as the sun in water we can bear,
Yet not the sun, but his reflection there,
So let us view her here in what she was,
And take her image in this watery glass.
_Eleonora_, ll. 134-9.
l. 156. _as their spheares are. _ The crystalline sphere in which each
planet is fixed.
PAGE =138=, ll. 171-81. _The Benediction. _ The accurate punctuation
of Donne's poetry is not an easy matter. In the 1633 edition the last
five lines of this stanza have no stronger stop than a comma. This may
be quite right, but it leaves ambiguous what is the exact force and
what the connexion of the line--
Nature and grace doe all, and nothing Art.
The editions of 1635-69, by placing a full stop after 'give' (l. 178),
connect 'Nature and grace' with what follows, and Chambers and the
Grolier Club editor have accepted this, though they place a semicolon
after 'Art'. It seems to me that the line must go with what precedes.
The force of 'may' is carried on to 'doe all':
may here, to the worlds end, live
Heires from this King, to take thanks, you, to give,
Nature and grace doe all and nothing Art.
'May there always be heirs of James to receive thanks, of you two to
give; and may this mutual relation owe everything to nature and grace,
the goodness of your descendants, the grace of the king, nothing to
art, to policy and flattery. ' That is the only meaning I can give to
the line. The only change in _1633_ is that of a comma to a full stop,
a big change in value, a small one typographically.
PAGE =139=, l. 200. _they doe not set so too_; I have changed the full
stop after 'too' to a semicolon, as the 'Therefore thou maist' which
follows is an immediate inference from these two lines. 'You rose at
the same hour this morning, but you (the bride) must go first to bed. '
ll. 204-5. _As he that sees, &c. _ 'I have sometimes wondered in the
reading what was become of those glaring colours which amazed me in
_Bussy D'Ambois_ upon the theatre; but when I had taken up what I
supposed a fallen star, I found I had been cozened with a jelly;
nothing but a cold, dull mass, which glittered no longer than it was
a-shooting. ' Dryden, _The Spanish Friar_. In another place Dryden uses
the figure in a more poetic or at least ambitious fashion:
The tapers of the gods,
The sun and moon, run down like waxen globes;
The shooting stars end all in purple jellies,
And chaos is at hand.
_Oedipus_, II. i.
The idea was a common one, but I have no doubt that Dryden owed his
use of it as an image to Donne. There is no poet from whom he pilfers
'wit' more freely.
PAGE =140=, ll. 215-16. _Now, as in Tullias tombe_, i. e. Cicero's
daughter. 'According to a ridiculous story, which some of the moderns
report, in the age of Pope Paul III a monument was discovered on the
Appian road with the superscription _Tulliolae filiae meae_; the body
of a woman was found in it, which was reduced to ashes as soon as
touched; there was also a lamp burning, which was extinguished as soon
as the air gained admission there, and which was supposed to have been
lighted above 1500 years. ' Lemprière. See Browne, _Vulgar Errors_,
iii. 21.
PAGE =141=, l. 17. _Help with your presence and devise to praise. _
I have dropped the comma after 'presence' because it suggests to us,
though it did not necessarily do so to seventeenth-century readers,
that 'devise' here is a verb--both Dr. Grosart and Mr. Chambers have
taken it as such--whereas it is the noun 'device' = fancy, invention.
Their fancy and invention is to be shown in the attiring of the bride:
Conceitedly dresse her, and be assign'd
By you, fit place for every flower and jewell,
Make her for love fit fewell
As gay as Flora, and as rich as Inde.
'Devise to praise' would be a very awkward construction.
PAGE =142=, l. 26. _Sonns of these Senators wealths deep oceans. _ The
corruption of the text here has arisen in the first place from the
readily explicable confusion of 'sonnes' or 'sonns' as written and
'sonne', the final 's' being the merest flourish and repeatedly
overlooked in copying and printing, while 'sonne' easily becomes
'some', and secondly from a misapprehension of Donne's characteristic
pun. The punctuation of the 1633 edition is supported by almost every
MS.
The 'frolique Patricians' are of course not the sons of 'these
Senators' by birth. 'I speak not this to yourselves, you Senators
of London,' says Donne in the _Sermon Preached at Pauls Cross . . . 26
Mart. 1616_, 'but as God hath blessed you in your ways, and in your
callings, so put your children into ways and courses too, in which God
may bless them. . . . The Fathers' former labours shall not excuse their
Sons future idleness. ' The sons of wealthy citizens might grow idle
and extravagant; they could not be styled 'Patricians'. It is not
of them that Donne is thinking, but of the young noblemen who are
accompanying their friend on his wedding-day.
They are, or are willing
to be, the sons, by marriage not by blood, of 'these Senators', or
rather of their money-bags. In a word, they marry their daughters for
money, as the hero of the _Epithalamion_ is doing. It is fortunate for
the Senators if the young courtiers do not find in their wives as well
as their daughters, like Fastidious Brisk in Jonson's comedy, 'Golden
Mines and furnish'd Treasurie. ' But they are 'Sunnes' as well as
Sonnes'--suns which drink up the deep oceans of these Senators'
wealth:
it rain'd more
Then if the Sunne had drunk the sea before.
_Storme_, 43-4.
Hence the metaphor 'deep oceans', and hence the appropriateness of the
predicate 'Here shine'. This pun on 'sunne' and 'sonne' is a favourite
with Donne:
Mad paper stay, and grudge not here to burne
With all those sonnes [sunnes _B_, _S96_] whom my braine did create.
_To Mrs. M. H. H. _, p. 216.
I am thy sonne, made with thyself to shine.
_Holy Sonnets_, II. 5.
Sweare by thyself, that at my death thy sonne
Shall shine as hee shines now, and heretofore.
_A Hymn to God the Father. _
'This day both Gods Sons arose: The Sun of his Firmament, and the Son
of his bosome. ' _Sermons_ 80. 26. 255. 'And when thy Sun, thy soule
comes to set in thy death-bed, the Son of Grace shall suck it up into
glory. ' Ibid. 80. 45. 450.
Correctly read the line has a satiric quality which Donne's lines
rarely want, and in which this stanza abounds. I have chosen the
spelling 'Sonns' as that which is most commonly used in the MSS. for
'sonnes' and 'sunnes'.
PAGE =143=, l. 57. _His steeds nill be restrain'd. _ I had adopted
the reading 'nill' for 'will' conjecturally before I found it in _W_.
There can be no doubt it is right. As printed, the two clauses (57-8)
simply contradict each other. The use of 'nill' for 'will' was one
of Spenser's Chaucerisms, and Donne comes closer to Spenser in the
_Epithalamia_ than anywhere else. Sylvester uses it in his translation
of Du Bartas:
For I nill stiffly argue to and fro
In nice opinions, whether so or so.
And it occurs in Davison's _Poetical Rhapsody_:
And therefore nill I boast of war.
In Shakespeare, setting aside the phrase 'nill he, will he', we have:
in scorn or friendship, nill I construe whether.
ll. 81-2. _Till now thou wast but able
To be what now thou art_;
She has realized her potentiality; she is now actually what hitherto
she has been only [Greek: en dynamei], therefore she 'puts on
perfection'. 'Praeterea secundum Philosophum . . . _qualibet potentiâ
melior est eius actus_; nam forma est melior quam materia, et actio
quam potentia activa: est enim finis eius. ' Aquinas, _Summa_, xxv. i.
See also Aristotle, _Met. _ 1050 _a_ 2-16. This metaphysical doctrine
is not contradicted by the religious exaltation of virginity, for it
is not virginity as such which is preferred to marriage by the Church,
but the virgin's dedication of herself to God: 'Virginitas inde
honorata, quia Deo dicata. . . . Virgines ideo laudatae, quia Deo
dicatae. Nec nos hoc in virginibus praedicamus, quod virgines sunt;
sed quod Deo dicatae piâ continentiâ virgines. Nam, quod non temere
dixerim, felicior mihi videtur nupta mulier quam virgo nuptura: habet
enim iam illa quod ista adhuc cupit. . . . Illa uni studet placere cui
data est: haec multis, incerta cui danda est,' &c. ; August. _De Sanct.
Virg. _ I. x, xi. Compare Aquinas, _Summa_ II. 2, Quaest. clii. 3.
Wedded to Christ the virgin puts on a higher perfection.
SATYRES.
The earliest date assignable to any of the _Satyres_ is 1593, or more
probably 1594-5. On the back of the Harleian MS. 5110 (_H51_), in the
British Museum, is inscribed:[1]
Jhon Dunne his Satires
Anno Domini 1593
The handwriting is not identical with that in which the poems are
transcribed, and it is impossible to say either when the poems were
copied or when the title and date were affixed. One may not build too
absolutely on its accuracy; but there are in the three first _Satires_
(which alone the MS. contains) some indications that point to 1593-5
as the probable date. Mr. Chambers notes the reference in 1. , 80, 'the
wise politic horse,' to Banks' performing horse, and says: 'A large
collection of them' (i. e. allusions to the horse) 'will be found in
Mr. Halliwell-Phillips's Memoranda on _Love's Labour's Lost_. Only one
of these allusions is, however, earlier than 1593. It is in 1591, and
refers not to an exhibition in London, but in the provinces, and not
to Morocco, which was a bay, but to a white horse. It is probable,
therefore, that by 1591 Banks had not yet come to London, and if so
the date 1593 on the Harl. MS. 5110 of Donne's _Satires_ cannot be far
from that of their composition. ' But this is not the only allusion.
The same lines run on:
Or thou O Elephant or Ape wilt doe.
This has been passed by commentators as a quite general reference; but
the Ape and Elephant seem to have been animals actually performing,
or exhibited, in London about 1594. Thus in _Every Man out of his
Humour_, acted in 1599, Carlo Buffone says (IV. 6): ''S heart he keeps
more ado with this monster' (i. e. Sogliardo's dog) 'than ever Banks
did with his horse, or the fellow with the elephant. ' Further, all
three are mentioned in the _Epigrams_ of Sir John Davies, e. g. :
In Dacum.
Amongst the poets Dacus numbered is
Yet could he never make an English rime;
But some prose speeches I have heard of his,
Which have been spoken many an hundred time:
The man that keepes the Elephant hath one,
Wherein he tells the wonders of the beast:
Another Bankes pronounced long agon,
When he his curtailes qualities exprest:
Hee first taught him that keepes the monuments
At Westminster his formall tale to say:
And also him which Puppets represents,
And also him that w^{th} the Ape doth play:
Though all his poetry be like to this,
Amongst the poets Dacus numbred is.
And again:
In Titum
Titus the brave and valorous young gallant
Three years together in the town hath beene,
Yet my Lo. Chancellors tombe he hath not seene,
Nor the new water-worke, nor the Elephant.
I cannot tell the cause without a smile:
Hee hath been in the Counter all the while.
Colonel Cunningham has pointed out another reference in Basse's
_Metamorphosis of the Walnut Tree_ (1645), where he tells how 'in our
youth we saw the Elephant'. Grosart's suggestion that the Elephant was
an Inn is absurd.
Davies' _Epigrams_ were first published along with Marlowe's version
of Ovid's _Elegies_, but no date is affixed to any of the three
editions which followed one another. But a MS. in the Bodleian
which contains forty-five of the Epigrams describes them as _English
Epigrammes much like Buckminsters Almanacke servinge for all England
but especially for the meridian of the honourable cittye of London
calculated by John Davies of Grayes Inne gentleman An^o 1594 in
November_. [2] This seems much too exact to be a pure invention, and
if it be correct it is very unlikely that the allusions would be to
ancient history. Banks' Horse, the performing Ape, and the Elephant
were all among the sights of the day, like the recently erected tomb
of Lord Chancellor Hatton, who died in 1591. The atmosphere of the
first _Satyre_, as of Davies' _Epigrams_, is that of 1593-5.
The phrase 'the Infanta of London, Heire to an India', in which
commentators have found needless difficulty, contains possibly,
besides its obvious meaning, an allusion to the fact that since 1587
the Infanta of Spain had become in official Catholic circles heir to
the English throne. In 1594 Parsons' tract, _A Conference about the
next Succession to the Crown of England. By R. Doleman_, defended her
claim, and made the Infanta's name a byword in England.
If _H51_ is thus approximately right in its dating of the first Satire
it may be the better trusted as regards the other two, and there is at
least nothing in them to make this date impossible. The references to
poetry in the second acquire a more vivid interest when their date or
approximate date is remembered. In 1593 died Marlowe, the greatest of
the brilliant group that reformed the stage, giving
ideot actors means
(Starving 'themselves') to live by 'their' labour'd sceanes;
and Shakespeare was one of the 'ideot actors'. Shakespeare, too, was
one of the many sonneteers who 'would move Love by rithmes', and in
1593 and 1594 he appeared among those 'who write to Lords, rewards to
get'.
It would be interesting if we could identify the lawyer-poet, Coscus,
referred to in this Satire. Malone, in a MS. note to his copy of
_1633_ (now in the Bodleian Library), suggested John Hoskins or
Sir Richard Martin. Grosart conjectured that Donne had in view the
_Gullinge Sonnets_ preserved in the Farmer-Chetham MS. , and ascribed
with probability to Sir John Davies, the poet of the _Epigrams_
just mentioned. Chambers seems to lean to this view and says, 'these
sonnets are couched in legal terminology. ' Donne is supposed to have
mistaken Davies' 'gulling' for serious poetry. This is very unlikely.
Moreover, only the last two of Davies' sonnets are 'couched in legal
terminology':
My case is this, I love Zepheria bright,
Of her I hold my harte by fealty:
and
To Love my lord I doe knights service owe
And therefore nowe he hath my wit in ward.
Nor, although Davies' style parodies the style of the sonneteers (not
of the anonymous _Zepheria_ only), is it particularly harsh. It is
much more probable that Donne, like Davies, has chiefly in view this
anonymous series of sonnets--_Zepheria_. _Ogni dì viene la sera. Mysus
et Haemonia juvenis qui cuspide vulnus senserat, hac ipsa cuspide
sensit opem. At London: Printed by the Widow Orwin, for N. L.
and John Busby. _ 1594. The style of _Zepheria_ exactly fits Donne's
description:
words, words which would teare
The tender labyrinth of a soft maids eare.
'The verbs "imparadize", "portionize", "thesaurize", are some of
the fruits of his ingenuity. He claims that his Muse is capable
of "hyperbolised trajections"; he apostrophizes his lady's eyes as
"illuminating lamps" and calls his pen his "heart's solicitor". '
Sidney Lee, _Elizabethan Sonnets_. The following sonnet from the
series illustrates the use of legal terminology which both Davies and
Donne satirize:
Canzon 20.
How often hath my pen (mine heart's Solicitor)
Instructed thee in Breviat of my case!
While Fancy-pleading eyes (thy beauty's visitor)
Have pattern'd to my quill, an angel's face.
How have my Sonnets (faithful Counsellors)
Thee without ceasing moved for Day of Hearing!
While they, my Plaintive Cause (my faith's Revealers! ),
Thy long delay, my patience, in thine ear ring.
How have I stood at bar of thine own conscience
When in Requesting Court my suit I brought!
How have the long adjournments slowed the sentence
Which I (through much expense of tears) besought!
Through many difficulties have I run,
Ah sooner wert thou lost, I wis, than won.
We do not know who the author of _Zepheria_ was, so cannot tell how
far Donne is portraying an individual in what follows. It can hardly
be Hoskins or Martin, unless _Zepheria_ itself was intended to be
a burlesque, which is possible. Quite possibly Donne has taken the
author of _Zepheria_ simply as a type of the young lawyer who writes
bad poetry; and in the rest of the poem portrays the same type when
he has abandoned poetry and devoted himself to 'Law practice for
mere gain', extorting money and lands from Catholics or suspected
Catholics, and drawing cozening conveyances. If _Zepheria_ be the
poems referred to, then 1594-5 would be the date of this Satire.
The third _Satyre_ has no datable references, but its tone reflects
the years in which Donne was loosening himself from the Catholic
Church but had not yet conformed, the years between 1593 and 1599,
and probably the earlier rather than the later of these years. On the
whole 1593 is a little too early a date for these three satires. They
were probably written between 1594 and 1597.
The long fourth _Satyre_ is in the Hawthornden MS. (_HN_) headed
_Sat. 4. anno 1594_. But this is a mistake either of Drummond, who
transcribed the poems probably as late as 1610, or of Donne himself,
whose tendency was to push these early effusions far back in his life.
The reference to 'the losse of Amyens' (l. 114) shows that the poem
must have been written after March 1597, probably between that date
and September, when Amiens was re-taken by Henry IV. These lines _may_
be an insertion, but there is no extant copy of the _Satyre_ without
them. It belongs to the period between the 'Calis-journey' and the
'Island-voyage', when first Donne is likely to have appeared at court
in the train of Essex.
The fifth _Satyre_ is referred by Grosart and Chambers to 1602-3 on
the ground that the phrase 'the great Carricks pepper' is a reference
to the expedition sent out by the East India Company under Captain
James Lancaster to procure pepper, the price of which commodity was
excessively high. Lancaster captured a Portuguese Carrick and sent
home pepper and spice. There is no proof, however, that this ship was
ever known as 'the Carrick' or 'the great Carrick'. That phrase _was_
applied to 'that prodigious great carack called the _Madre de Dios_ or
_Mother of God_, one of the greatest burden belonging to the crown of
Portugal', which was captured by Raleigh's expedition and brought to
Dartmouth in 1592. 'This prize was reckoned the greatest and richest
that had ever been brought into England' and 'daily drew vast numbers
of spectators from all parts to admire at the hugeness of it' (Oldys,
_Life of Raleigh_, 1829, pp. 154-7). Strype states that she 'was seven
decks high, 165 foot long, and manned with 600 men' (_Annals_, iv.
177-82). That pepper formed a large part of the Carrick's cargo is
clear from the following order issued by the Privy Council: _A letter
to Sir Francis Drake, William Killigrewe, Richard Carmarden and Thomas
Midleton Commissioners appointed for the Carrique_. 'Wee have received
your letter of the 23^{rd} of this presente of your proceeding in
lading of other convenient barkes with the pepper out of the Carrique,
and your opinion concerning the same, for answere whereunto we do
thinke it meete, and so require you to take order, so soone as the
goods are quite dischardged, that Sir Martin Frobisher be appointed to
have the charge and conduction of those shippes laden with the pepper
and other commodities out of the Carrique to be brought about to
Chatham. ' 27 Octobris, 1592. See also under October 1. The reference
in 'the great Carricks pepper' is thus clear. The words 'You Sir,
whose righteousness she loves', &c. , ll. 31-3, show that the poem was
written after Donne had entered Sir Thomas Egerton's service,
i. e. between 1598, if not earlier, and February 1601-2 when he was
dismissed, which makes the date suggested by Grosart and Chambers
(1602-3) impossible. The poem was probably written in 1598-9. There is
a note of enthusiasm in these lines as of one who has just entered
on a service of which he is proud, and the occasion of the poem was
probably Egerton's endeavour to curtail the fees claim'd by the Clerk
of the Star Chamber (see note below). With Essex's return from
Ireland in 1599 began a period of trouble and anxiety for Egerton, and
probably for Donne too. The more sombre cast of his thought, and
the modification in his feelings towards Elizabeth, after the fatal
February of 1600-1, are reflected in the satirical fragment _The
Progresse of the Soule_.
The so-called sixth and seventh _Satyres_ (added in 1635 and 1669)
I have relegated to the _Appendix B_, and have given elsewhere my
reasons for assigning them to Sir John Roe. That Donne wrote only five
regular _Satyres_ is very definitely stated by Drummond of Hawthornden
in a note prefixed to the copy of the fourth in _HN_: 'This Satyre
(though it heere have the first place because no more was intended
to this booke) was indeed the authors fourth in number and order
he having written five in all to using which this caution will
sufficientlie direct in the rest. '
[Footnote 1: Attention was first called to this inscription by
J. Payne Collier in his _Poetical Decameron_ (1820). He uses
the date to vindicate the claim for Donne's priority as a
satirist to Hall. 'Dunne' is of course one of the many ways
in which the poet's name is spelt, and 'Jhon' is a spelling
of 'John'. The poet's own signature is generally 'Jo. Donne. '
'Jhon Don' is Drummond's spelling on the title-page of _HN_.
In _Q_ the first page is headed 'M^r John Dunnes Satires'. ]
[Footnote 2: Of the forty-five which the MS. contains, some
thirty-three were published in the edition referred to above.
On the other hand the edition contains some which are not
in the MS. Of these, one, 47, 'Meditations of a gull,' alone
refers to events which are certainly later than 1594.
