No More Learning

Suggestibility, 467
XIII. COMPREHENSIVE SCORES AND SUMMARY OF IN- TERVIEW RESULTS-Else Frenkel-Brunswik
A. THE DISCRIMINATORY POWERS OF THE MAJOR AREAS STUDIED 468
1. Verification of Anticipated Trend by Categories, 468;
2. Composite Ratings for Seven Major Areas, 470
B. V ALITITY OF OVER-ALL SCORES AND RA TINGS OF THE INTER-
VIEWS
1. Individual Composite Score Based on All Areas of Rat- ing, 471; 2. Over-all Intuitive Rating and Its Agree- ment with the Composite Score, 472; 3. Agreement with the Questionnaire Results, 472
471
C. SUMMARY OF THE PERSONALITY PATTERNS DERIVED FROM
THE INTERVIEWS 473 1. Introduction, 473; 2. Repression vs. Awareness, 474;
3. Externalization vs. Internalization, 474; 4. Conven- tionalism vs. Genuineness, 476; 5. Power vs. Love-Orien- tation, 478; 6. Rigidity vs. Flexibility. Problems of Ad- justment, 479; 7. Some Genetic Aspects, 482; 8. Cul- tural Outlook, 484
PART Ill
PERSONALITY AS REVEALED THROUGH PROJECTIVE
MA TERIAL
XIV. THE THEMATIC APPERCEPTION TEST IN THE STUDY OF PREJUDICED AND UNPREJUDICED IN- DIVIDUALS-Betty Aron 489
A. TESTING PROCEDURE 490
1. The Sample Tested, 490; 2. Technique of Adminis-
tration, 493; 3. The Pictures Used, 493
B. METHOD OF ANALYSIS OF THE STORY PROTOCOLS 496
1. The Murray-Sanford Scheme, 496; 2. Thematic Anal-
ysis, 506
C. THE T. A. T. S OF MACK A:KD LARRY
1. Larry's Stories, 530; 2. Mack's Stories, 534; 3. Anal-
529
543
ysis of the Stories, 537 D. SUMMARY
? A. B. C.
D.
E.
INTRODUCTION S4S QUANTIFICATION BY MEANS OF SCORING CATEGORIES S48 SCORING MANUAL: CATEGORIES OF PROJECTIVE QUESTION RESPONSE SSO RESULTS S79 1. Reliability of Scoring, S81; 2. Projective Question Scores in Relation to Standing on the E Scale, S84; 3. Validation by Means of Case Studies: Mack and Larry, S92 CONCLUSIONS S9S 1. General Ego Functioning, S9S; 2. Specific Properties
CONTENTS XXlll
XV. PROJECTIVE QUESTIONS IN THE STUDY OF PER- SONALITY AND IDEOLOGY-Daniel J. Levinson S4S
of the Ego, S96; 3. Achievement Values vs. Conven- tional Values, S97; 4. The Handling of Dependency as an Underlying Trend, S99; S. The Handling of Other Trends, 600
PART IV
QUALIT A TIVE STUDIES OF IDEOLOGY
INTRODUCTORY REMARKS
603
XVI. PREJUDICE IN THE INTERVIEW MATER/AL-T. W. Adorno 6os
A. INTRODUCTION 6os
B. THE "FUNCTIONAL" CHARACTER OF ANTI-SEMITISM 609
612 WHA T? 617 622
C. THE IMAGINARY FOE
D. ANTI-SEMITISM FOR
E. TWO KINDS OF JEWS
F. THE ANTI-SEMITE'S DILEMMA 627
G. PROSECUTOR AS JUDGE 629
H. THE MISFIT BOURGEOIS 637 I. OBSERVATIONS ON LOW-SCORING SUBJECTS 644
J . C O N C L U S I O N
6S 3
XVII. POLITICS AND ECONOMICS IN THE INTERVIEW MATER/AL-T. W. Adorno 6s4
A. B.
INTRODUCTION 6S4 FORMAL CONSTITUENTS OF POLITICAL THINKING 6s8 1. Ignorance and Confusion, 6S8; 2. Ticket Thinking
and Personalization in Politics, 663; 3. Surface Ideology
and Real Opinion, 671; 4. Pseudoconservatism, 67S; S. The Usurpation Complex, 68S; 6. F. D. R. , 689; 7. Bu-
? XXIV
CONTENTS
C.
reaucrats and Politicians, 693; 8. There Will Be No Utopia, 695; 9. No Pity for the Poor, 699; 10. Educa-
tion Instead of Social Change, 700
SOME POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC TOPICS 702
1. Unions, 702; 2. Business and Government, 711; 3. Political Issues Close to the Subjects, 714; 4. Foreign Policy and Russia, 718; 5. Communism, 723
XVIII. SOME ASPECTS OF RELIGIOUS IDEOLOGY AS RE- VEALED IN THE INTERVIEW MATER/AL-T. W.
Adorno 727
A. INTRODUCTION 727
B. GENERAL OBSERV A TIONS 730
C. SPECIFIC ISSUES 733 1. The Function of Religion in High and Low Scorers,
733; 2. Belief in God, Disbelief in Immortality, 736; 3. The Irreligious Low Scorer, 738; 4. Religious Low Scorers, 742
XIX. TYPES AND SYNDROMES-T. W. Adorno 744
A. THE APPROACH 744
B. SYNDROMES FOUND AMONG HIGH SCORERS 753
1. Surface Resentment, 753; 2. The "Conventional" Syn- drome, 756; 3. The "Authoritarian" Syndrome, 759; 4. The Rebel and the Psychopath, 763; 5. The Crank, 765; 6. The "Manipulative" Type, 767
C. SYNDROMES FOUND AMONG LOW SCORERS 77I 1. The "Rigid" Low Scorer, 771; 2. The "Protesting" Low Scorer, 774; 3. The "Impulsive" Low Scorer, 776;
4. The "Easy-Going" Low Scorer, 778; 5. The Genuine Liberal, 781
PART v
APPLICATIONS TO INDIVIDUALS AND TO SPECIAL GROUPS
XX. GENETIC ASPECTS OF THE AUTHORITARIAN PER- SONALITY: CASE STUDIES OF TWO CONTRASTING INDIVIDUALS-R. Nevitt Sanford
A. INTRODUCTION
787 787 788
B. THE CASE OF MACK
1. Environmental Forces and Events, 789;
2. Deeper Per-
? CONTENTS XXV
sonality Needs, 794; 3. Dynamics of Surface Behavior
and Attitudes, 800
C. THE CONTRASTING CASE OF LARRY
XXI. CRIMINALITY AND ANTIDEMOCRATIC TRENDS: A STUDY OF PRISON INMATES-William R. Morrow 8r7 A. INTRODUCTION 8I7
1. The Problem, 817; 2. Sampling and Administration,
818; 3. Plan of Discussion, 822
B. ETHNOCENTRISM 823
1. General Questionnaire Statistics and Their Significance, 823; 2. Ideology Concerning Negroes: A Submerged Outgroup, 824; 3. Ideology Concerning Jews: A Sup- posed "Dominant" Outgroup, 830
c. POLITICO-ECONOMIC A TTITUDES
D. MORALS AND RELIGION 844
E. DEFENSES AGAINST WEAKNESS 856
F. HETEROSEXUALITY 866
G. ANTI-INTRACEPTIVENESS AND CHILDHOOD 873
H. A TTITUDES TO P ARENTS
875 I. "cRIMINALITY" IN HIGH AND LOW SCORERS 887
XXII. PSYCHOLOGICAL ILL HEALTH IN RELATION TO POTENTIAL FASCISM: A STUDY OF PSYCHIATRIC CLINIC PATIENTS-Maria Hertz Levinson
A. INTRODUCTION
B. THE NATURE OF THE SAMPLE
C. STATISTICAL RESULTS FROM THE QUESTIONNAIRE
D. RELATIONSHIP OF ETHNOCENTRISM TO VARIOUS PSYCHIATRIC
E.
F.
G.
CLASSIFICA TIONS 897 1. Ethnocentrism in Relation to Neurosis and Psychosis, 904; 2. Ethnocentrism in Relation to Specific Diagnostic Categories, 906
ETHNOCENTRISM IN RELATION TO THE MINNESOTA MULTI- PHASIC PERSONALITY INVENTORY
PERSONALITY TRENDS AS REVEALED BY P A TIENTS' "ST A TE- MENT OF PROBLEM" IN THE FIRST PSYCHIATRIC INTERVIEW 917 1. Selection of Material, 918; 2. The Scoring Manual: Description of Variables, 919; 3. The Method of Quan- tification, 924; 4. The Reliability of the Measures, 926;
5. Relationship Between Ratings and Ethnocentrism Score, 932; 6. Summary, 941
CLINICAL PICTURES AND PERSONALITIES OF HIGH AND LOW SCORERS 942
835
? XXVl CONTENTS
1. The High Scorers, 942; 2. The Low Scorers, 951;
3. The "Middles," 959
H. CONCLUSIONS 961
XXIII. CONCLUSIONS
REFERENCES INDEX
? (I)
(III) 2 (III) 3 (III) 4 (III) 5 (III) 6 (III)
7 (III) 8 (III) 9 (III)
10 (III) 11 (III) 12 (III) 13 (III)
1 (IV)
2 (IV)
3 (IV)
4 (IV)
5 (IV) 6 (IV)
7 (IV) 8 (IV) 9 (IV)
TABLES AND FIGURES
Groups from Whom Questionnaires Were Collected 21
Anti-Semitism Subscale "Offensive" 63 Anti-Semitism Subscale "Threatening" 64 Anti-Semitism Subscale "Attitudes" 65 Anti-Semitism Subscales "Seclusive vs. Intrusive" 66 "Neutral" Items in the Anti-Semitism Scale 67 The Total Anti-Semitism Scale 68 Public Opinion Questionnaire A
The Total Anti-Semitism Scale 69
Public Opinion Questionnaire S
Reliability of the Anti-Semitism Scale and Its Subscales lntercorrelations of the A-S Subscales
Anti-Semitism Scale: Item Means and Discriminatory Powers University of California Women 78 The Ten-Item A-S Scale (Form 78) 84 Reliability of the A-S Scale (Form 78) 86 Item Means and Discriminatory Powers. A-S Scale-Form 78 87 Responses of Mack and Larry on the A-S Scale 90
Ethnocentrism Scale I05 Negro Subscale (N)
Ethnocentrism Scale I06 Minority Subscale (M)
Ethnocentrism Scale I08
Patriotism Subscale (P)
The Total Ethnocentrism Scale IIO Public Opinion Questionnaire E
Reliability of the Ethnocentrism (E) Scale and Its Subscales 112 Correlations of the E Subscales with Each Other and with the Total E Scale I13 Means and Discriminatory Powers of the E-Scale Items I15 The Second Form of theE Scale (Form 78) I17 Reliability of the E Scale (Form 78) I19
xxvii
73 75
? XXVlll TABLES AND FIGURES
10 (IV)
11 (IV)
12 (IV)
13 (IV)
14 (IV)
15 (IV)
16 (IV)
17 (IV)
18 (IV)
19 (IV)
20 (IV)
Means and Discriminatory Powers of the E-Scale Items (Form 78) 120 Correlations Between the A-S and E Scales (Initial Forms) 122 Correlations Between the A-S and E Scales (Form 78) 123 The Third Form of the E Scale (Form 60) 124 Reliability of the E Scale (Form 60) 125
Means and Discriminatory Powers of the E-Scale Items (Form 60) 126 The Fourth Form of theE Scale (Forms 45 and 40) 128
Reliability of the E Scale (Forms 45 and 40)
A. Groups Taking Form 45 (EA+B) 134
B. Groups Taking Form 40 (EA) 135
C. Groups Taking Both Forms 45 and 40 136
Means and Discriminatory Powers of the E-Scale Items (Forms45 and40) 139 Ethnocentrism Scale: Suggested Final Form 142 Responses of Mack and Larry on the E Scale 143
(V) The Initial Politico-Economic Conservatism Scale (Form 78) 158
2 (V)
3 (V)
4 (V)
5 (V)
6 (V)
7 (V)
8 (V)
9 (V)
10 (V)
11 (V)
12 (V)
13 (V)
14 (V)
Reliability of the PEC Scale (Form 78) 159 Means and Discriminatory Powers of the PEC-Scale Items
(Form 78) 160 The Second Form of the Politico-Economic Conservatism
(PEC) Scale (Form 60) 163 Reliability of the PEC Scale (Form 60) 165 Means and Discriminatory Powers of the PEC-Scale Items
(FQrm 60) 167 The Third Form of the Politico-Economic Conservatism
(PEC) Scale (Forms 45-40) 169 Means and Standard Deviations of PEC-Scale Scores for Groups Taking Forms 45 and 40 170 Means and Discriminatory Powers of the PEC-Scale Items
(Forms 40 and 45) 174 Correlations of the A-S and E Scales with the PEC Scale (All Forms) 179 Responses of Mack and Larry on the PEC Scale 183 Mean A-S or E Scores for Groups Showing Various Over-
all Political Party Preferences 188 Mean A-SorE Scores for Groups Whose Fathers Have Vari-
ous Political Party Preferences 191 Mean A-SorE Scores for Groups Showing Various Relations Between Subject's and Father's Political Preference 193
? 18 (V) 19 (V) 20 (V)
Mean A-S orE Scores for Groups Having Various Levels of Expected Yearly Income
Mean A-SorE Scores for Groups Whose Fathers Had Vari- ous Incomes
Mean A-SorE Scores for Groups Whose Fathers Have Vari- ous Occupations
TABLES AND FIGURES
XXlX
15 (V) Mean E Score for Various Organizations m the Form 40 Sample
16 (V) Mean E Score for Groups Having Various Maritime Union Affiliations (Maritime School Sample)
17 (V) Mean E Scores for Groups Who Have Various Present Yearly Incomes
I94 I97 I 98 200
202
205 210 2I2 2 I4 2I6
217
226 243
245 248 25I
253 255 258
260
263
264
266 270
(VI)
2 (VI) Mean A-S or E Scores for Groups Showing Various Fre-
3 (VI) 4 (VI) 5 (VI)
(VII) 2 (VII) 3 (VII)
4 (VII) 5 (VII) 6 (VII)
7 (VII) 8 (VII) 9 (VII)
10 (VII) 11 (VII) 12 (VII) 13 (VII)
quencies of Church Attendance
Mean A-S or E Scores for Groups Showing Various Rela- tions Between Father's Religion and Mother's Religion Mean A-S or E Scores for Groups Showing Various Rela- tions Between Subject's Religion and Mother's Religion Mean A-S Scores of Groups Giving Different Categories of Response to the Question: "How Important Are Religion and the Church? "
The F Scale: Form 78
Reliability of the F Scale (Form 78)
Means and Discriminatory Powers of the F-Scale Items
(Form 78)
The F Scale: Form 60
Reliability of the F Scale (Form 60)
Means and Discriminatory Powers of the F-Scale Items
(Form 60)
F-Scale Clusters: Forms 45 and 40
Reliability of the F Scale (Forms 40 and 45)
Means and Discriminatory Powers of the F-Scale Items (Forms 40 and 45)
Correlations of the F Scale with the A-S, E, and PEC Scales in the Several Forms of the Questionnaire
Correlations of the F Scale with Each Half and with the Whole of the E Scale
Mean F-Scale Scores of Groups Taking the Several Forms of the Questionnaire
Responses of Mack and Larry on the F Scale (Form 78)
Mean A-S or E Scores of Various Religious Groups
? XXX
1 (VIII)
2 (VIII)
3 (VIII)
4 (VIII)
5 (VIII)
1 (IX)
2 (IX)
3 (IX)
4 (IX) 5 (IX)
6 (IX)
T ABLES AND FIGURES
Correlations of the E and F Scales with Various Ability Tests (Maritime School Men) 282 Correlations of the E, F, and PEC Scales with the Otis Higher Form A Intelligence Test (Employment Service Veteran Men) 283 Mean Wechsler-Bellevue IQ Score for Each Quartile of
the Ethnocentrism Scale (Psychiatric Clinic Men and Women) 283 Mean Number of Years of Education for Each Quartile of
the Ethnocentrism Scale (Psychiatric Clinic Men and Women) 285 Mean E Score for Groups Having Various Years of Edu- cation (Maritime School Men) 286
Survey of 20 Prejudiced and 20 Unprejudiced Men Inter- ~ewed 296 Survey of 25 Prejudiced and 15 Unprejudiced Women Inter- viewed 297 Representativeness of Interviewees in Terms of Scores on the Ethnocentrism Scale 298 Age Distribution in Total Extreme Quartiles and Interviewees 299 Religious Affiliation in Total Extreme Quartiles and Inter- VIewees 299 Political Outlook in Total Extreme Quartiles and Inter- viewees 300
7 (IX) Reliability of Interview Ratings: Interrater Agreement on Nine Subjects 330
8 (IX) Interrater Agreement on Interview Ratings for Six Major Areas 332
1 (X)
2 (X)
3 (X)
1 (XI)
Interview Ratings on Attitude Toward Parents and Concept
of Family for 80 Subjects Scoring Extremely "High" or "Low" on the Ethnic Prejudice Questionnaire Scale 341 Interview Ratings on Concept of Childhood Environment for
80 Subjects Scoring Extremely "High" or "Low" on the Ethnic Prejudice Questionnaire Scale 362 Interview Ratings on Childhood Events and Attitude Toward Siblings for 80 Subjects Scoring Extremely "High" or "Low"
on the Ethnic Prejudice? Questionnaire Scale 379
Interview Ratings on Attitude Toward Sex for 80 Subjects Scoring Extremely "High" or "Low" on the Ethnic Preju- dice Questionnaire Scale 392
? 2 (XI)
3 (XI)
4 (XI)
1 (XII)
Interview Ratings on Attitude Toward People for SO Sub- jects Scoring Extremely "High" or "Low" on the Ethnic Prejudice Questionnaire Scale 407 Interview Ratings on Attitude Toward Present Self for SO Subjects Scoring Extremely "High" or "Low" on the Ethnic Prejudice Questionnaire Scale 424 Interview Ratings on Attitude Toward Childhood Self for
SO Subjects Scoring Extremely "High" or "Low" on the Ethnic Prejudice Questionnaire Scale 436
Interview Ratings on Dynamic Character Structure for SO Subjects Scoring Extremely "High" or "Low" on the Ethnic Prejudice Questionnaire Scale 446
TABLES AND FIGURES XXXl
2 (XII) Interview Ratings on Cognitive Personality Organization
for SO Subjects Scoring Extremely "High" or "Low" on the Ethnic Prejudice Questionnaire Scale 462
1 (XIII)
1 (XIV) 2 (XIV) 3 (XIV) 4 (XIV)
Composite Ratings (Means) for Major Areas of Study for "High" and "Low" Scoring Groups of Interviewees 469
Distribution of Thematic Apperception Test Sample Among the Several Groups Participating in the Study 491 Age Distribution of Subjects Receiving the Thematic Ap- perception Test 492 Distribution of Thematic Apperception Test Subjects with Respect to the Sex of the Examiners 492 Stimulus Values of the Ten Thematic Apperception Test Pictures 494
5 (XIV)A Intensities of Need and Press Variables as Expressed in Stories Told by Men 500
5 (XIV)B Intensities of Need and Press Variables as Expressed in Stories Told by Women 502
6 (XIV) Comparison of the Scores of Mack and Larry on the Thematic Apperception Test with the Mean Scores of Prejudiced and Unprejudiced Men 539
1 (XV) Scoring Reliability (Percentage Interrater Agreement) for
the Eight Projective Questions 5S3
2 (XV) Percentage Agreement Between Projective Question Scores
and E-Scale Scores 5S6
FIGURE 1 (XX) The Genetic Aspects of Mack's Personality Sor
? XXXII
1 (XXI)
2 (XXI) 3 (XXI) 4 (XXI) 5 (XXI)
1 (XXII) 2 (XXII) 3 (XXII) 4 (XXII)
5 (XXII) 6 (XXII)
FIGURE 1
7 (XXII)
8 (XXII)
9 (XXII)
10 (XXII)
11 (XXII)
TABLES AND FIGURES
Identifying Data for Interviewees in the Prison Inmates Group 820 Results on the E Scale from the Group of Prison Inmates 823 Results on the PEC Scale from the Group of Prison Inmates 836 Results on the F Scale from the Group of Prison Inmates 846 Mean E- and F-Scale Scores of the Prison Inmates, Grouped According to Offense 889
Reliability Data on the E Scale for Psychiatric Clinic Men
and Women 897 Incidence of Various Psychiatic Diagnoses in the Sample
of Psychiatric Clinic Patients 899 Percentage of Each E-Scale Quartile Falling Into Various Psychiatric Categories 901 Percentage of the Upper and of the Lower Halves of the E-Scale Distribution Falling Into Various Psychiatric Categories 902 Percentage of Neurotic Patients in Each E-Scale Quartile Showing Various Neurotic Features 903 Percentage of Neurotic Patients in the Upper and Lower Halves of theE-Scale Distribution Showing Various Neu- rotic Features 904
(XXII) Average MMPI Profile for Non-Psychotic Psychi- atric Patients Falling Into Each Half of theE-Scale Distribution
Mean Scores on the Several Scales of the MMPI for Sub- jects Falling into Each Quartile and Into Each Half of the E-Scale Distribution. Nonpsychotic Male Patients 914 Mean Scores on the Several Scales of the MMPI for Sub- jects Falling Into Each Quartile and Into Each Half of the E-Scale Distribution. N onpsychotic Female Patients 915 The Amount of Agreement Between Two Raters in Esti- mating a Subject's Standing on the E Scale from an Analy-
sis of His Intake Interview. Psychiatric Clinic Patients: Men and Women Combined 927 The Amount of Agreement Between a Single Rater (A)
and Seven Other Raters in Estimating Variables in Intake Interviews. Psychiatric Clinic Patients: Men and Women Combined 930 The Amount of Agreement Between Rater A's Estimate
of High or Low Ethnocentrism, Based on Analysis of In-
take Interviews, and Ethnocentrism as Measured by the
? 12 (XXII)
E Scale. Psychiatric Clinic Patients: Men and Women Combined
The Amount of Agreement Benveen Estimates of Ethno- centrism, Based on Ratings of Single Variables from In- take Interviews, and Ethnocentrism as Measured by the E Scale. Psychiatric Clinic Patients: Men and Women Combined
93 3
934
936
T ABLES AND FIGURES XXXlll
13 (XXII) Summary of Data from the Rating of Intake Interviews. A. Reliability: Percentage Agreement Among Raters for Seven Variables. B. Validity: Percentage Agreement Be- tween Ratings and Score on the E Scale. Psychiatric Clinic Patients: Men and Women Combined
? CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION
A. THE PROBLEM
The research to be reported in this volume was guided by the following major hypothesis: that the political, economic, and social convictions of an individual often form a broad and coherent pattern, as if bound together by a "mentality" or "spirit," and that this pattern is an expression of deep- lying trends in his personality.
The major concern was with the potentially fascistic individual, one whose structure is such as to render him particularly susceptible to anti- democratic propaganda. We say "potential" because we have not studied individuals who were avowedly fascistic or who belonged to known fascist organizations.
At the time when most of our data were collected fascism had just been defeated in war and, hence, we could not expect to find sub- jects who would openly identify themselves with it; yet there was no difficulty in finding subjects whose outlook was such as to indicate that they would readily accept fascism if it should become a strong or respectable social movement.
In concentrating upon the potential fascist we do not wish to imply that other patterns of personality and ideology might not profitably be studied in the same way. It is our opinion, however, that no politico-social trend imposes a graver threat to our traditional values and institutions than does fascism, and that knowledge of the personality forces that favor its accept- ance may ultimately prove useful in combating it. A question may be raised as to why, if we wish to explore new resources for combating fascism, we do not give as much attention to the "potential antifascist. " The answer is that we do study trends that stand in opposition to fascism, but we do not conceive that they constitute any single pattern. It is one of the major findings of the present study that individuals who show extreme susceptibil- ity to fascist propaganda have a great deal in common. (They exhibit numerous characteristics that go together to form a "syndrome" although typical variations within this major pattern can be distinguished. ) Indi- viduals who are extreme in the opposite direction are much more diverse. The task of diagnosing potential fascism and studying its determinants required techniques especially designed for these purposes; it could not be
I
? 2 THE AUTHORITARIA~ PERSONALITY
asked of them that they serve as well for various other patterns. Neverthe- less, it was possible to distinguish several types of personality structure that seemed particularly resistant to antidemocratic ideas, and these are given due attention in later chapters.
If a potentially fascistic individual exists, what, precisely, is he like? What goes to make up antidemocratic thought? What are the organizing forces within the person? If such a person exists, how commonly does he exist in our society? And if such a person exists, what have been the determinants and what. the course of his development?
These are questions upon which the present research was designed to throw some "light. Though the notion that the potentially antidemocratic individual is a totality may be accepted as a plausible hypothesis, some analysis is called for at the start. In most approaches to the problem of polit- ical types two essential conceptions may be distinguished: the conception of ideology and the conception of underlying needs in the person. Though the two may be thought of as forming an organized whole within the individual, they may nonetheless be studied separately. The same ideological trends may in different individuals have different sources, and the same personal needs may express themselves in different ideological trends.
The term ideology is used in this book, in the way that is common in current literature, to stand for an organization of opinions, attitudes, and values-a way of thinking about man and society. We may speak of an indi- vidual's total ideology or of his ideology with respect to different areas of social life: politics, economics, religion, minority groups, and so forth. Ideol- ogies have an existence independent of any single individual; and those which exist at a particular time are results both of historical processes and of contemporary social events. These ideologies have for different individ- uals, different degrees of appeal, a matter that depends upon the individual's needs and the degree to which these needs are being satisfied or frustrated.
There are, to be sure, individuals who take unto themselves ideas from more than one existing ideological system and weave them into patterns that are more or less uniquely their own. It can be assumed, however, that when the opinions, attitudes, and values of numerous individuals are examined, common patterns will be discovered. These patterns may not in all cases correspond to the familiar, current ideologies" but they will fulfill the defi- nition of ideology given above and in each case be found to have a function within the over-all adjustment of the individual.
The present inquiry into the nature of the potentially fascistic individual began with anti-Semitism in the focus of attention. The authors, in common with most social scientists, hold the view that anti-Semitism is based more largely upon factors in the subject and in his total situation than upon actual characteristics of Jews, and that one place tolook for determinants of anti- Semitic opinions and attitudes is within the persons who express them. Since
? INTRODUCTION
3 this emphasis on personality'required a focusing of attention on psychology rather than on sociology or history-though in the last analysis the three can be separated only artificially-there could be no attempt to account for the existence of anti-Semitic ideas in our society. The question was, rather, why is it that certain individuals accept these ideas while others do not? And since from the start the research was guided by the hypotheses stated above, it was supposed (r) that anti-Semitism probably is not a specific or isolated phe- nomenon but a part of a broader ideological framework, and (2) that an individual's susceptibility to this ideology depends primarily upon his psy-
chological needs.
The insights and hypotheses concerning the antidemocratic individual,
which are present in our general cultural climate, must be supported by a great deal of painstaking observation, and in many instances by quantifica- tion, before they can be regarded as conclusive. How can one say with assurance that . the numerous opinions, attitudes, and values expressed by an individual actually constitute a consistent pattern or organized totality? The most intensive investigation of that individual would seem to be neces- sary. How can one say that opinions, attitudes, and values found in groups of people go together to form patterns, some of which are more common than others? There is no adequate way to proceed other than by actually measuring, in populations, a wide variety of thought contents and determin- ing by means of standard statistical methods which ones go together.
To many social psychologists the scientific study of ideology, as it has been defined, seems a hopeless task. To measure-with suitable accuracy a single, specific, isolated attitude is a long and arduous proceeding for both subject and experimenter. (It is frequently argued that unless the attitude is specific and isolated, it cannot properly be measured at all. ) How then can we hope to survey within a reasonable period of time the numerous attitudes and ideas that go to make up an ideology? Obviously, some kind of selec- tion is necessary. The investigator must limit himself to what is most significant, and judgments of significance can only be made on the basis of theory.
The theories that have guided the present research will be presented in suitable contexts later. Though theoretical considerations had a role at every stage of the work, a beginning had to be made with the objective study of the most observable and relatively specific opinions, attitudes, and values.
Opinions, attitudes, and values, as we conceive of them, are expressed more or less openly in words. Psychologically they are "on the surface. " It must be recognized, however, that when it comes to such affect-laden questions as those concerning minority groups and current political issues, the degree of openness with which a person speaks will depend upon the situation in which he finds himself. There may be a discrepancy between what he says on a particular occasion and what he "really thinks. " Let us say that what
? THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
4
he really thinks he can express in confidential discussion with his intimates. This much, which is still relatively superficial psychologically, may still b~ observed directly by the psychologist if he uses appropriate techniques- and this we have attempted to do.
It is to be recognized, however, that the individual may have "secret" thoughts which he will under no circumstances reveal to anyone else if he can help it; he may have thoughts which he cannot admit to himself, and he may have thoughts which he does not express because they are so vague and ill-formed that he cannot put them into words. To gain access to these deeper trends is particularly important, for precisely here may lie the indi- vidual's potential for democratic or antidemocratic thought and action in crucial situations.
What people say and, to a lesser degree, what they really think depends very largely upon the climate of opinion in which they are living; but when that climate changes, some individuals adapt themselves much more quickly than others. If there should be a marked increase in antidemocratic propa- ganda, we should expect some people to accept and repeat it at once, others when it seemed that "everybody believed it," and still others not at all. In other words, individuals differ in their susceptibility to antidemocratic propa- ganda, in their readiness to exhibit antidemocratic tendencies. It seems neces- sary to study ideology at this "readiness level" in order to gauge the potential for fascism in this country. Observers have noted that the amount of out- spoken anti-Semitism in pre-Hitler Germany was less than that in this coun- try at the present time; one might hope that the potentiality is less in this country, but this can be known only through intensive investigation, through the detailed survey of what is on the surface and the thorough probing of what lies beneath it.
A question may be raised as to what is the degree of relationship between ideology and action. If an individual is making antidemocratic propaganda or engaging in overt attacks upon minority group members, it is usually assumed that his opinions, attitudes, and values are congruent with his action; but comfort is sometimes found in the thought that though another individual expresses antidemocratic ideas verbally, he does not, and perhaps will not, put them into overt action. Here, once again, there is a question of potentialities. Overt action, like open verbal expression, depends very largely upon the situation of the moment-something that is best described in socio- economic and political terms-but individuals differ very widely with respect to their readiness to be provoked into action. The study of this potential is a part of the study of the individual's over-all ideology; to know what kinds and what intensities of belief, attitude, and value are likely to lead to action, and to know what forces within the individual serve as inhibitions upon . action are matters of the greatest practical importance.
There seems little reason to doubt that ideology-in-readiness (ideological
? INTRODUCTION
5
receptivity) and ideology-in~wordsand in action are essentially the same stuff. The description of an individual's total ideology must portray not only the organization on each level but organization among levels. What the indi- vidual consistently says in public, what he says when he feels safe from criticism, what he thinks but will not say at all, what he thinks but will not admit to himself, what he is disposed to think or to do when various kinds of appeal are made to him-all these phenomena may be conceived of as constituting a single structure. The structure may not be integrated, it may contain contradictions as well as consistencies, but it is organized in the sense that the constituent parts are related in psychologically meaningful ways.
In order to understand such a structure, a theory of the total personality is necessary. According to the theory that has guided the present research, personality is a more or less enduring organization of forces within the indi- vidual. These persisting forces of personality help to determine response in various situations, and it is thus largely to them that consistency of behavior -whether verbal or physical-is attributable. But behavior, however con- sistent, is not the same thing as personality; personality lies behind behavior and within the individual. The forces of personality are not responses but readinesses for response; whether or not a readiness will issue in overt expres- sion depends not only upon the situation of the moment but upon what other readinesses stand in opposition to it. Personality forces which are in- hibited are on a deeper level than those which immediately and consistently express themselves in overt behavior.
What are the forces of personality and what are the processes by which they are organized? For theory as to the structure of personality we ,have leaned most heavily upon Freud, while for a more or less systematic formu- lation of the more directly observable and measurable aspects of personality
we have been guided primarily by academic psychology. The forces of. __ personality are primarily needs (drives, wishes, emotional impulses) which vary from one individual to another in their quality, their intensity, their mode of gratification, and the objects of their attachment, and which interact with other needs in harmonious or conflicting patterns. There are primitive emotional needs, there are needs to avoid punishment and to keep the good will of the social group, there are needs to maintain harmony and integration within the self.
Since it will be granted that opinions, attitudes, and values depend upon human needs, and since personality is essentially an organization of needs, then personality may be regarded as a determinant of ideological preferences. Personality is not, however, to be hypostatized as an ultimate determinant. Far from being something which is given in the beginning, which remains
. fixed and acts upon the surrounding world, personality evolves under the impact of the social environment and can never be isolated from the social totality within which it occurs. According to the present theory, the effects
? 6 THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
of environmental forces in moulding the personality are, in general, the more profound the earlier in the life history of the individual they are brought to bear. The major influences upon personality development arise in the course of child training as carried forward in a setting of family life. What happens here is profoundly influenced by economic and social factors. It is not only that each family in trying to rear its children proceeds according to the ways of the social, ethnic, and religious groups in which it has mem- bership, but crude economic factors affect directly the parents' behavior
, . toward the child. This means that broad changes in social conditions and / institutions will have a direct bearing upon the kinds of personalities that
A-develop within a society.
The present research seeks to discover correlations between ideology and
sociological factors operating in the individual's past-whether or not they continue to operate in his present. In attempting to explain these correlations the relationships between personality and ideology are brought into the
l picture, the general approach being to consider personality as an agency 1through which sociological influences upon ideology are mediated. If the i role of personality can be made clear, it should be possible better to under- }stand which sociological factors are the most crucial ones and in what ways \ they achieve their effects.
Although personality is a product of the social environment of the past, it is not, once it has developed, a mere object of the contemporary environ- ~? ment. What has developed is a structure within the individual, something i which is capable of self-initiated action upon the social environment and of selection with respect to varied impinging stimuli, something which though always modifiable is frequently very resistant to fundamental change. This ! conception is necessary to explain consistency of behavior in widely varying
situations, to explain the persistence of ideological trends in the face of contradicting facts and radically altered social conditions, to explain why people in the same sociological situation have different or even conflicting views on social issues, and why it is that people whose behavior has been changed through psychological manipulation lapse into their old ways as soon as the agencies of manipulation are removed.
The conception of personality structure is the best safeguard against the inclination to attribute persistent trends in the individual to something "innate" or "basic" or "racial" within him. The Nazi allegation that natural, biological traits decide the total being of a person would not have been such a successful political device had it not been possible to point to numerous instances of relative fixity in human behavior and to challenge those who thought to explain them on any basis other than a biological one. Without the conception of personality structure, writers whose approach rests upon the assumption of infinite human flexibility and responsiveness to the social situation of the moment have not helped matters by referring persistent
(
? INTRODUCTION
7
trends which they could not aP. prove to "confusion" or "psychosis" or evil under one name or another. There is, of course, some basis for describing as "pathological" patte~ of behavior which do not conform with the most common, and seemingly most lawful, responses to momentary stimuli. But this is to use the term pathological in the very narrow sense of deviation from the average found in a particular context and, what is worse, to suggest that everything in the personality structure is to be put under this heading. Actually, personality embraces variables which exist widely in the popula- tion and have lawful relations one to another. Personality patterns that have been dismissed as "pathological" because they were not in keeping with the most common manifest trends or the most dominant ideals within a society, have on closer investigation turned out to be but exaggerations of what was almost universal below the surface in that society. What is "pathological" today may with changing social conditions become the dominant trend of tomorrow.
It seems clear then that an adequate approach to the problems before us must take into account both fixity and flexibility; it must regard the two not as mutually exclusive categories but as the extremes of a single continuum along which human characteristics may be placed, and it must provide a basis for understanding the conditions which favor the one extreme or the other. Personality is a concept to account for relative permanence. But it may be emphasized again that personality is mainly a potential; it is a readi- ness for behavior rather than behavior itself; although it consists in disposi- tions to behave in certain ways, the behavior that actually occurs will always depend upon the objective situation. Where the concern is with antidemo- cratic trends, a delineation of the conditions for individual expression re- quires an understanding of the total organization of society.
It has been stated that the personality structure may be such as to render the individual susceptible to antidemocratic propaganda. It may now be asked what are the conditions under which such propaganda would increase in pitch and volume and come to dominate in press and radio to the exclusion of contrary ideological stimuli, so that what is now potential would become actively manifest. The answer must be sought not in any single personality nor in personality factors found in the mass of people, but in processes at work in society itself. It seems well understood today that whether or not antidemocratic propaganda is to become a dominant force in this country depends primarily upon the situation of the most powerful economic inter- ests, upon whether they, by conscious design or not, make use of this device for maintaining their dominant status. This is a matter about which the great majority of people would have little to say.
The present research, limited as it is to the hitherto largely neglected psychological aspects of fascism, does not concern itself with the production of propaganda. It focuses attention, rather, upon the consumer, the indi-
? 8 THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
vidual for whom the propaganda is designed. In so doing it attempts to take into account not only the psychological structure of the individual but the total objective situation in which he lives. It makes the assumption that people in general tend to accept political and social programs which they believe will serve their economic interests. What these interests are depends in each case upon the individual's position in society as defined in economic and sociological terms. An important part of the present research, therefore, was the attempt to discover what patterns of socioeconomic factors are asso- ciated with receptivity, and with resistance, to antidemocratic propaganda.
At the same time, however, it was considered that economic motives in the individual may not have the dominant and crucial role that is often ascribed to them. If economic self-interest were the only determinant of opinion, we should expect people of the same socioeconomic status to have very similar opinions, and we should expect opinion to vary in a meaningful way from one socioeconomic grouping to another. Research has not given very sound support for these expectations. There is only the most general similarity of opinion among people of the same socioeconomic status, and the exceptions are glaring; while variations from one socioeconomic group to another are rarely simple or clear-cut. To explain why it is that people of the same socioeconomic status so frequently have different ideologies, while people of a different status often have very similar ideologies, we must take account of other than purely economic needs.
More than this, it is becoming increasingly plain that people very fre- quently do not behave in such a way as to further their material interests, even when it is clear to them what these interests are. The resistance of white-collar workers to organization is not due to a belief that the union will not help them economically; the tendency of the small businessman to side with big business in most economic and political matters cannot be due entirely to a belief that this is the way to guarantee his economic indepen- dence. In instances such as these the individual seems not only not to con- sider his material interests, but even to go against them. It is as if he were thinking in terms of a larger group identification, as if his point of view were determined more by his need to support this group and to suppress opposite ones than by rational consideration of his own interests. Indeed, it is with a sense of relief today that one is assured that a group conflict is merely a clash of economic interests-that each side is merely out to "do" the other- and not a struggle in which deep-lying emotional drives have been let loose. When it comes to the ways in which people appraise the social world, irra- tional trends stand out glaringly. One may conceive of a professional man who opposes the immigration of Jewish refugees on the ground that this will increase the competition with which he has to deal and so decrease his income. However undemocratic this may be, it is at least rational in a limited sense. But for this man to go on, as do most people who oppose Jews on
? INTRODUCTION
9
occupational grounds, and accept a wide variety of opinions, many of which are contradictory, about Jews in general, and to attribute various ills of the world to them, is plainly illogical. And it is just as illogical to praise all Jews in accordance with a "good" stereotype of them. Hostility against groups that is based upon real frustration, brought about by members of that group, undoubtedly exists, but such frustrating experiences can hardly ac<;ount for the fact that prejudice is apt to be generalized. Evidence from the present study confirms what has often been indicated: that a man who is hostile toward one minority group is very likely to be hostile against a wide variety of others. There is no conceivable rational basis for such generalization; and, what is more striking, prejudice against, or totally uncritical acceptance of,
a particular group often exists in the absence of any experience with mem- bers of that group. The objective situation of the individual seems an unlikely source of such irrationality; rather we should seek where psychology has already found the sources of dreams, fantasies, and misinterpretations of the world-that is, in the deep-lying needs of the personality.
Another aspect of the individual's situation which we should expect to affect his ideological receptivity is his membership in social groups-occu- pational, fraternal, religious, and the like. For historical and sociological reasons, such groups favor and promulgate, whether officially or unofficially, different patterns of ideas. There is reason to believe that individuals, out of their needs to conform and to belong and to believe and through such deviCes as imitation and conditioning, often take over more or less ready-made the opinions, attitudes, and values that are characteristic of the groups in which they have membership. To the extent that the ideas which prevail in such a group are implicitly or explicitly antidemocratic, the individual group mem-
ber might be expected to be receptive to propaganda having the same general direction. Accordingly, the present research investigates a variety of group memberships with a view to what general trends of thought-and how much variability-might be found in each.
It is recognized, however, that a correlation between group membership and ideology may be due to different kinds of determination in different individuals. In some cases it might be that the individual merely repeats opinions which are taken for granted in his social milieu and which he has no reason to question; in other cases it might be that the individual has chosen to join a particular group because it stood for ideals with which he was already in sympathy. In modem society, despite enormous communality in basic culture, it is rare for a person to be subjected to only one pattern of ideas, after he is old enough for ideas to mean something to him. Some selec- tion is usually made, according, it may be supposed, to the needs of his personality. Even when individuals are exposed during their formative years almost exclusively to a single, closely knit pattern of political, economic, social, and religious idei(s, it: is found that some confor! ll while others rebel,
? 10 THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
and it seems proper to inquire whether personality factors do not make the difference. The soundest approach, it would seem, is to consider that in the determination of ideology, as in the determination of any behavior, there is a situational factor and a personality factor, and that a careful weighing of the role of each'will yield the most accurate prediction.
Situational factors, chiefly economic condition and social group member- ships, have been studied intensively in recent researches on opinion and atti- tude, while the more inward, more individualistic factors have not received the attention they deserve. Beyond this, there is still another reason why the present study places particular emphasis upon the personality. Fascism, in order to be successful as a political movement, must have a mass basis. It must secure not only the frightened submission but the active cooperation of the great majority of the people. Since by its very nature it favors the few at the expense of the many, it cannot possibly demonstrate that it will so improve the situation of most people that their real interests will be served. It must therefore make its major appeal, not to rational self-interest, but to emotional needs-often to the most primitive and irrational wishes and fears. If it be argued that fascist propaganda fools people into believing that their lot will be improved, then the question arises: Why are they so easily fooled? Because, it may be supposed, of their personality structure; because of long-
. established patterns of hopes and a~pirations, fears and anxieties that dispose them to certain beliefs and make them resistant to others. The task of fascist propaganda, in other words, is rendered easier to the degree that antidemo- cratic potentials already exist in the great mass of people. It may be granted that in Germany economic conflicts and dislocations within the society were such that for this reason alone the triumph of fascism was sooner or later inevitable; but the Nazi leaders did not act as if they believed this to be so; instead they acted as if it were necessary at every moment to take into account the psychology of the people-to activate every ounce of their anti- democratic potential, to compromise with them, to stamp out the slightest spark of rebellion. It seems apparent that any attempt to appraise the chances of a fascist triumph in America must reckon with the potential existing in the character of the people. Here lies not only the susceptibility to antidemo- cratic propaganda but the most dependable sources of resistance to it.
The present writers believe that it is up to the people to decide whether or not this country goes fascist. It is assumed that knowledge of the nature and extent of antidemocratic potentials will indicate programs for demo- cratic action. These programs should not be limited to devices for manipu- lating people in such a way that they will behave more democratically, but they should be devoted to increasing the kind of self-awareness and self- determination that makes any kind of manipulation impossible. There is one explanation for the existence of an individual's ideology that has not so far been considered: that it is the view of the world which a reasonable man,
? INTRODUCTION
with some understanding of the role of such determinants as those discussed above, and with complete access to the necessary facts, will organize for himself. This conception, though it has been left to the last, is of crucial importance for a sound approach to ideology. Without it we should have to share the destructive view, which has gained some acceptance in the modern world, that since all ideologies, all philosophies, derive from non- rational sources there is no basis for saying that one has more merit than another.
But the rational system of an objective and thoughtful man is not a thing apart from personality. Such a system is still motivated. What is distinguish- ing in its sources is mainly the kind of personality organization from which it springs. It might be said that a mature personality (if we may for the moment use this term without defining it) will come closer to achieving a rational system of thought than will an immature one; but a personality is no less dynamic and no less organized for being mature, and the task of describing the structure of this personality is not different in kind from the task of describing any other personality. According to theory, the person- ality variables which have most to do with determining the objectivity and rationality of an ideology are those which belong to the ego, that part of the personality which appreciates reality, integrates the other parts, and operates with the most conscious awareness.
It is the ego that becomes aware of and takes responsibility for nonra- tional forces operating within the personality. This is the basis for our belief that the object of knowing what are the psychological determinants of ideology is that men can become more reasonable. It is not supposed, of course, that this will eliminate differences of opinion. The world is suffi- ciently complex and difficult to know, men have enough real interests that are in conflict with the real interests of other men, there are enough ego- accepted differences in personality to insure that arguments about politics, economics, and religion will never grow dull. Knowledge of the psycholog- ical determinants of ideology cannot tell us what is the truest ideology; it can only remove some of the barriers in the way of its pursuit.
B. METHODOLOGY
1. GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE METHOD
To attack the problems conceptualized above required methods for de- scribing and measuring ideological trends and methods for exposing person- ality, the contemporary situation, and the social background. A particular methodologicar challenge was imposed by the conception of levels in the person; this made it necessary to devise techniqu~s for surveying opinions, attitudes, and values that were on the surface, for revealing ideological
r -l
? ii. THE AUTHORITARiAN PERSONALITY
trends that were more or less inhibited and reached the surface only in indirect manifestations, and for bringing to light personality forces that lay in the subject's unconscious. And since the major concern was with patterns of dynamically related factors-something that requires study of the total individual-it seemed that the proper approach was through intensive clinical studies. The significance and practical importance of such studies could not be gauged, however, until there was knowledge of how far it was possible to generalize from them.