No More Learning

This defence could,
however, merely mitigate, not avert, the evil; only constant effort,
constant fighting, could prevent the Mongol hordes from overrunning the
country.

Beyond the Jade Pass in Kansu, through which the soldiers marched, lay
the desert and the steppes stretching to the very "Edge of Heaven," and
on this "edge" stood the "Heaven-high Hills"; while, on the way,
surrounded by miles of sand, lay the Ch'ing Hai Lake (Green, or Inland,
Sea), a dreary region at best, and peopled by the ghosts of countless
soldiers who had fallen in battle on the "Yellow Sand Fields. "

In addition to these backgrounds of reality, that of the Fertile Empire
and that of the Barren Waste, there was another--that of the "Western
Paradise" inhabited by the _Hsi Wang Mu_ (Western Empress Mother) and
those countless beings who, after a life in this world, had attained
Immortality and dwelt among the _Hsien_, supernatural creatures living
in this region of perfect happiness supposed to lie among the K'un Lun
Mountains in Central Asia. From the spontaneous manner in which they
constantly refer to it, and from the vividness of the pictures
suggested by their references to it, one can almost question whether
this Fairy World, the World of Imagination, with its inhabitants, were
not as real to the writers of the early days as was the World of
Actuality. Thus the topography of Chinese poetry may be said to fall
into three main divisions, and allusions are made to

1. The beautiful scenes in the Eighteen Provinces.
2. The desolate region beyond the Jade Pass.
3. The glorious "Western Paradise. "

Ideals determine government, and government determines social life, and
social life, with all that the term connotes, is the essence of every
literature.

The theory upon which the Chinese State was established is exceedingly
interesting, and although the ideal was seldom reached, the system
proved enduring and brought happiness to the people who lived under it.

The Emperor was regarded as the Son of the Celestial Ruler, as Father of
his people, and was supposed to direct his Empire as a father should
direct his children, never by the strong arm of force, but by loving
precept and example. In theory, he held office only so long as peace and
prosperity lasted, this beneficent state of things being considered a
proof that the ruler's actions were in accordance with the decree of
Heaven. Rebellion and disorder were an equal proof that the Son of
Heaven had failed in his great mission; and, if wide-spread discontent
continued, it was his duty to abdicate. The "divine right of kings" has
never existed in China; its place has been taken by the people's right
to rebellion.

This system created a very real democracy, which so struck the Dutchman,
Van Braam, when he conducted a commercial embassy to the Court of Ch'ien
Lung in 1794, that he dedicated his account of the embassy to "His
Excellency George Washington, President of the United States," in the
following remarkable manner:

Sir,

Travels among the most ancient people which now inhabits this globe,
and which owes its long existence to the system which makes its
chief the Father of the National Family, cannot appear under better
auspices than those of the Great Man who was elected, by the
universal suffrage of a new nation, to preside at the conquest of
liberty, and in the establishment of a government in which
everything bespeaks the love of the First Magistrate for the people.
Permit me thus to address the homage of my veneration to the
virtues, which in your Excellency, afford so striking a resemblance
between Asia, and America. I cannot shew myself more worthy of the
title of Citizen of the United States, which is become my adopted
country, than by paying a just tribute to the Chief, whose
principles and sentiments, are calculated to procure them a duration
equal to that of the Chinese Empire.

The semi-divine person of the Emperor was also regarded as the "Sun" of
the Empire, whose light should shine on high and low alike. His
intelligence was compared to the penetrating rays of the sun, while that
of the Empress found its counterpart in the soft, suffusing brilliance
of the moon. In reading Chinese poetry, it is important to keep these
similes in mind, as the poets constantly employ them; evil counsellors,
for instance, are often referred to as "clouds which obscure the sun. "

The Son of Heaven was assisted in the government of the country by a
large body of officials, drawn from all classes of the people. How these
officials were chosen, and what were their functions, will be stated
presently. At the moment, we must take a cursory glance at Chinese
history, since it is an ever-present subject of allusion in poetry.

Two favourite, and probably mythical, heroes, the Emperors Yao and Shun,
who are supposed to have lived in the semi-legendary period two or three
thousand years before the birth of Christ, have been held up ever since
as shining examples of perfection. Shun chose as his successor a man who
had shown such great engineering talent in draining the country, always
in danger of floods from the swollen rivers, that the Chinese still say:
"Without Yü, we should all have been fishes. " Yü founded the first
hereditary dynasty, called the Hsia Dynasty, and, since then, every time
the family of the Emperor has changed, a new dynasty has been
inaugurated, the name being chosen by its first Emperor. With Yü's
accession to the throne in 2205 B. C. , authentic Chinese history begins.

Several centuries later, when Yü's descendants had deteriorated and
become effete, a virtuous noble named T'ang organized the first of
those rebellions against bad government so characteristic of Chinese
history. He was successful, and in his "Announcement to the Ten Thousand
Districts," set forth what we should call his platform in these words:
"The way of Heaven is to bless the good and punish the wicked. It sent
down calamities upon the house of Hsia to make manifest its crimes.
Therefore I, the little child, charged with the decree of Heaven and its
bright terrors, did not dare forgive the criminal. . . . It is given to me,
the one man, to ensure harmony and tranquillity to your State and
families; and now I know not whether I may not offend the Powers above
and below. I am fearful and trembling lest I should fall into a deep
abyss. " The doctrine that Heaven sends calamity as a punishment for
man's sin is referred to again and again in the ancient "Book of
History" and "Book of Odes. " It is a belief common to all primitive
peoples, but in China it persisted until the present republic demolished
the last of the long line of dynastic empires.

T'ang made a great and wise ruler. The Dynasty of Shang, which he
founded, lasted until 1122 B. C. , and was succeeded by that of Chou, the
longest in the annals of Chinese history--so long, indeed, that
historians divide it into three distinct periods. The first of these,
"The Rise," ran from 1122 B. C. to 770 B. C. ; the second, "The Age of
Feudalism," endured until 500 B. C. ; the third, "The Age of the Seven
States," until 255 B. C. Starting under wise rulers, it gradually sank
through others less competent until by 770 B. C. it was little more than
a name. During the "Age of Feudalism," the numerous States were
constantly at war, but eventually the strongest of them united in a
group called the "Seven Masculine Powers" under the shadowy suzerainty
of Chou. Although, from the political point of view, this period was
full of unrest and gloom, from the intellectual it was exceedingly
brilliant and is known as the "Age of Philosophers. " The most famous
names among the many teachers of the time are those of Lao Tzŭ, the
founder of Taoism, and Confucius. To these men, China owes the two great
schools of thought upon which her social system rests.

The "Age of the Seven States" (Masculine Powers) ended when Ch'in, one
of their number, overcame and absorbed the rest. Its prince adopted the
title of Shih Huang Ti, or "First Supreme Ruler," thus placing himself
on an equality with Heaven. Is it to be wondered at that the scholars
demurred? The literary class were in perpetual opposition to the
Emperor, who finally lost patience with them altogether and decreed that
all books relating to the past should be burnt, and that history should
begin with him. This edict was executed with great severity, and many
hundreds of the _literati_ were buried alive. It is scarcely surprising,
therefore, that the name of Shih Huang Ti is execrated, even to-day, by
a nation whose love for the written word amounts to veneration.

Although he held learning of small account, this "First Emperor," to
give him his bombastic title, was an enthusiastic promoter of public
works, the most important of these being the Great Wall, which has
served as an age-long bulwark against the nomadic tribes of Mongolia and
Central Asia. These tribes were a terror to China for centuries. They
were always raiding the border country, and threatening a descent on the
fertile fields beyond the mountains. The history of China is one long
struggle to keep from being overrun by these tribes. There is an exact
analogy to this state of affairs in the case of Roman Britain, and the
perpetual vigilance it was obliged to exercise to keep out the Picts.

Shih Huang Ti based his power on fear, and it is a curious commentary
upon the fact that the Ch'in Dynasty came to an end in 206 B. C. , shortly
after his death, and only a scant half-century after he had founded it.

A few years of struggle, during which no Son of Heaven occupied the
Dragon Throne, succeeded the fall of the Ch'in Dynasty; then a certain
Liu Pang, an inconsiderable town officer, proved strong enough to seize
what was no one's possession and made himself Emperor, thereby founding
the Han Dynasty.

The Han is one of the most famous dynasties in Chinese history. An
extraordinary revival of learning took place under the successive
Emperors of Han. Tho greatest of them, Wu Ti (140-87 B. C. ), is
frequently mentioned by the poets. Learning always follows trade, as has
often been demonstrated. During the Han Dynasty, which lasted until A. D.
221, intercourse with all the countries of the Near East became more
general than ever before, and innumerable caravans wended their slow way
across the trade routes of Central Asia. Expeditions against the
harassing barbarians were undertaken, and for a time their power was
scotched. It was under the Han that Buddhism was introduced from India,
but deeply as this has influenced the life and thought of the Middle
Kingdom, I am inclined to think that the importance of this influence
has been exaggerated.

This period, and those immediately preceding it, form the poetic
background of China. The ancient States, constantly referred to in the
poems, do not correspond to the modern provinces. In order, therefore,
to make their geographical positions clear, a map has been appended to
this volume in which the modern names of the provinces and cities are
printed in black ink and the ancient names in red. As these States did
not all exist at the same moment, it is impossible to define their exact
boundaries, but how strongly they were impressed upon the popular mind
can be seen by the fact that, although they were merged into the
Chinese Empire during the reign of Shih Huang Ti, literature continued
to speak of them by their old names and, even to-day, writers often
refer to them as though they were still separate entities. There were
many States, but only those are given in the map which are alluded to in
the poems published in this book. The names of a few of the old cities
are also given, such as Chin Ling, the "Golden Mound" or "Sepulchre,"
and Ch'ang An, "Eternal Peace," for so many centuries the capital. Its
present name is Hsi An-fu, and it was here that the Manchu Court took
refuge during the Boxer madness of 1900.

Little more of Chinese history need be told. Following the Han, several
dynasties held sway; there were divisions between the North and South
and much shifting of power. At length, in A. D. 618, Li Shih-min
established the T'ang Dynasty by placing his father on the throne, and
the T'ang brought law and order to the suffering country.

This period is often called the Golden Age of Chinese Learning. The
literary examinations introduced under the Han were perfected, poets and
painters were encouraged, and strangers flocked to the Court at Ch'ang
An. The reign of Ming Huang (A. D. 712-756), the "Brilliant Emperor," was
the culmination of this remarkable era. China's three greatest poets, Li
T'ai-po, Tu Fu, and Po Chü-i, all lived during his long reign of
forty-five years. Auspiciously as this reign had begun, however, it
ended sadly. The Emperor, more amiable than perspicacious, fell into
the toils of his favourite concubine, the lovely Yang Kuei-fei, to whom
he was slavishly devoted. The account of their love story--a theme
celebrated by poets, painters, and playwrights--will be found in the
note to "Songs to the Peonies. " A rebellion which broke out was crushed,
but the soldiers refused to defend the cause of the Emperor until he had
issued an order for the execution of Yang Kuei-fei, whom they believed
to be responsible for the trouble. Broken-hearted, the Emperor complied,
but from this date the glory of the dynasty was dimmed. Throughout its
waning years, the shadow of the dreaded Tartars grew blacker and
blacker, and finally, in A. D. 907, the T'ang Dynasty fell.

Later history need not concern us here, since most of the poems in this
book were written during the T'ang period. Though these poems deal
largely with what I have called the historical background, they deal
still more largely with the social background and it is, above all, this
social background which must be understood.

If the Emperor were the "Son of Heaven," he administered his Empire with
the help of very human persons, the various officials, and these
officials owed their positions, great and small, partly to the Emperor's
attitude, it is true, but in far greater degree to their prowess in the
literary examinations. An official of the first rank might owe his
preferment to the Emperor's beneficence; but to reach an altitude where
this beneficence could operate, he had to climb through all the lower
grades, and this could only be done by successfully passing all the
examinations, one after the other. The curious thing is that these
examinations were purely literary. They consisted not only in knowing
thoroughly the classics of the past, but in being able to recite long
passages from them by heart, and with this was included the ability to
write one's self, not merely in prose, but in poetry. Every one in
office had to be, perforce, a poet. No one could hope to be the mayor of
a town or the governor of a province unless he had attained a high
proficiency in the art of poetry. This is brought strikingly home to us
by the fact that one of the chief pastimes of educated men was to meet
together for the purpose of playing various games all of which turned on
the writing of verse.

The examinations which brought about this strange state of things were
four. The first, which conferred the degree of _Hsiu Ts'ai_, "Flowering
Talent," could be competed for only by those who had already passed two
minor examinations, one in their district, and one in the department in
which this district was situated. The _Hsiu Ts'ai_ examinations were
held twice every three years in the provincial capitals. There were
various grades of the "Flowering Talent" degree, which is often
translated as Bachelor of Arts, some of which could be bestowed through
favour or acquired by purchase. The holders of it were entitled to wear
a dress of blue silk, and in Chinese novels the hero is often spoken of
as wearing this colour, by which readers are to understand that he is a
clever young man already on the way to preferment.

The second degree, that of _Ch'ü Jên_, "Promoted Man," was obtained by
passing the examinations which took place every third year in all the
provincial capitals simultaneously. This degree enabled its recipients
to hold office, but positions were not always to hand, and frequently
"Promoted Men" had to wait long before being appointed to a post; also,
the offices open to them were of the lesser grades, those who aspired to
a higher rank had a farther road to travel. The dress which went with
this degree was also of silk, but of a darker shade than that worn by
"bachelors. "

The third examination for the _Chin Shih_, or "Entered Scholar," degree
was also held triennially, but at the national capital, and only those
among the _Ch'ü Jên_ who had not already taken office were eligible. The
men so fortunate as to pass were allowed to place a tablet over the
doors of their houses, and their particular dress was of violet silk.

The fourth, which really conferred an office rather than a degree, was
bestowed on men who competed in a special examination held once in three
years in the Emperor's Palace. Those who were successful in this last
examination became automatically _Han Lin_, or members of the Imperial
Academy, which, in the picturesque phraseology of China, was called the
"Forest of Pencils. " A member of the Academy held his position, a
salaried one, for life, and the highest officials of the Empire were
chosen from these Academicians.

This elaboration of degrees was only arrived at gradually. During the
T'ang Dynasty, all the examinations were held at Ch'ang An. These four
degrees of learning have often been translated as Bachelor of Arts,
Master of Arts, Doctor of Literature, and Academician. The analogy is so
far from close, however, that most modern sinologues prefer to render
them indiscriminately, according to context, as student, scholar, and
official.

By means of this remarkable system, which threw open the road to
advancement to every man in the country capable of availing himself of
it, new blood was continually brought to the top, as all who passed the
various degrees became officials, expectant or in being, and of higher
or lower grade according to the Chinese measure of ability. Military
degrees corresponding to the civil were given; but, as these called for
merely physical display, they were not highly esteemed.

Since only a few of the candidates for office passed the examinations
successfully, a small army of highly educated men was dispersed
throughout the country every three years. In the towns and villages
they were regarded with the reverence universally paid to learning by
the Chinese, and many became teachers to the rising generation in whom
they cultivated a great respect for literature in general and poetry in
particular.

The holders of degrees, on the other hand, entered at once upon a career
as administrators. Prevented by an inexorable law--a law designed to
make nepotism impossible--from holding office in their own province,
they were constantly shifted from one part of the country to another,
and this is a chief reason for the many poems of farewell that were
written. The great desire of all officials was to remain at, or near,
the Court, where the most brilliant brains of the Empire were assembled.
As may be easily imagined, the intrigues and machinations employed to
attain this end were many, with the result that deserving men often
found themselves banished to posts on the desolate outskirts of the
country where, far from congenial intercourse, they suffered a mental
exile of the most complete description. Innumerable poems dealing with
this sad state are found in all Chinese anthologies.

There were nine ranks of nobility. The higher officials took the rank of
their various and succeeding offices, others were ennobled for signal
services performed. These titles were not hereditary in the ordinary
sense, but backwards, if I can so express it. The dead ancestors of a
nobleman were accorded his rank, whatever had been theirs in life, but
his sons and their descendants had only such titles as they themselves
might earn.

The desire to bask in the rays of the Imperial Sun was shared by
ambitious fathers who longed to have their daughters appear before the
Emperor, and possibly make the fortune of the family by captivating the
Imperial glance. This led to the most beautiful and talented young girls
being sent to the Palace, where they often lived and died without ever
being summoned before the Son of Heaven. Although numberless tragic
poems have been written by these unfortunate ladies, many charming
romances did actually take place, made possible by the custom of
periodically dispersing the superfluous Palace women and marrying them
to suitable husbands.

In striking contrast to the unfortunates who dragged out a purposeless
life of idleness, was the lot of the beauty who had the good fortune to
capture the Imperial fancy, and who, through her influence over the
Dragon Throne, virtually ruled the Middle Kingdom. No extravagancies
were too great for these exquisite creatures, and many dynasties have
fallen through popular revolt against the excesses of Imperial
concubines.

It would be quite erroneous to suppose, however, that the Emperor's life
was entirely given up to pleasure and gaiety, or that it was chiefly
passed in the beautiful seclusion of the Imperial gardens. The poems,
it is true, generally allude to these moments, but the cares of state
were many, and every day, at sunrise, officials assembled in the
Audience Hall to make their reports to the Emperor. Moreover, Court
ceremonials were extremely solemn occasions, carried out with the utmost
dignity.

As life at Court centred about the persons of the Emperor and Empress,
so life in the homes of the people centred about the elders of the
family. The men of wealthy families were usually of official rank, and
led a life in touch with the outer world, a life of social intercourse
with other men in which friendship played an all-engrossing part. This
characteristic of Chinese life is one of the most striking features of
the poetic background. Love poems from men to women are so rare as to be
almost non-existent (striking exceptions do occur, however, several of
which are translated here), but poems of grief written at parting from
"the man one loves" are innumerable, and to sit with one's friends,
drinking wine and reciting verses, making music or playing chess, were
favourite amusements throughout the T'ang period.

Wine-drinking was general, no pleasure gathering being complete without
it. The wine of China was usually made from fermented grains, but wines
from grapes, plums, pears, and other fruits were also manufactured. It
was carefully heated and served in tall flagons somewhat resembling our
coffee-pots, and was drunk out of tiny little cups no bigger than
liqueur glasses. These cups, which were never of glass, were made of
various metals, of lacquered or carved wood, of semi-precious stones
such as jade, or agate, or carnelian; porcelain, the usual material for
wine-cups to-day, not having yet been invented. Custom demanded that
each thimbleful be tossed off at a gulp, and many were consumed before a
feeling of exhilaration could be experienced. That there was a good deal
of real drunkenness, we cannot doubt, but not to the extent that is
generally supposed. From the character of the men and the lives they
led, it is fairly clear that most of the drinking kept within reasonable
bounds. Unfortunately, in translation, the quantity imbibed at these
wine-parties becomes greatly exaggerated. That wine was drunk, not
merely for its taste, but as a heightener of sensation, is evident; but
the "three hundred cups" so often mentioned bear no such significance as
might at first appear when the size of the cups is taken into account.
Undoubtedly, also, we must regard this exact number as a genial
hyperbole.

If husbands and sons could enjoy the excitement of travel, the spur of
famous scenery, the gaieties of Court, and the pleasures of social
intercourse, wives and daughters were obliged to find their occupations
within the _Kuei_ or "Women's Apartments," which included the gardens
set apart for their use. The ruling spirit of the _Kuei_ was the
mother-in-law; and the wife of the master of the house, although she was
the mother of his sons and the director of the daughters-in-law, did not
reach the fulness of her power until her husband's mother had died.

The chief duty of a young wife was attendance upon her mother-in-law.
With the first grey streak of daylight, she rose from her immense
lacquer bed, so large as to be almost an anteroom, and, having dressed,
took the old lady her tea. She then returned to her own apartment to
breakfast with her husband and await the summons to attend her
mother-in-law's toilet, a most solemn function, and the breakfast which
followed. These duties accomplished, she was free to occupy herself as
she pleased. Calligraphy, painting, writing poems and essays, were
popular pursuits, and many hours were spent at the embroidery frame or
in making music.

Chinese poetry is full of references to the toilet, to the intricate
hair-dressing, the "moth-antennæ eyebrows," the painting of faces, and
all this was done in front of a mirror standing on a little rack placed
on the toilet-table. A lady, writing to her absent husband, mourns that
she has no heart to "make the cloud head-dress," or writes, "looking
down upon my mirror in order to apply the powder and paint, I desire to
keep back the tears. I fear that the people in the house will know my
grief. I am ashamed. "

In spite of the fact that they had never laid eyes on the men they were
to marry before the wedding-day, these young women seem to have depended
upon the companionship of their husbands to a most touching extent. The
occupations of the day were carried on in the _Kuei_; but, when evening
came, the husband and wife often read and studied the classics together.
A line from a well-known poem says, "The red sleeve replenishes the
incense, at night, studying books," and the picture it calls up is that
of a young man and woman in the typical surroundings of a Chinese home
of the educated class. Red was the colour worn by very young women,
whether married or not; as the years advanced, this was changed for soft
blues and mauves, and later still for blacks, greys, or dull greens. A
line such as "tears soak my dress of coarse, red silk" instantly
suggests a young woman in deep grief.

The children studied every day with teachers; the sons and daughters of
old servants who had, according to custom, taken the family surname,
receiving the same advantages as those of the master. These last were,
in all respects, brought up as children of the house, the only
distinction being that whereas the master's own children sat "above" the
table, facing South, the children of the servants sat "below," facing
North. A more forcible reminder of their real status appeared later in
life, since they were debarred from competing in the official
examinations unless they left the household in which they had grown up
and relinquished the family surname taken by their fathers. A curious
habit among families, which extended even to groups of friends, was the
designation by numbers according to age, a man being familiarly known as
Yung Seven or T'sui Fifteen. It will be noticed that such designations
often occur in the poems.

Only four classes of persons were recognized as being of importance to
society and these were rated in the following order: scholars,
agriculturalists, labourers, and traders--officials, of course, coming
under the generic name of scholars. Soldiers, actors, barbers, etc. ,
were considered a lower order of beings entirely and, as such, properly
despised.

China, essentially an agricultural country, was economically
self-sufficient, producing everything needed by her population. The
agriculturalist was, therefore, the very backbone of the state.
In rendering Chinese poetry, the translator must constantly keep in mind
the fact that the architectural background differs from that of every
other country, and that our language does not possess terms which
adequately describe it.

Apart from the humble cottages of the very poor, all dwelling-houses, or
_chia_, are constructed on the same general plan. They consist of a
series of one-story buildings divided by courtyards, which, in the
houses of the well-to-do, are connected by covered passages running
along the sides of each court. A house is cut up into _chien_, or
divisions, the number, within limits, being determined by the wealth and
position of the owners. The homes of the people, both rich and poor, are
arranged in three or five _chien_; official residences are of seven
_chien_; Imperial palaces of nine. Each of these _chien_ consists of
several buildings, the number of which vary considerably, more buildings
being added as the family grows by the marriage of the sons who, with
their wives and children, are supposed to live in patriarchal fashion in
their father's house. If officials sometimes carried their families with
them to the towns where they were stationed, there were other posts so
distant or so desolate as to make it practically impossible to take
women to them. In these cases, the families remained behind under the
paternal roof.

How a house was arranged can be seen in the plan at the end of this
book. Doors lead to the garden from the study, the guest-room, and the
Women's Apartments. These are made in an endless diversity of shapes and
add greatly to the picturesqueness of house and grounds. Those through
which a number of people are to pass to and fro are often large circles,
while smaller and more intimate doors are cut to the outlines of fans,
leaves, or flower vases. In addition to the doors, blank spaces of wall
are often broken by openings at the height of a window, such openings
being most fantastic and filled with intricately designed latticework.

I have already spoken of the _Kuei_ or Women's Apartments. In poetry,
this part of the _chia_ is alluded to in a highly figurative manner. The
windows are "gold" or "jade" windows; the door by which it is approached
is the _Lan Kuei_, or "Orchid Door. " Indeed, the sweet-scented little
epidendrum called by the Chinese, _lan_, is continually used to suggest
the _Kuei_ and its inmates.

Besides the house proper, there are numerous structures erected in
gardens, for the Chinese spend much of their time in their gardens. No
nation is more passionately fond of nature, whether in its grander
aspects, or in the charming arrangements of potted flowers which take
the place of our borders in their pleasure grounds. Among these outdoor
buildings none is more difficult to describe than the _lou_, since we
have nothing which exactly corresponds to it. _Lous_ appear again and
again in Chinese poetry, but just what to call them in English is a
puzzle. They are neither summer-houses, nor pavilions, nor cupolas, but
a little of all three. Always of more than one story, they are employed
for differing purposes; for instance, the _fo lou_ on the plan is an
upper chamber where Buddhist images are kept. The _lou_ generally
referred to in poetry, however, is really a "pleasure-house-in-the-air,"
used as the Italians use their belvederes. Here the inmates of the house
sit and look down upon the garden or over the surrounding country, or
watch "the sun disappear in the long grass at the edge of the horizon"
or "the moon rise like a golden hook. "

Another erection foreign to Western architecture is the _t'ai_, or
terrace. In early days, there were many kinds of _t'ai_, ranging from
the small, square, uncovered stage still seen in private gardens and
called _yüeh t'ai_, "moon terrace," to immense structures like high,
long, open platforms, built by Emperors and officials for various
reasons. Many of these last were famous; I have given the histories of
several of them in the notes illustrating the poems, at the end of the
book.

It will be observed that I have said practically nothing about religion.
The reason is partly that the three principal religions practised by the
Chinese are either so well known, as Buddhism, for example, or so
difficult to describe, as Taoism and the ancient religion of China now
merged in the teachings of Confucius; partly that none of them could be
profitably compressed into the scope of this introduction; but chiefly
because the subject of religion, in the poems here translated, is
generally referred to in its superstitious aspects alone. The
superstitions which have grown up about Taoism particularly are
innumerable. I have dealt with a number of these in the notes to the
poems in which they appear. Certain supernatural personages, without a
knowledge of whom much of the poetry would be unintelligible, I have set
down in the following list:

Hsien.

Immortals who live in the Taoist Paradises. Human beings may attain
"_Hsien-ship_," or Immortality, by living a life of contemplation in the
hills. In translating the term, we have used the word "Immortals. "

Shên.

Beneficent beings who inhabit the higher regions. They are kept
extremely busy attending to their duties as tutelary deities of the
roads, hills, rivers, etc. , and it is also their function to intervene
and rescue deserving people from the attacks of their enemies.

Kuei.

A proportion of the souls of the departed who inhabit the "World of
Shades," a region resembling this world, which is the "World of Light,"
in every particular, with the important exception that it has no
sunshine. Kindly _kuei_ are known, but the influence generally suggested
is an evil one. They may only return to the World of Light between
sunset and sunrise, except upon the fifth day of the Fifth Month
(June), when they are free to come during the time known as the "hour of
the horse," from eleven A. M. to one P. M.

Yao Kuai.

A class of fierce demons who live in the wild regions of the Southwest
and delight in eating the flesh of human beings.

There are also supernatural creatures whose names carry a symbolical
meaning. A few of them are:

Ch'i Lin.

A composite animal, somewhat resembling the fabulous unicorn, whose
arrival is a good omen. He appears when sages are born.

Dragon.

A symbol of the forces of Heaven, also the emblem of Imperial power.
Continually referred to in poetry as the steed which transports a
philosopher who has attained Immortality to his home in the Western
Paradise.

Fêng Huang.

A glorious bird, symbol of the Empress, therefore often associated with
the dragon. The conception of this bird is probably based on the Argus
pheasant. It is described as possessing every grace and beauty. A
Chinese author, quoted by F. W. Williams in "The Middle Kingdom,"
writes: "It resembles a wild swan before and a unicorn behind; it has
the throat of a swallow, the bill of a cock, the neck of a snake, the
tail of a fish, the forehead of a crane, the crown of a mandarin drake,
the stripes of a dragon, and the vaulted back of a tortoise. The
feathers have five colours which are named after the five cardinal
virtues, and it is five cubits in height; the tail is graduated like the
pipes of a gourd-organ, and its song resembles the music of the
instrument, having five modulations. " Properly speaking, the female is
_Fêng_, the male _Huang_, but the two words are usually given in
combination to denote the species. Some one, probably in desperation,
once translated the combined words as "phœnix," and this term has been
employed ever since. It conveys, however, an entirely wrong impression
of the creature. To Western readers, the word "phœnix" suggests a bird
which, being consumed by fire, rises in a new birth from its own ashes.
The _Fêng Huang_ has no such power, it is no symbol of hope or
resurrection, but suggests friendship and affection of all sorts. Miss
Lowell and I have translated the name as "crested love-pheasant," which
seems to us to convey a better idea of the beautiful _Fêng Huang_, the
bird which brings happiness.

Luan.

A supernatural bird sometimes confused with the above. It is a sacred
creature, connected with fire, and a symbol of love and passion, of the
relation between men and women.

Chien.

The "paired-wings bird," described in Chinese books as having but one
wing and one eye, for which reason two must unite for either of them to
fly. It is often referred to as suggesting undying affection.

Real birds and animals also have symbolical attributes. I give only
three:

Crane.

Represents longevity, and is employed, as is the dragon, to transport
those who have attained to Immortality to the Heavens.

Yuan Yang.

The exquisite little mandarin ducks, an unvarying symbol of conjugal
fidelity. Li T'ai-po often alludes to them and declares that, rather
than be separated, they would "prefer to die ten thousand deaths, and
have their gauze-like wings torn to fragments. "

Wild Geese.

Symbols of direct purpose, their flight being always in a straight line.
As they follow the sun's course, allusions to their departure suggest
Spring, to their arrival, Autumn.

A complete list of the trees and plants endowed with symbolical meanings
would be almost endless. Those most commonly employed in poetry in a
suggestive sense are:

Ch'ang P'u.

A plant growing in the Taoist Paradise and much admired by the
Immortals, who are the only beings able to see its purple blossoms. On
earth, it is known as the sweet flag, and has the peculiarity of never
blossoming. It is hung on the lintels of doors on the fifth day of the
Fifth Month to ward off the evil influences which may be brought by the
_kuei_ on their return to this world during the "hour of the horse. "

Peony.

Riches and prosperity.

Lotus.

Purity. Although it rises from the mud, it is bright and spotless.

Plum-blossom.

Literally "the first," it being the first of the "hundred flowers" to
open. It suggests the beginnings of things, and is also one of the
"three friends" who do not fear the Winter cold, the other two being the
pine and the bamboo.

Lan.

A small epidendrum, translated in this book as "spear-orchid. " It is a
symbol for noble men and beautiful, refined women. Confucius compared
the _Chün Tzŭ_, Princely or Superior Man, to this little orchid with its
delightful scent. In poetry, it is also used in reference to the Women's
Apartments and everything connected with them, suggesting, as it does,
the extreme of refinement.

Chrysanthemum.

Fidelity and constancy. In spite of frost, its flowers continue to
bloom.

Ling Chih.

Longevity. This fungus, which grows at the roots of trees, is very
durable when dried.

Pine.

Longevity, immutability, steadfastness.

Bamboo.

This plant has as many virtues as it has uses, the principal ones are
modesty, protection from defilement, unchangeableness.

Wu-t'ung.

A tree whose botanical name is _sterculia platanifolia_. Its only
English name seems to be "umbrella-tree," which has proved so
unattractive in its context in the poems that we have left it
untranslated. It is a symbol for integrity, high principles, great
sensibility. When "Autumn stands," on August seventh, although it is
still to all intents and purposes Summer, the wu-t'ung tree drops one
leaf. Its wood, which is white, easy to cut, and very light, is the only
kind suitable for making that intimate instrument which quickly betrays
the least emotion of the person playing upon it--the _ch'in_, or
table-lute.

Willow.

A prostitute, or any very frivolous person. Concubines writing to their
lords often refer to themselves under this figure, in the same spirit of
self-depreciation which prompts them to employ the euphemism, "Unworthy
One," instead of the personal pronoun. Because of its lightness and
pliability, it conveys also the idea of extreme vitality.

Peach-blossom.

Beautiful women and ill-success in life. The first suggestion, on
account of the exquisite colour of the flower; the second, because of
its perishability.

Peach-tree.

Longevity. This fruit is supposed to ripen once every three thousand
years on the trees of Paradise, and those who eat of this celestial
species never die.

Mulberry.

Utility. Also suggests a peaceful hamlet. Its wood is used in the making
of bows and the kind of temple-drums called _mo yü_--wooden fish. Its
leaves feed the silk-worms.

Plantain.

Sadness and grief. It is symbolical of a heart which is not "flat" or
"level," as the Chinese say, not open or care-free, but of one which is
"tightly rolled. " The sound of rain on its leaves is very mournful,
therefore an allusion to the plantain always means sorrow. Planted
outside windows already glazed with silk, its heavy green leaves soften
the glaring light of Summer, and it is often used for this purpose.

Nothing has been more of a stumbling-block to translators than the fact
that the Chinese year--which is strictly lunar, with an intercalary
month added at certain intervals--begins a month later than ours; or, to
be more exact, it is calculated from the first new moon after the sun
enters Aquarius, which brings the New Year at varying times from the end
of January to the middle of February. For translation purposes, however,
it is safe to count the Chinese months as always one later by our
calendar than the number given would seem to imply. By this calculation
the "First Month" is February, and so on throughout the year.

The day is divided into twelve periods of two hours each beginning at
eleven P. M. and each of these periods is called by the name of an
animal--horse, deer, snake, bat, etc. As these names are not duplicated,
the use of them tells at once whether the hour is day or night. Ancient
China's method of telling time was by means of slow and evenly burning
sticks made of a composition of clay and sawdust, or by the clepsydra,
or water-clock. Water-clocks are mentioned several times in these poems.

So much for what I have called the backgrounds of Chinese poetry. I must
now speak of that poetry itself, and of Miss Lowell's and my method of
translating it.

Chinese prosody is a very difficult thing for an Occidental to
understand. Chinese is a monosyllabic language, and this reduces the
word-sounds so considerably that speech would be almost impossible were
it not for the invention of tones by which the same sound can be made to
do the duty of four in the Mandarin dialect, five in the Nankingese,
eight in the Cantonese, etc. , a different tone inflection totally
changing the meaning of a word. Only two chief tones are used in poetry,
the "level" and the "oblique," but the oblique tone is subdivided into
three, which makes four different inflections possible to every sound.
Of course, like English and other languages, the same word may have
several meanings, and in Chinese these meanings are bewilderingly many;
the only possible way of determining which one is correct is by its
context. These tones constitute, at the outset, the principal difference
which divides the technique of Chinese poetry from our own. Another is
to be found in the fact that nothing approaching our metrical foot is
possible in a tongue which knows only single syllables. Rhyme does
exist, but there are only a little over a hundred rhymes, as tone
inflection does not change a word in that particular. Such a paucity of
rhyme would seriously affect the richness of any poetry, if again the
Chinese had not overcome this lingual defect by the employment of a
juxtaposing pattern made up of their four poetic tones. And these tones
come to the rescue once more when we consider the question of rhythm.
Monosyllables in themselves always produce a staccato effect, which
tends to make all rhythm composed of them monotonous, if, indeed, it
does not destroy it altogether. The tones cause what I may call a
psychological change in the time-length of these monosyllables, which
change not only makes true rhythm possible, but allows marked varieties
of the basic beat.

One of the chief differences between poetry and prose is that poetry
must have a more evident pattern. The pattern of Chinese poetry is
formed out of three elements: line, rhyme, and tone.

The Chinese attitude toward line is almost identical with that of the
French. French prosody counts every syllable as a foot, and a line is
made up of so many counted feet. If any of my readers has ever read
French alexandrines aloud to a Frenchman, read them as we should read
English poetry, seeking to bring out the musical stress, he will
remember the look of sad surprise which crept over his hearer's face.
Not so was this verse constructed; not so is it to be read. The number
of syllables to a line is counted, that is the secret of French classic
poetry; the number of syllables is counted in Chinese. But--and we come
to a divergence--this method of counting does, in French practice, often
do away with the rhythm so delightful to an English ear; in Chinese, no
such violence occurs, as each syllable is a word and no collection of
such words can fall into a metric pulse as French words can, and, in
their _Chansons_, are permitted to do.

The Chinese line pattern is, then, one of counted words, and these
counted words are never less than three, nor more than seven, in regular
verse; irregular is a different matter, as I shall explain shortly. Five
and seven word lines are cut by a cæsura, which comes after the second
word in a five-word line, and after the fourth in a seven-word line.

Rhyme is used exactly as we use it, at the ends of lines. Internal
rhyming is common, however, in a type of poem called a "_fu_," which I
shall deal with when I come to the particular kinds of verse.

Tone is everywhere, obviously, and is employed, not arbitrarily, but
woven into a pattern of its own which again is in a more or less loose
relation to rhyme. By itself, the tone-pattern alternates in a peculiar
manner in each line, the last line of a stanza conforming to the order
of tones in the first, the intervening lines varying methodically. I
have before me a poem in which the tone-pattern is alike in lines one,
four, and eight, of an eight-line stanza, as are lines two and six, and
lines three and seven, while line five is the exact opposite of lines
two and six. In the second stanza of the same poem, the pattern is kept,
but adversely; the tones do not follow the same order, but conform in
similarity of grouping. I use this example merely to show what is meant
by tone-pattern. It will serve to illustrate how much diversity and
richness this tone-chiming is capable of bringing to Chinese poetry.

Words which rhyme must be in the same tone in regular verse, and
unrhymed lines must end on an oblique tone if the rhyme-tone is level,
and _vice versa_. The level tone is preferred for rhyme.

In the early Chinese poetry, called _Ku-shih_ (Old Poems), the tones
were practically disregarded. But in the _Lü-shih_ (Regulated Poems) the
rules regarding them are very strict. The _lü-shih_ are supposed to date
from the beginning of the T'ang Dynasty. A _lü-shih_ poem proper should
be of eight lines, though this is often extended to sixteen, but it must
be in either the five-word line, or the seven-word line, metre. The
poets of the T'ang Dynasty, however, were by no means the slaves of
_lü-shih_; they went their own way, as good poets always do, conforming
when it pleased them and disregarding when they chose. It depended on
the character of the poet. Tu Fu was renowned for his careful
versification; Li T'ai-po, on the other hand, not infrequently rebelled
and made his own rules. In his "Drinking Song," which is in seven-word
lines, he suddenly dashes in two three-word lines, a proceeding which
must have been greatly upsetting to the purists. It is amusing to note
that his "Taking Leave of Tu Fu" is in the strictest possible form,
which is at once a tribute and a poking of fun at his great friend and
contemporary.

Regular poems of more than sixteen lines are called _p'ai lu_, and these
may run to any length; Tu Fu carried them to forty, eighty, and even to
two hundred lines. Another form, always translated as "short-stop," cuts
the eight-line poem in two. In theory, the short-stop holds the same
relation to the eight-line poem that the Japanese _hokku_ does to the
_tanka_, although of course it preceded the _hokku_ by many centuries.
It is supposed to suggest rather than to state, being considered as an
eight-line poem with its end in the air. In suggestion, however, the
later Japanese form far outdoes it.

So called "irregular verse" follows the writer's inclination within the
natural limits of all Chinese prosody.

A _tzŭ_ may be taken to mean a lyric, if we use that term, not in its
dictionary sense, but as all modern poets employ it. It may vary its
line length, but must keep the same variation in all the stanzas.

Perhaps the most interesting form to modern students is the _fu_, in
which the construction is almost identical with that of "polyphonic
prose. " The lines are so irregular in length that the poem might be
mistaken for prose, had we not a corresponding form to guide us.