No More Learning

13/23 1696. ]

[Footnote 746: Actes et Memoires des Negociations de la Paix de Ryswick,
1707; Villiers to Shrewsbury Dec. 1. [11]. 4/14. 1696; Letter of
Heinsius quoted by M. Sirtema de Grovestins. Of this letter I have not a
copy. ]

[Footnote 747: Vernon to Shrewsbury, Dec. 8. 1696. ]

[Footnote 748: Wharton to Shrewsbury, Oct. 27. 1696. ]

[Footnote 749: Somers to Shrewsbury, Oct. 27. 31. 1696; Vernon to
Shrewsbury, Oct. 31. ; Wharton to Shrewsbury, Nov. 10. "I am apt to
think," says Wharton, "there never was more management than in bringing
that about. "]

[Footnote 750: See for example a poem on the last Treasury day at
Kensington, March 1696/7. ]

[Footnote 751: Somers to Shrewsbury, Oct 31. 1696; Wharton to
Shrewsbury, of the same date. ]

[Footnote 752: Somers to Shrewsbury, Nov. 3. 1696. The King's
unwillingness to see Fenwick is mentioned in Somers's letter of the 15th
of October. ]

[Footnote 753: Vernon to Shrewsbury, Nov. 3. 1696. ]

[Footnote 754: The circumstances of Goodman's flight were ascertained
three years later by the Earl of Manchester, when Ambassador at Paris,
and by him communicated to Jersey in a letter dated Sept 25/Oct 5 1699. ]

[Footnote 755: London Gazette Nov. 9. 1696; Vernon to Shrewsbury, Nov.
3. ; Van Cleverskirke and L'Hermitage of the same date. ]

[Footnote 756: The account of the events of this day I have taken
from the Commons' Journals; the valuable work entitled Proceedings in
Parliament against Sir John Fenwick, Bart. upon a Bill of Attainder for
High Treason, 1696; Vernon's Letter to Shrewsbury, November 6. 1696, and
Somers's Letter to Shrewsbury, November 7. From both these letters it
is plain that the Whig leaders had much difficulty in obtaining the
absolution of Godolphin. ]

[Footnote 757: Commons' Journals, Nov. 9. 1696--Vernon to Shrewsbury,
Nov. 10. The editor of the State Trials is mistaken in supposing that
the quotation from Caesar's speech was made in the debate of the 13th. ]

[Footnote 758: Commons' Journals, Nov. 13. 16, 17. ; Proceedings against
Sir John Fenwick. ]

[Footnote 759: A Letter to a Friend in Vindication of the Proceedings
against Sir John Fenwick, 1697. ]

[Footnote 760: This incident is mentioned by L'Hermitage. ]

[Footnote 761: L'Hermitage tells us that such things took place in these
debates. ]

[Footnote 762: See the Lords' Journals, Nov. 14. , Nov. 30. , Dec. 1.
1696. ]

[Footnote 763: Wharton to Shrewsbury, Dec. 1. 1696; L'Hermitage, of same
date. ]

[Footnote 764: L'Hermitage, Dec. 4/14. 1696; Wharton to Shrewsbury, Dec.
1. ]

[Footnote 765: Lords' Journals Dec. 8. 1696; L'Hermitage, of the same
date. ]

[Footnote 766: L'Hermitage, Dec. 15/25 18/28 1696. ]

[Footnote 767: Ibid. Dec. 18/28 1696. ]

[Footnote 768: Lords' Journals, Dec. 15. 1696; L'Hermitage, Dec.
[18]/28; Vernon to Shrewsbury, Dec. 15. About the numbers there is
a slight difference between Vernon and L'Hermitage. I have followed
Vernon. ]

[Footnote 769: Lords' Journals, Dec. 18. 1696; Vernon to Shrewsbury,
Dec. 19. ; L'Hermitage, Dec 22/Jan 1. I take the numbers from Vernon. ]

[Footnote 770: Lords' Journals, Dec. 25 1696; L'Hermitage, Dec 26/Jan 4.
In the Vernon Correspondence there is a letter from Vernon to Shrewsbury
giving an account of the transactions of this day; but it is erroneously
dated Dec. 2. , and is placed according to that date. This is not the
only blunder of the kind. A letter from Vernon to Shrewsbury, evidently
written on the 7th of November 1696, is dated and placed as a letter of
the 7th of January 1697. A letter of June 14. 1700 is dated and placed
as a letter of June 15. 1698. The Vernon Correspondence is of great
value; but it is so ill edited that it cannot be safely used without
much caution, and constant reference to other authorities. ]

[Footnote 771: Lords' Journals, Dec. 23. 1696; Vernon to Shrewsbury,
Dec. 24; L'Hermitage, Dec 25/Jan 4. ]

[Footnote 772: Vernon to Shrewsbury, Dec, 24 1696. ]

[Footnote 773: Dohna, who knew Monmouth well, describes him thus: "Il
avoit de l'esprit infiniment, et meme du plus agreable; mais il y avoir
un peu trop de haut et de bas dans son fait. Il ne savoit ce que c'etoit
que de menager les gens; et il turlupinoit a l'outrance ceux qui ne lui
plaisoient pas. "]

[Footnote 774: L'Hermitage, Jan. 12/22 1697. ]

[Footnote 775: Lords' Journals, Jan. 9. 1696/7; Vernon to Shrewsbury, of
the same date; L'Hermitage, Jan. 12/22. ]

[Footnote 776: Lords' Journals, Jan. 15. 1691; Vernon to Shrewsbury, of
the same date; L'Hermitage, of the same date. ]

[Footnote 777: Postman, Dec. 29. 31. 1696. ]

[Footnote 778: L'Hermitage, Jan. 12/22. 1697. ]

[Footnote 779: Van Cleverskirke, Jan. 12/22. 1697; L'Hermitage, Jan.
15/25. ]

[Footnote 780: L'Hermitage, Jan. 15/25. 1697. ]

[Footnote 781: Lords' Journals, Jan. 22. 26. 1696/7; Vernon to
Shrewsbury, Jan. 26. ]

[Footnote 782: Commons' Journals, Jan. 27. 169. The entry in the
journals, which might easily escape notice, is explained by a letter of
L'Hermitage, written Jan 29/Feb 8]

[Footnote 783: L'Hermitage, Jan 29/Feb 8; 1697; London Gazette, Feb. 1. ;
Paris Gazette; Vernon to Shrewsbury; Jan. 28. ; Burnet, ii. 193. ]

[Footnote 784: Commons' Journals, December 19. 1696; Vernon to
Shrewsbury, Nov. 28. 1696. ]

[Footnote 785: Lords' Journals, Jan. 23. 1696/7; Vernon to Shrewsbury,
Jan. 23. ; L'Hermitage, Jan 26/Feb 5. ]

[Footnote 786: Commons' Journals, Jan. 26. 1696/7; Vernon to Shrewsbury
and Van Cleverskirke to the States General of the same date. It is
curious that the King and the Lords should have made so strenuous a
fight against the Commons in defence of one of the five points of the
Peoples Charter. ]

[Footnote 787: Commons' Journals, April 1. 3. 1697; Narcissus Luttrell's
Diary; L'Hermitage, April 2/12 As L'Hermitage says, "La plupart des
membres, lorsqu'ils sont a la campagne, estant bien aises d'estre
informez par plus d'un endroit de ce qui se passe, et s'imaginant que
la Gazette qui se fait sous la direction d'un des Secretaires d'Etat, ne
contiendroit pas autant de choses que fait celle-cy, ne sont pas fichez
que d'autres les instruisent. " The numbers on the division I take from
L'Hermitage. They are not to be found in the Journals. But the Journals
were not then so accurately kept as at present. ]

[Footnote 788: Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, June 1691, May 1693. ]

[Footnote 789: Commons' Journals, Dec 30. 1696; Postman, July 4. 1696. ]

[Footnote 790: Postman April 22. 1696; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary. ]

[Footnote 791: London Gazette, April 26. 29. 1697,]

[Footnote 792: London Gazette, April 29. 1697; L'Hermitage, April 23/May
3]

[Footnote 793: London Gazette, April 26. 29 1697 L'Hermitage, April
23/May 3]

[Footnote 794: What the opinion of the public was we learn from a letter
written by L'Hermitage immediately after Godolphin's resignation, Nov
3/13. 1696, "Le public tourne plus la veue sur le Sieur Montegu, qui
a la seconde charge de la Tresorerie que sur aucun autre. " The strange
silence of the London Gazette is explained by a letter of Vernon to
Shrewsbury, dated May 1. 1697. ]

[Footnote 795: London Gazette, April 22. 26: 1697. ]

[Footnote 796: Postman, Jan. 26; Mar. 7. 11. 1696/7; April 8. 1697. ]

[Footnote 797: Ibid. Oct. 29. 1696. ]

[Footnote 798: Howell's State Trials; Postman, Jan. 9/19 1696/7. ]

[Footnote 799: See the Protocol of February 10 1697, in the Actes et
Memoires des Negociations de la Paix de Ryswick, 1707. ]

[Footnote 800: William to Heinsius, Dec. 11/21 1696. There are similar
expressions in other letters written by the King about the same time. ]

[Footnote 801: See the papers drawn up at Vienna, and dated Sept. 16.
1696, and March 14 1697. See also the protocol drawn up at the Hague,
March 14. 1697.
These documents will be found in the Actes et Memoires
des Negociations de la Paix de Ryswick, 1707. ]

[Footnote 802: Characters of all the three French ministers are given by
Saint Simon. ]

[Footnote 803: Actes et Memoires des Negociations de la Paix de
Ryswick. ]

[Footnote 804: An engraving and ground plan of the mansion will be found
in the Actes et Memoires. ]

[Footnote 805: Whoever wishes to be fully informed as to the idle
controversies and mummeries in which the Congress wasted its time, may
consult the Actes et Memoires. ]

[Footnote 806: Saint Simon was certainly as good a judge of men as any
of those English grumblers who called Portland a dunce and a boor; Saint
Simon too had every opportunity of forming a correct judgment; for he
saw Portland in a situation full of difficulties; and Saint Simon says,
in one place, "Benting, discret, secret, poli aux autres, fidele a
son maitre, adroit en affaires, le servit tres utilement;" in another,
"Portland parut avec un eclat personnel, une politesse, un air de monde
et de cour, une galanterie et des graces qui surprirent; avec cela,
beaucoup de dignite, meme (le hauteur), mais avec discernement et un
jugement prompt sans rien de hasarde. " Boufflers too extols Portland's
good breeding and tact. Boufflers to Lewis, July 9. 1697. This letter
is in the archives of the French Foreign Office. A translation will be
found in the valuable collection published by M. Grimblot. ]

[Footnote 807: Boufflers to Lewis, June 21/July 1 1697; Lewis to
Boufflers, June 22/July 2; Boufflers to Lewis, June 25/July 5]

[Footnote 808: Boufflers to Lewis June 28/July 8, June 29/July 9 1697]

[Footnote 809: My account of this negotiation I have taken chiefly
from the despatches in the French Foreign Office. Translations of those
despatches have been published by M. Grimblot. See also Burnet, ii. 200,
201.

It has been frequently asserted that William promised to pay Mary of
Modena fifty thousand pounds a year. Whoever takes the trouble to
read the Protocol of Sept. 10/20 1697, among the Acts of the Peace of
Ryswick, will see that my account is correct. Prior evidently understood
the protocol as I understand it. For he says, in a letter to Lexington
of Sept. 17. 1697, "No. 2. is the thing to which the King consents as to
Queen Marie's settlements. It is fairly giving her what the law allows
her. The mediator is to dictate this paper to the French, and enter it
into his protocol; and so I think we shall come off a bon marche upon
that article. "

It was rumoured at the time (see Boyer's History of King William III.
1703) that Portland and Boufflers had agreed on a secret article by
which it was stipulated that, after the death of William, the Prince of
Wales should succeed to the English throne. This fable has often been
repeated, but was never believed by men of sense, and can hardly, since
the publication of the letters which passed between Lewis and Boufflers,
find credit even with the weakest. Dalrymple and other writers imagined
that they had found in the Life of James (ii. 574, 575. ) proof that the
story of the secret article was true. The passage on which they relied
was certainly not written by James, nor under his direction; and the
authority of those portions of the Life which were not written by him,
or under his direction, is but small. Moreover, when we examine this
passage, we shall find that it not only does not bear out the story of
the secret article, but directly contradicts that story. The compiler
of the Life tells us that, after James had declared that he never would
consent to purchase the English throne for his posterity by surrendering
his own rights, nothing more was said on the subject. Now it is quite
certain that James in his Memorial published in March 1697, a Memorial
which will be found both in the Life (ii. 566,) and in the Acts of the
Peace of Ryswick, declared to all Europe that he never would stoop to so
low and degenerate an action as to permit the Prince of Orange to
reign on condition that the Prince of Wales should succeed. It follows,
therefore, that nothing can have been said on this subject after March
1697. Nothing therefore, can have been said on this subject in the
conferences between Boufflers and Portland, which did not begin till
late in June.

Was there then absolutely no foundation for the story? I believe that
there was a foundation; and I have already related the facts on which
this superstructure of fiction has been reared. It is quite certain
that Lewis, in 1693, intimated to the allies through the government
of Sweden, his hope that some expedient might be devised which would
reconcile the Princes who laid claim to the English crown. The expedient
at which he hinted was, no doubt, that the Prince of Wales should
succeed William and Mary. It is possible that, as the compiler of the
Life of James says, William may have "show'd no great aversness" to this
arrangement. He had no reason, public or private, for preferring his
sister in law to his brother in law, if his brother in law were bred a
Protestant. But William could do nothing without the concurrence of the
Parliament; and it is in the highest degree improbable that either he or
the Parliament would ever have consented to make the settlement of the
English crown a matter of stipulation with France. What he would or
would not have done, however, we cannot with certainty pronounce. For
James proved impracticable. Lewis consequently gave up all thoughts
of effecting a compromise and promised, as we have seen, to recognise
William as King of England "without any difficulty, restriction,
condition, or reserve. " It seems certain that, after this promise, which
was made in December 1696, the Prince of Wales was not again mentioned
in the negotiations. ]

[Footnote 810: Prior MS. ; Williamson to Lexington, July 20/30. 1697;
Williamson to Shrewsbury, July 23/Aug 2]

[Footnote 811: The note of the French ministers, dated July 10/20 1697,
will be found in the Actes et Memoires. ]

[Footnote 812: Monthly Mercuries for August and September, 1697. ]

[Footnote 813: Life of James, ii: 565. ]

[Footnote 814: Actes et Memoires des Negociations de la Paix de Ryswick;
Life of James, ii. 566. ]

[Footnote 815: James's Protest will be found in his Life, ii. 572. ]

[Footnote 816: Actes et Memoires des Negociations de la Paix de Ryswick;
Williamson to Lexington, Sept 14/24 1697; Prior MS. ]

[Footnote 817: Prior MS. ]

[Footnote 818: L'Hermitage, July 20/30; July 27/Aug 6, Aug 24/Sept 3,
Aug 27/Sept 6 Aug 31/Sept 10 1697 Postman, Aug. 31. ]

[Footnote 819: Van Cleverskirke to the States General, Sept. 14/24 1697;
L'Hermitage, Sept. 14/24; Postscript to the Postman, of the same date;
Postman and Postboy of Sept. 19/29 Postman of Sept. 18/28. ]

[Footnote 820: L'Hermitage, Sept 17/27, Sept 25/Oct 4 1697 Oct 19/29;
Postman, Nov. 20. ]

[Footnote 821: L'Hermitage, Sept 21/Oct 1 Nov 2/12 1697; Paris Gazette,
Nov. 20/30; Postboy, Nov. 2. At this time appeared a pasquinade
entitled, A Satyr upon the French King, written after the Peace was
concluded at Reswick, anno 1697, by a Non-Swearing Parson, and said to
be drop'd out of his Pocket at Sam's Coffee House. I quote a few of the
most decent couplets.

"Lord! with what monstrous lies and senseless shams
Have we been cullied all along at Sam's!
Who could have e'er believed, unless in spite
Lewis le Grand would turn rank Williamite?
Thou that hast look'd so fierce and talk'd so big,
In thine old age to dwindle to a Whig!
Of Kings distress'd thou art a fine securer.
Thou mak'st me swear, that am a known nonjuror.
Were Job alive, and banter'd by such shufflers,
He'd outrail Oates, and curse both thee and Boufflers
For thee I've lost, if I can rightly scan 'em,
Two livings, worth full eightscore pounds per annum,
Bonae et legalis Angliae Monetae.
But now I'm clearly routed by the treaty. "]

[Footnote 822: London Gazettes; Postboy of Nov. 18 1697; L'Hermitage,
Nov. 5/15. ]

[Footnote 823: London Gazette, Nov. 18. 22 1697; Van Cleverskirke Nov.
16/26, 19/29. ; L'Hermitage, Nov. 16/26; Postboy and Postman, Nov. 18.
William to Heinsius, Nov. 16/26]

[Footnote 824: Evelyn's Diary, Dec, 2. 1697. The sermon is extant; and I
must acknowledge that it deserves Evelyn's censure. ]

[Footnote 825: London Gazette, Dec. 6. 1697; Postman, Dec. 4. ; Van
Cleverskirke, Dec. 2/12; L'Hermitage, Nov. 19/29. ]





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