His Life and Work 117
aversion, recognized in Heine the true voice of
romance, contrary to Victor Hehn, who simply
explained the ring of Goethe's lyrics in Heine's
songs, by the talent of imitation akin to the Jew.
aversion, recognized in Heine the true voice of
romance, contrary to Victor Hehn, who simply
explained the ring of Goethe's lyrics in Heine's
songs, by the talent of imitation akin to the Jew.
Treitschke - 1914 - His Doctrine of German Destiny
org/access_use#pd-us
? His Life and Work 105
and was grateful when people made him forget his
sorrows for an hour or so. We therefore continued
to keep in touch with him. Merely to read his
writings was insufficient; one had to hear him to
understand his meaning thoroughly. When in
the autumn of 1874 he turned up for the first time,
he was full of praise for the systematic and quick
way with which University matters were settled in
Berlin. As it was not customary to visit the wives
of colleagues in Berlin, the education of such forti-
fied Society camps, as used to be the case in
Heidelberg, was conspicuous by its absence.
With his former Heidelberg opponents, Zeller and
Wattenbach, he was on best terms there; besides
it was, as he said, very healthy to be reminded daily
in this town of millions that the few people whose
company one cultivated did not constitute the
world. Every one of them might fall from a bridge
across the River Spree, and onwards would rush
the stream of life as if nothing had happened.
When daily hurrying past thousands of people to
one's occupation, one only begins to realize the
true proportion of one's dispensability. Some-
what less politely he had expressed similar views
in an essay on Socialism, in which, willy-nilly,
we had to apply to ourselves the remark that a
strong man always felt steeled and elated when
fleeing from the restraint, tittle-tattle, and the
persistent interference of a small town. He also
wrote to Freytag: "The liberty in the capital
pleases me, and I should not care about returning
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? io6 Treitschke
to Heidelberg's quarrels and gossip. " Anyhow,
he spoke of us as "of his beautiful Heidelberg,"
whereas Leipzig remained for him "the empty-
headed University," meaning thereby, of course,
not the professors, but the disparity between the
great University and the small country. Thus
he had grown a proud Berlin citizen ; but later on
he felt how life in a big city affected his nerves.
He complained of the ' ' everlasting haste which was
called life in Berlin, " and which, above all, under-
mined his wife's health. Even the correspondence
with Freytag stopped, as Berlin made it impossible
to maintain relations as he wished and as they
should have been maintained. This complaint
is intelligible, as lectures, parliamentary sittings,
and the editorship of the Prussian Annuals com-
pletely occupied his time. Now and then the
Berlin papers, and especially the Tageblatt, brought
out "details respecting the lectures of Herr v.
Treitschke," which proved a totally new experi-
ence to him and to us. Treitschke finally saw
himself compelled to declare that this information
by no means originated in student circles. As
the big banking firms closed at 6 p. m. he had the
doubtful pleasure of seeing at his evening lectures
all sorts of young business men, of Christian and
Hebraic confession, who, in their spare time,
apparently, were newspaper reporters. He de-
clared he was responsible to the hearers and to
the authorities for his lectures ; he would continue
to maintain strict silence in regard to the attempts
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? His Life and Work 107
of the press to worm information out of him:
this does not imply that he recognized the correct-
ness of the published information. But details
showing him in a favourable light likewise made
their appearance, and, particularly after his death,
many of his former hearers gave invaluable infor-
mation in regard to Treitschke's lectures. Felix
Kriiger, for instance, informed the Allgemeine
Zeitung how greatly Treitschke laid stress on the
point that men make history in opposition to
Lamprecht's view, who held that the history of a
nation is not the history of great men, but that
circumstances are developed by circumstances.
According to Kruger, the principal thing in the
reformation was, for Treitschke, the peculiarity
of the reformers: Ulrich von Hutten, the people's
favourite Junker, whose Muse was Wrath, or the
Rationalist Republican Zwingli, or the aristocratic-
ally-inclined Calvin with his hard and cheerless
fanaticism; and on the other hand Emperor
Charles, the reserved Spaniard of indomitable
ambition, pitiless, and in his innermost heart ir-
religious; next to him his pedantic brother, Fer-
dinand or Maurice of Saxony, this quick Mussen
cat, yet the only one amongst the German Princes
of that time who had political talent. Naturally
these vividly drawn sketches made an impression
upon youth. When causing thereby an amusing
effect which gave rise to loud and lasting hilarity
in true student's fashion, the dark eye of the
speaker would unwillingly glance over the audience
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? io8 Treitschke
an intimation that he was in deadly earnest even
when dealing out satirical lashes. In his lectures
on politics he also surprised the hearers with
views which none of them had heard from him at
the College. He pointed out that not logical facts
make history, but passions; feelings are more
powerful than reason. He safeguarded the right
of the development of personalities. "Only a
shallow mind can always say the same. " He
sneered at the moralizing contemplation of history,
"the Sunday afternoon preachers on Politics. "
Life is too hard for philanthropic phrases, but
those are not genuine realists who misjudge the
reality of moral forces. All his hearers realized that
these lectures acted like iron baths. We owe to
another hearer the description of the impression
which the first attempt on the life of the Kaiser
made upon Treitschke. It confirms what was
generally known, that Treitschke never posed,
and on the contrary hated everything theatrical.
The information of the deed of miserable Hodel
had come to hand immediately before the com-
mencement of Treitschke's lecture. The audience
was silent as in a church ; depressed, they gazed in
front of them as if a load oppressed their souls.
At last Treitschke entered, but the usual cheering
which greeted his arrival was absent to-day. A
long time he stood there ; motionless he looked at
us as if he meant to say: "I realize you feel the
mortification, the disgrace, the horrible disgrace,
inflicted upon us. " Then he tried to speak; we
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? His Life and Work 109
noticed how agitated and disturbed he was. But
the impressions seemed to burst forth so vehement-
ly that he bit his lips, and deeply sighed as if
trying to suppress his feelings. Then he hastily
grasped his handkerchief, and overwhelmed by
emotion he pressed it to his eyes. I believe there
was not a single one amongst the hearers whose
heart was not thrilled to its innermost depth at
this silent process. Subsequently he found words,
and said he was unable to discuss the wicked deed ;
it choked him to do so, and he would continue the
history of the Wars of Liberation. Once more he
reviewed the previous history, and said that there
is nothing to purify and strengthen the souls of
young, idealistically inclined human beings than
the fire test of deep patriotic sorrow. He spoke of
the Battle of Leipzig, and described the tremen-
dous fight with such vividness, richness of colour,
and fire that everybody, carried away, hung on his
lips. And when in his enthusiastic manner he
described the episode of how the East Prussian
Militia, at the head of all others, stormed the
Grimma Gate at Leipzig and drove the French
from the old German town, all anguish had sud-
denly departed. A feeling of relief and exaltation
again seized all our hearts, and the audience gave
vent to a loud ovation for the man who, in spite of
his last bitter disappointment, did not tire of
keeping alive in us enthusiasm for our people and
our history. The Berlin papers occupied them-
selves so extensively with Treitschke that we,
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? no Treitschke
likewise, in Heidelberg were always informed
regarding his activity. Especially so long as he
frequently spoke in the Reichstag, and regularly
discussed pending questions in the Prussian An-
nuals, our mental intercourse did not slacken.
But by reason of the distance we sometimes viewed
his standpoint wrongly. Judging by his writings
in the Annuals, I thought he would be very pleased
with our African acquisitions, but when verbally
discussing it with him he said: "Cameroons?
What are we to do with this sand-box? Let us
take Holland; then we shall have colonies. "
Fortunately he failed to promulgate this view in
the Press.
Amongst the most unpleasant duties which the
editorship of the Annuals entailed, perhaps the
most disagreeable one was to review those ques-
tions of the day on which to maintain silence
would have been much more agreeable. Above
all, it was the Jewish question which had become
of such pressing nature that, however painful, in
view of the esteem he entertained for his colleagues,
Goldschmidt, Bresslau, and Frenzdorf, and the
recollections of his early friend, Oppenheim, he was
obliged to touch on it. Considering the enormous
agitation organized against him after publication
of his first article in November, 1879, and which
only poured fat into the fire, it must be remem-
bered that he deliberately placed the following
sentence in front: "There can be, among sensible
people, no question of a withdrawal, or even of only
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? His Life and Work in
an infringement, of the completed emancipation
of the Jews; this would be an apparent injustice. "
His final appeal to the Jews not to relinquish their
religion, but their ambition to occupy a particular
national position, and to become unreservedly
Germans, might be called futile and vague; but
it does not imply a mortification. The complaints
which Treitschke brought before the general notice
might have been discussed more calmly if the
Press had not raised such an outcry against him.
Even those who consider that Treitschke 's attitude
in this matter did more harm than good had to
admit extenuating circumstances quite apart from
the fact that, after the many frictions with the
Jewish reporters, a final electric discharge had
become inevitable in view of his temperament.
His publicist activity brought him less in contact
with the good qualities of the Israelites than with
the Jews of the Press, amongst whom those of
Berlin are not exactly the most modest, and who,
with their system of Press activity, were in direct
opposition to his ideals of life. He observed,
what could escape no attentive reader of our
Press, that all literary publications were praised or
torn to pieces according to whether the author was
reputed to be Philo-Semite or Anti-Semite. ' 'And,"
he says, "how closely this crowd of writers keeps
together, how reliably works this Immortality
Assurance Society, based on the approved commer-
cial principle of reciprocity, so that each Jewish
poetical star receives on the spot, and without
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? ii2 Treitschke
rebate of interest for delay, the ephemeral praise
administered by the newspapers. " In the pres-
ence of the objectionable agitation of these years,
George Eliot, in her last novel, Daniel Deronda,
reproached Germany with Jewish persecution, as
it was Jewish brains which for the last thirty
years had procured for Germany her position in the
literary world. Treitschke, however, reproached
the Jewish Press for having tried to introduce "the
charlatanry of the commercial world into literature
and the jargon of the stock exchange into the
sanctuary of our language. ' ' He put the question :
What had the Jewish brain made of the German
language in the sphere of journalism and literature,
in which it reigns supreme? Of the poets, who at
the time contributed to Germany's literary position
and whose names live, George Eliot suitably
recollected Gutzkow, Freiligrath, Freytag, Geibel,
Monke, Bodenstedt, Claus Groot, Fritz Reuter,
Storm, Fontane, Roguette, Scheffel, Baumbach,
Rosegger, Anzengruber, Ganghoffer, Jenssen,
Lingg, Raabe, Putlitz, Strachwitz, Steiler, Wolff,
and many others. There is not one Jewish brain
among them, and most of the names which the
Jewish Press noisily proclaimed upon their appear-
ance are to-day submerged in the flood of journal-
ism and completely forgotten. Another considera-
tion of Treitschke referred to the development of
our school system under the completely changed
denominational conditions of colleges. Nothing
had given him so much food for reflection as the
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? His Life and Work 113
sentence of his first essay: "From the East fron-
tier there pours year by year from the inexhaust-
ible Polish cradle a huge number of ambitious
trouser-selling youths, whose children and child-
ren's children, in time to come, will dominate
Germany's stock exchanges and newspapers; the
immigration grows visibly, and more and more
seriously the question imposes itself how we are
to amalgamate this strange population with ours.
'What a crime,' a Jewess said to me, 'that these
Jews give their children a good education. ' ' The
exaggerations of Treitschke also, in this matter,
are to be regretted ; but the difficulty still remains
that, as the moiety of pupils in the higher classes
of colleges in Berlin were of Jewish persuasion, the
Christian view of the world must disappear.
Furthermore, the fact must not be lost sight of that
the newspaper reader, in view of Jewish hegemony
in the journalistic world, is apprised of the events
of the world only in the form in which they show
to advantage from the Jewish point of view. We
had ample means to convince ourselves of this on
the occasion of colonial policy, financial reform,
and the discussions on the tobacco monopoly.
He also spoke bitingly in regard to the influence
of a commercial world which amasses colossal for-
tunes, not by productive labour, but by the ex-
change of securities and speculative transactions;
and here, at least, the movement initiated by him
has been productive of good results, as it caused
legislation to be enacted. I, personally, was by
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? 1 14 Treitschke
no means pleased at his having become involved in
controversy with such an influential literary power,
and I told him candidly that for me the question
does not exist whether it is an advantage our
having the Jews Mommsen and Stocker might
settle that. The question to be solved, as far as
I was concerned, is: What is our duty since we
have them? He himself, had no wish to adopt the
practical method employed by Russia; what,
therefore, was to be done? He was amused at the
opinion of one of his acquaintances, saying the
Middle Ages had missed their vocation as, accord-
ing to the principles of that period, the question
might have been settled without subsequent
conscience-pricks. According to him, his teacher,
Dahlmann, at the College, likewise had regretted
that the policy of that Egyptian Pharaoh had not
been pursued more effectively. But when seri-
ously asked his opinion what to do, he was just
as helpless as other people. His only prescription
was gentle restraint, and there even he admitted
that in the present state of affairs this had become
impracticable, as even he himself made exceptions
in favour of his friends. But, as he had no
prescription for the solution of this eminently
practical question, not even a tangible proposal,
it was ostensibly an error for a practical politician
to make an enemy for all times of this great power
in Berlin. He lost in life valuable and even Chris-
tian fellow- workers for his own object, and by the
sneering tone of his articles he particularly puzzled
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? His Life and Work 115
the ladies' world. The public declaration of
Mommsen's friends, reproaching him with having
sacrificed tolerance, the great heritage of Lessing,
and inciting youth against the Jews, caused him
deep and lasting pain. The latter reproach was
due to untrue statements having been disseminated
by Christian-Germanic youths.
A Leipzig student called on him to seek his
advice as to whether he and his friends should sign
the Forster anti-Semitic petition. Treitschke de-
clared he disagreed with the contents of this peti-
tion, and also considered it wrong for students to
be mixed up in legislative questions. If they were
determined to make a manifesto they should do so
in a more suitable form and remember to leave
undisturbed the academic peace. " After this
conversation,'* Treitschke himself relates, "I for
weeks heard nothing of the matter, until suddenly,
to my greatest astonishment, through a newspaper
notice, I ascertained the existence of a Leipzig
Students' Petition" (in which a sentence asserted
Treitschke had given his assent to the intended
action of anti-Semitic students). "I at once
wrote to that student, reminded him of the real
meaning of our conversation, and demanded the
immediate expurgation of that passage. He
replied very repentantly, asked my pardon, assured
me that he had been greatly excited during the
conversation, and consequently had quite mis-
understood me; he also promised to have that
passage eliminated, which actually was done.
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? n6 Treitschke
The mendacious reference to Treitschke, however,
caused so much discussion that Treitschke sent
to a member of the Senate a written declaration
for transmission to the Rector, and when Momm-
sen, in a pamphlet, repeated the reproach, calling
Treitschke the moral instigator of the Leipzig
Students' Petition against the Jews, Treitschke
was obliged to give a public declaration to demon-
strate the history of the incident. Thus the
question had produced academic factions of still
greater animosity than the previous ones, as in
this case Jews were in question. In consequence
of this conflict, Treitschke fell out with his nearest
friends, and again he had the impression he was
shunned and tabooed. Nevertheless, he recog-
nized with great respect that Mommsen had
abruptly turned a deaf ear to the attempts of
several younger Jewish colleagues in their en-
deavour to take advantage of his philo-Semitic
disposition for their own benefit . ' ' There the great
scientist came again to the fore. " Mommsen,
however, was not conciliatory. He reproached
Treitschke with animosity against Jews, in con-
sequence of which a true appreciation of Heine in
his literary report was lacking. "Where genius
faces us, we must kneel down and worship," he
said, "and it is Treitschke's doom that he cannot
do that. " It was doubtful to me whether falling
down and worshipping was exactly Mommsen's
force. On the contrary, it seemed to me worthy
of note that Treitschke, in spite of his personal
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?
His Life and Work 117
aversion, recognized in Heine the true voice of
romance, contrary to Victor Hehn, who simply
explained the ring of Goethe's lyrics in Heine's
songs, by the talent of imitation akin to the Jew.
In these questions, likewise, Treitschke's judg-
ment, after the long and bitter struggle, was of
lamentable mildness, which I was the last to
expect after the sharp attacks in the Annuals.
Although convinced he had merely done his duty,
he was deeply hurt that the great number of
friends now had shrunk to a few anti-Semites,
whose adoration he had to share with Rector
Ahlwardt. His was a love-thirsty disposition.
"Du nahst der Welt mit einer Welt voll Liebe
Dein Zauber ist das mutig freie Herz
War's moglich dass sie dir verschlossen bliebe? "
he had written in his youth when deafness broke
in upon him. Similar feelings overcame him now
with the estrangement of so many who gave his
words the cold shoulder. The feeling against him
did not last, but the consequences of this conflict
went further than was visible at first. The articles
on the Jews form a turning-point in Treitschke's
political position, and in his occupation as publicist,
and they were not even without influence upon his
personal comfort.
When these consequences promptly arose, Erd-
mansdoerffer reminded me of a saying of Berthold
Auerbach, who had predicted of another anti-
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? n8 Treitschke
Semite: "Like all Hamans, he will have a bad
end. " As the result of the so-called Mommsen
Declaration, bitter dissension arose, not only
between Treitschke and the Jews, but also between
the Liberals of both camps. All the more en-
thusiastically the Conservative party gathered
round him, and soon enough we saw him in the
ranks of the party which he had contested during
the whole of his life. Formerly his opinion was:
"Christian love is more frequently to be found
amongst the much-abused Incredulous than
amongst the Clergy. . . . More and more it
will become apparent that churches do not suffice
for the spiritual needs of mature people. " Now
his position demanded that he should view his
struggle against Judaism simultaneously with a
struggle for his Church. " Mommsen, " he writes,
"passes over the religious contrast with some in-
different words. I maintain a different standpoint
towards positive Christianity. I believe that
through maturing culture our deeply religious
people will be led back to a purer and more vigor-
ous spiritual life, and therefore cannot silently
pass over the invectives of the Jewish Press against
Christianity, but consider them as attacks on the
fundaments of our morals, as disturbances of the
peace of the country. " The next consequence of
this attitude was that, contrary to his former utter-
ances on undenominational schools, he now de-
clared denominational schools as normal, whereas,
as late as 1872, he had appealed to the new Minis-
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? His Life and Work 119
ter of Public Instruction to send Jewish teachers
to those colleges which Herr von Miihler had
declared as being denominational according to
observance. Soon we were as much amazed at
the literary manifestoes of our friend as the veter-
ans of Napoleon, who, after the Concordat,
wondered how the "Little Corporal" had learned
to preach so beautifully. Trietschke's relations
with the orthodox parsons date from this struggle
and they soon found ways and means to bring it
about that the "great patriot" appeared as
speaker at the meetings arranged by them. It is
well known what struggles Treitschke, in his youth,
had with his father on account of his free-thinking
ideals. Nor did he show at Heidelberg very great
predilection for the clergy; nay, it required
patience to endure his everlasting attacks upon
the theologians. At the christening of his second
daughter, he drank the health of Grandmama in
charming fashion: "People always said a good
deal about mothers-in-law, but he could only say
the best of his. " In consequence of my having
been blessed at the same time with a son he had to
propose another toast, which was well meant, but
which ended with, "Do not let the boy become a
parson. " Embarrassed as I was, I could only
reply that up till now my baby boy had shown no
other talent than for preaching and the touching
of feminine hearts. I must, therefore, reserve his
calling for him. These "parsons" he never used
to call the clergy differently were in his eyes a
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? 120 Treitschke
very subordinate class of men, and being what he
was, this disdain seemed more natural than the
subsequent alliance. He used to display equal
aversion to the Catholic and the Evangelic Church.
To his Catholic wife he said, mockingly, "Thy
parsons, " and to me, "Your parsons, " considering
it at the same time a very lucky thing that Ger-
many had not become completely Lutheran.
"We should have turned out a nice lot if you alone
had brought us up. " After such antecedents it
was a considerable matter for surprise to find
him in Berlin sitting on the same bench with the
parsons of the Municipal Mission. The struggle
against the Jews characterizes the turning-point
in his life, nay it prepared the end of his publicist
activity. The man who, from the very beginning,
turned to advantage Treitschke's Conservative
tendencies in Berlin was the President of the
Evangelic Superior Church Council, his Gottingen
master and Heidelberg colleague, Herrmann. He
induced him to take side in the Prussian Annuals
against the Berlin Liberal clergy, who had spoiled
Herrmann's game by their attacks upon the
apostolicity. As Treitschke continued calling
himself a free-thinker, his suitability for defending
apostolicity and reprimanding the Rationalist
clergy was, to say the least, very doubtful. I
took their part in the Allgemeine Zeitung, but at the
same time wrote to him that I was the author of
the article against him, hoping he would not take
it ill. His reply was: "Please do not write for a
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? His Life and Work 121
paper in which only the scum of German professors
deposit their spawn. " But soon enough he him-
self had to be glad to be able to deposit his declara-
tions there, as they were just as unsuitable for the
Liberal Press as for the Kreuz Zeitung. At our
next meeting he told me that since his struggle
with the Jews he was considered much more
reactionary. Minister von Puttkamer expressed
great surprise when Treitschke, on being placed
next to Stocker, had asked for an introduction ; in
Berlin it was considered a matter of course that all
anti-Semites should be on friendly, nay, brotherly,
terms.
When asked by me what he thought of Stocker,
he replied evasively r "Well, quite a different
school; something like the Kreuz Zeitung. " Later
on he shielded the Court Preacher against the
Berlin Press. The witness affair could have
happened to anybody. When holding on one and
the same day two or three meetings it was im-
possible to recognize everybody with whom he had
spoken, and if one were to search the editorial
tables of Liberal newspapers, many reprehensible
letters would be found. It happened to have been
a carelessly written washing list. To suspect
morally political opponents was contrary to his
chivalrous nature. I had, on that day, a long and
exhaustive conversation with him on the religious
question ; but I could not gain the impression that
his relationship to religious questions had become
a different one from what it used to be. He always
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? 122 Treitschke
had been of a positive nature, and hated that one
should impair the impression of something great
by criticism. That is why he had no sympathies
for Strauss. He praised the Bible for placing
before us a number of the most magnificent wars
and warriors, and in this way teaching youth
manliness. It was clear to him that the principal
item of instruction in elementary schools was to be
religion. He thought that firmly inculcated scrip-
tural passages, which come to the memory of the
young man in the hour of temptation, form a moral
backbone. Elementary education should also
impart to the people a theory of life ; this, however,
could only be Church doctrine. The choice lies
solely between Christianity and Materialism, all
intermediary systems having proved ineffective
from a pedagogical point of view. For these
reasons, as an author, he took the part of the
Positive party, for nothing could be achieved by
Liberalism amongst the people; but no more now
than previously did he affect to be in accordance
with the Church. I do not doubt that the struggle
against the powers of destruction filled him with
growing respect for the forces we are dependent
upon, but his philosophical convictions had re-
mained the same; his judgment of Radicals alone
had accentuated. Almost comical was his indigna-
tion against the Berlin Press. He wondered
whether the future would realize the stupidity of
a legislation which permitted every Jew to drag
into publicity whatever pains and grieves other
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? His Life and Work 123
human beings, and yet remain in the dark, singing :
"Oh wie gu dass niemand weiss dass ich Rumpel-
stilchen heiss! " ("I take good care to let none
know that my name is Ikey Mo"). In addition,
the privilege of deputies to slander with impunity
all absentees! His aversion for the Berliners was
very much in the ascendant. He thought that the
most unbearable form of stupidity, which affects
to understand everything, was the one most fre-
quently encountered in Berlin. There was still a
humorous ring in all he said, and yet I missed
the former cheerfulness with which he smiled at
the turns of his own speeches. He was no more
Liberal, and as time wore on his periodical sank
to the level of a small local publication of the few
Independent Conservatives. In the end he had to
experience that the Prussian Annuals, which
owed him everything, got rid of him in 1889, the
publisher not wishing to see that Liberal periodical
steer into reactionary channels. The two editors
did not agree, and he never used to decipher the
initials H. D. of his fellow-writer otherwise but
"Hans Daps" ("Hans, the Duffer"). But soon
Hans Daps threw him overboard, and although
Treitschke was glad to be freed from duties which
delayed his life-work, he never imagined he would
have to part from his Annuals under such condi-
tions. He experienced, partially, how they now
developed into the Polish Danish Annuals , which
did not increase his pleasure at their latest era.
Treitschke's attitude against the Puttkamer ortho-
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? 124 Treitschke
graphy, had the approval of his Heidelberg friends,
especially that of Herrmann, who, meanwhile, had
returned to us. Treitschke was assured that Putt-
kamer himself realized subsequently his mistaken
procedure. We were less in sympathy with his
declaration against Gossler's proscription of foreign
words, Treitschke himself having formerly com-
plained about the jargon of Vienna stock exchange
and cafes which spoil our language.
Particularly in Treitschke's fourth volume of
German History, published in 1889, his position,
altered since the Jewish question in regard to
ecclesiastical policy, made itself felt. But in
the whole work, full of unbounded enthusiasm, the
parts which adulate the pioneers of pietism, the
mission, and Lutheranism, are those which give us
a forced impression. Most strikingly was it de-
monstrated in the History of Literature, where he
discussed D. Fr. Strauss in such a slighting manner.
At the time he had read Strauss's books as he had
read all important novelties. When giving a
characteristic account of this most influential
critic of the present day, in his German History, he
had nothing in front of him, except my biography
of Strauss, in two volumes, from which, almost
verbally, is culled the final passage of his para-
graph; but, as a rule, he simply used to turn my
conclusions upside down. Whereas I had laid
stress upon the deep tragedy of his life, which
makes the whole of his future dependent upon
the first epoch-making work, and whereas I
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? His Life and Work 125
showed how embitterment, likewise, had impaired
Strauss's creative power, his version was that
Strauss was one of those unhappy geniuses who
developed in retrograde manner, as if Hutten, the
old and new faith, and the poetical memorandum
book, did not represent the goal of this retrogres-
sion works which are more read to-day than the
Life of Jesus. He exaggerated the parable of the
founder, and the Suabian Master of Arts, to such
an extent, as to describe Strauss's Theology as the
outpourings of a bookworm, and repeating Dubois
Reumont's well-known reference to a ward of
women suffering from cancer, who could not be
comforted by Strauss's Theology. He maintained
that it is the duty of the Spiritual Guide to comfort
the weary and the oppressed as if Strauss had
ever denied it, and had had the intention to write
for women suffering from cancer. He would have
done better to leave such arguments to his new
clerical friends.
After such experiences I was very pleased that,
in regard to the Zedlitz School Law Proposal, he
defended no other standpoint than the one ex-
pressed by me in the Kolnische Zeitung, in which,
at the request of the editor, I compared Baden
School legislation with that of Zedlitz. At a loss
to find admission elsewhere, Treitschke was now
obliged to descend into the arena of the Allgemeine
Zeitung, which formerly used to be so unsympa-
thetic to him. To fight side by side with the old
companion afforded me particular pleasure, for he
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? 126 Treitschke
warned the Government to pass a bill, with the
assistance of the Conservatives and Ultramontanes
which was repugnant to the majority of the Protes-
tants, and which abandoned the principle that the
School belongs to the State. He also admitted so
many exceptions to the recently promulgated rule
that schools are to be denominational, that hardly
any difference remained between his views and
those of the Liberals. His coming forward had to
be appreciated all the more since, during the last
three years, he had completely turned his back on
the writing of political articles and, personally, had
great sympathies for Count Zedlitz; whereas it
visibly afforded him pleasure to attack Caprivi.
He declared Zedlitz to be one of the most amiable
and capable men of the Prussian aristocracy, but
it was the curse of the present day to employ
clever people in the wrong place. Zedlitz would
have been the right man for the Agricultural
Portfolio, but for a hundred and one reasons he
was least fitted to be Minister of Public Instruction.
Treitschke's contest with Baumgarten, al-
though forced upon him, was less pleasing to me.
Like all strong, subjective dispositions, Baum-
garten demanded absolute objectiveness from
everybody else, and while he himself bubbled over
with bright paradoxes, exaggerations and risky
assertions on the part of his friends were totally
unbearable to him. Already, in Karlsruhe, he
used to say of many a symptom of Prussomania of
Treitschke, "Every kind of idolatry is bad. "
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? His Life and Work 127
While Treitschke, in Berlin, had gradually identi-
fied himself more and more with the views of
Prussian Conservatives, Baumgarten, in Strass-
burg, had conceived a passionate aversion for
Prussian bureaucracy. Thanks to his friend,
Roggenbach, entrusted with the Chair for Modern
History, at the time of the foundation of the
Strassburg University, he had closely attached
himself to the Protestant Alsatians, particularly to
those of the Theologian Faculty, and had defended
their cause first for Roggenbach, and later, in the
Senate. In opposition to the Prussian violence of
some ambitious men, who strove to take possession
of the funds of the Thomas Home for the benefit of
the University, he pointed out that, thanks to
these foundations, Protestantism, in Alsace, had
been preserved and, as Rector, he brought about
the abandonment of this proposal which would for
ever have alienated the Protestants from Prussia.
He endorsed the complaints of Alsatian parents
regarding Prussian School Administration, having
himself become involved in a heated discussion
with the Director of the School on account of his
son. He stigmatized as political insanity, Man-
teuffel's patronage of Notables, who were the
hated opponents of his Pro-German Alsatian
friends, and referred to the testimony of Count
Tiirckheim and others, who had had the intention
of becoming Prussian, but now met their Alsatian
sworn enemies in the drawing-room of the Govern-
or as family friends. All these experiences had
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? 128 Treitschke
produced in Baumgarten a feeling which, although
he did not wish it to be called Prussophobia,
nevertheless resembled it as one egg resembles
another. Anyhow, the Alsatians were his friends,
and the Prussian officials were the continuous ob-
ject of his criticism, whereby he rose, of course, in
the favour of the Administration. But when every
new volume of Treitschke 's historical work took
a more one-sided Prussian view than the previous
one, and Treitschke excused in Prussia what he
considered a crime in Austria, and, moreover,
regarded with particular contempt the Small
States and their Liberalism, Baumgarten lost
patience, which never had been his strong point.
This was the cause of the polemical pamphlet,
published in 1885 against Treitschke, of which
Sybel rightly said that Baumgarten's system of
tracing every difference of opinion to a wrong
moral condition, could only be explained patho-
logically. It was, perhaps, expressed too strongly
when Treitschke spoke of a mass of abuse and
suspicions in the "libellous pamphlet"; but no-
body will agree with Baumgarten, who discovers
in one of the most beautiful works of our historic
literature nothing but exaggerations and wrong
conclusions, and contends that this history might
truly be read as truth and fiction. Phrases such as
the following: "Notice how his own achievement
corresponds with his arrogance," were neither in
harmony with the old friendship for Treitschke
nor with the importance of the assailant himself,
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? His Life and Work 105
and was grateful when people made him forget his
sorrows for an hour or so. We therefore continued
to keep in touch with him. Merely to read his
writings was insufficient; one had to hear him to
understand his meaning thoroughly. When in
the autumn of 1874 he turned up for the first time,
he was full of praise for the systematic and quick
way with which University matters were settled in
Berlin. As it was not customary to visit the wives
of colleagues in Berlin, the education of such forti-
fied Society camps, as used to be the case in
Heidelberg, was conspicuous by its absence.
With his former Heidelberg opponents, Zeller and
Wattenbach, he was on best terms there; besides
it was, as he said, very healthy to be reminded daily
in this town of millions that the few people whose
company one cultivated did not constitute the
world. Every one of them might fall from a bridge
across the River Spree, and onwards would rush
the stream of life as if nothing had happened.
When daily hurrying past thousands of people to
one's occupation, one only begins to realize the
true proportion of one's dispensability. Some-
what less politely he had expressed similar views
in an essay on Socialism, in which, willy-nilly,
we had to apply to ourselves the remark that a
strong man always felt steeled and elated when
fleeing from the restraint, tittle-tattle, and the
persistent interference of a small town. He also
wrote to Freytag: "The liberty in the capital
pleases me, and I should not care about returning
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? io6 Treitschke
to Heidelberg's quarrels and gossip. " Anyhow,
he spoke of us as "of his beautiful Heidelberg,"
whereas Leipzig remained for him "the empty-
headed University," meaning thereby, of course,
not the professors, but the disparity between the
great University and the small country. Thus
he had grown a proud Berlin citizen ; but later on
he felt how life in a big city affected his nerves.
He complained of the ' ' everlasting haste which was
called life in Berlin, " and which, above all, under-
mined his wife's health. Even the correspondence
with Freytag stopped, as Berlin made it impossible
to maintain relations as he wished and as they
should have been maintained. This complaint
is intelligible, as lectures, parliamentary sittings,
and the editorship of the Prussian Annuals com-
pletely occupied his time. Now and then the
Berlin papers, and especially the Tageblatt, brought
out "details respecting the lectures of Herr v.
Treitschke," which proved a totally new experi-
ence to him and to us. Treitschke finally saw
himself compelled to declare that this information
by no means originated in student circles. As
the big banking firms closed at 6 p. m. he had the
doubtful pleasure of seeing at his evening lectures
all sorts of young business men, of Christian and
Hebraic confession, who, in their spare time,
apparently, were newspaper reporters. He de-
clared he was responsible to the hearers and to
the authorities for his lectures ; he would continue
to maintain strict silence in regard to the attempts
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? His Life and Work 107
of the press to worm information out of him:
this does not imply that he recognized the correct-
ness of the published information. But details
showing him in a favourable light likewise made
their appearance, and, particularly after his death,
many of his former hearers gave invaluable infor-
mation in regard to Treitschke's lectures. Felix
Kriiger, for instance, informed the Allgemeine
Zeitung how greatly Treitschke laid stress on the
point that men make history in opposition to
Lamprecht's view, who held that the history of a
nation is not the history of great men, but that
circumstances are developed by circumstances.
According to Kruger, the principal thing in the
reformation was, for Treitschke, the peculiarity
of the reformers: Ulrich von Hutten, the people's
favourite Junker, whose Muse was Wrath, or the
Rationalist Republican Zwingli, or the aristocratic-
ally-inclined Calvin with his hard and cheerless
fanaticism; and on the other hand Emperor
Charles, the reserved Spaniard of indomitable
ambition, pitiless, and in his innermost heart ir-
religious; next to him his pedantic brother, Fer-
dinand or Maurice of Saxony, this quick Mussen
cat, yet the only one amongst the German Princes
of that time who had political talent. Naturally
these vividly drawn sketches made an impression
upon youth. When causing thereby an amusing
effect which gave rise to loud and lasting hilarity
in true student's fashion, the dark eye of the
speaker would unwillingly glance over the audience
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? io8 Treitschke
an intimation that he was in deadly earnest even
when dealing out satirical lashes. In his lectures
on politics he also surprised the hearers with
views which none of them had heard from him at
the College. He pointed out that not logical facts
make history, but passions; feelings are more
powerful than reason. He safeguarded the right
of the development of personalities. "Only a
shallow mind can always say the same. " He
sneered at the moralizing contemplation of history,
"the Sunday afternoon preachers on Politics. "
Life is too hard for philanthropic phrases, but
those are not genuine realists who misjudge the
reality of moral forces. All his hearers realized that
these lectures acted like iron baths. We owe to
another hearer the description of the impression
which the first attempt on the life of the Kaiser
made upon Treitschke. It confirms what was
generally known, that Treitschke never posed,
and on the contrary hated everything theatrical.
The information of the deed of miserable Hodel
had come to hand immediately before the com-
mencement of Treitschke's lecture. The audience
was silent as in a church ; depressed, they gazed in
front of them as if a load oppressed their souls.
At last Treitschke entered, but the usual cheering
which greeted his arrival was absent to-day. A
long time he stood there ; motionless he looked at
us as if he meant to say: "I realize you feel the
mortification, the disgrace, the horrible disgrace,
inflicted upon us. " Then he tried to speak; we
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? His Life and Work 109
noticed how agitated and disturbed he was. But
the impressions seemed to burst forth so vehement-
ly that he bit his lips, and deeply sighed as if
trying to suppress his feelings. Then he hastily
grasped his handkerchief, and overwhelmed by
emotion he pressed it to his eyes. I believe there
was not a single one amongst the hearers whose
heart was not thrilled to its innermost depth at
this silent process. Subsequently he found words,
and said he was unable to discuss the wicked deed ;
it choked him to do so, and he would continue the
history of the Wars of Liberation. Once more he
reviewed the previous history, and said that there
is nothing to purify and strengthen the souls of
young, idealistically inclined human beings than
the fire test of deep patriotic sorrow. He spoke of
the Battle of Leipzig, and described the tremen-
dous fight with such vividness, richness of colour,
and fire that everybody, carried away, hung on his
lips. And when in his enthusiastic manner he
described the episode of how the East Prussian
Militia, at the head of all others, stormed the
Grimma Gate at Leipzig and drove the French
from the old German town, all anguish had sud-
denly departed. A feeling of relief and exaltation
again seized all our hearts, and the audience gave
vent to a loud ovation for the man who, in spite of
his last bitter disappointment, did not tire of
keeping alive in us enthusiasm for our people and
our history. The Berlin papers occupied them-
selves so extensively with Treitschke that we,
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? no Treitschke
likewise, in Heidelberg were always informed
regarding his activity. Especially so long as he
frequently spoke in the Reichstag, and regularly
discussed pending questions in the Prussian An-
nuals, our mental intercourse did not slacken.
But by reason of the distance we sometimes viewed
his standpoint wrongly. Judging by his writings
in the Annuals, I thought he would be very pleased
with our African acquisitions, but when verbally
discussing it with him he said: "Cameroons?
What are we to do with this sand-box? Let us
take Holland; then we shall have colonies. "
Fortunately he failed to promulgate this view in
the Press.
Amongst the most unpleasant duties which the
editorship of the Annuals entailed, perhaps the
most disagreeable one was to review those ques-
tions of the day on which to maintain silence
would have been much more agreeable. Above
all, it was the Jewish question which had become
of such pressing nature that, however painful, in
view of the esteem he entertained for his colleagues,
Goldschmidt, Bresslau, and Frenzdorf, and the
recollections of his early friend, Oppenheim, he was
obliged to touch on it. Considering the enormous
agitation organized against him after publication
of his first article in November, 1879, and which
only poured fat into the fire, it must be remem-
bered that he deliberately placed the following
sentence in front: "There can be, among sensible
people, no question of a withdrawal, or even of only
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? His Life and Work in
an infringement, of the completed emancipation
of the Jews; this would be an apparent injustice. "
His final appeal to the Jews not to relinquish their
religion, but their ambition to occupy a particular
national position, and to become unreservedly
Germans, might be called futile and vague; but
it does not imply a mortification. The complaints
which Treitschke brought before the general notice
might have been discussed more calmly if the
Press had not raised such an outcry against him.
Even those who consider that Treitschke 's attitude
in this matter did more harm than good had to
admit extenuating circumstances quite apart from
the fact that, after the many frictions with the
Jewish reporters, a final electric discharge had
become inevitable in view of his temperament.
His publicist activity brought him less in contact
with the good qualities of the Israelites than with
the Jews of the Press, amongst whom those of
Berlin are not exactly the most modest, and who,
with their system of Press activity, were in direct
opposition to his ideals of life. He observed,
what could escape no attentive reader of our
Press, that all literary publications were praised or
torn to pieces according to whether the author was
reputed to be Philo-Semite or Anti-Semite. ' 'And,"
he says, "how closely this crowd of writers keeps
together, how reliably works this Immortality
Assurance Society, based on the approved commer-
cial principle of reciprocity, so that each Jewish
poetical star receives on the spot, and without
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? ii2 Treitschke
rebate of interest for delay, the ephemeral praise
administered by the newspapers. " In the pres-
ence of the objectionable agitation of these years,
George Eliot, in her last novel, Daniel Deronda,
reproached Germany with Jewish persecution, as
it was Jewish brains which for the last thirty
years had procured for Germany her position in the
literary world. Treitschke, however, reproached
the Jewish Press for having tried to introduce "the
charlatanry of the commercial world into literature
and the jargon of the stock exchange into the
sanctuary of our language. ' ' He put the question :
What had the Jewish brain made of the German
language in the sphere of journalism and literature,
in which it reigns supreme? Of the poets, who at
the time contributed to Germany's literary position
and whose names live, George Eliot suitably
recollected Gutzkow, Freiligrath, Freytag, Geibel,
Monke, Bodenstedt, Claus Groot, Fritz Reuter,
Storm, Fontane, Roguette, Scheffel, Baumbach,
Rosegger, Anzengruber, Ganghoffer, Jenssen,
Lingg, Raabe, Putlitz, Strachwitz, Steiler, Wolff,
and many others. There is not one Jewish brain
among them, and most of the names which the
Jewish Press noisily proclaimed upon their appear-
ance are to-day submerged in the flood of journal-
ism and completely forgotten. Another considera-
tion of Treitschke referred to the development of
our school system under the completely changed
denominational conditions of colleges. Nothing
had given him so much food for reflection as the
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? His Life and Work 113
sentence of his first essay: "From the East fron-
tier there pours year by year from the inexhaust-
ible Polish cradle a huge number of ambitious
trouser-selling youths, whose children and child-
ren's children, in time to come, will dominate
Germany's stock exchanges and newspapers; the
immigration grows visibly, and more and more
seriously the question imposes itself how we are
to amalgamate this strange population with ours.
'What a crime,' a Jewess said to me, 'that these
Jews give their children a good education. ' ' The
exaggerations of Treitschke also, in this matter,
are to be regretted ; but the difficulty still remains
that, as the moiety of pupils in the higher classes
of colleges in Berlin were of Jewish persuasion, the
Christian view of the world must disappear.
Furthermore, the fact must not be lost sight of that
the newspaper reader, in view of Jewish hegemony
in the journalistic world, is apprised of the events
of the world only in the form in which they show
to advantage from the Jewish point of view. We
had ample means to convince ourselves of this on
the occasion of colonial policy, financial reform,
and the discussions on the tobacco monopoly.
He also spoke bitingly in regard to the influence
of a commercial world which amasses colossal for-
tunes, not by productive labour, but by the ex-
change of securities and speculative transactions;
and here, at least, the movement initiated by him
has been productive of good results, as it caused
legislation to be enacted. I, personally, was by
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? 1 14 Treitschke
no means pleased at his having become involved in
controversy with such an influential literary power,
and I told him candidly that for me the question
does not exist whether it is an advantage our
having the Jews Mommsen and Stocker might
settle that. The question to be solved, as far as
I was concerned, is: What is our duty since we
have them? He himself, had no wish to adopt the
practical method employed by Russia; what,
therefore, was to be done? He was amused at the
opinion of one of his acquaintances, saying the
Middle Ages had missed their vocation as, accord-
ing to the principles of that period, the question
might have been settled without subsequent
conscience-pricks. According to him, his teacher,
Dahlmann, at the College, likewise had regretted
that the policy of that Egyptian Pharaoh had not
been pursued more effectively. But when seri-
ously asked his opinion what to do, he was just
as helpless as other people. His only prescription
was gentle restraint, and there even he admitted
that in the present state of affairs this had become
impracticable, as even he himself made exceptions
in favour of his friends. But, as he had no
prescription for the solution of this eminently
practical question, not even a tangible proposal,
it was ostensibly an error for a practical politician
to make an enemy for all times of this great power
in Berlin. He lost in life valuable and even Chris-
tian fellow- workers for his own object, and by the
sneering tone of his articles he particularly puzzled
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? His Life and Work 115
the ladies' world. The public declaration of
Mommsen's friends, reproaching him with having
sacrificed tolerance, the great heritage of Lessing,
and inciting youth against the Jews, caused him
deep and lasting pain. The latter reproach was
due to untrue statements having been disseminated
by Christian-Germanic youths.
A Leipzig student called on him to seek his
advice as to whether he and his friends should sign
the Forster anti-Semitic petition. Treitschke de-
clared he disagreed with the contents of this peti-
tion, and also considered it wrong for students to
be mixed up in legislative questions. If they were
determined to make a manifesto they should do so
in a more suitable form and remember to leave
undisturbed the academic peace. " After this
conversation,'* Treitschke himself relates, "I for
weeks heard nothing of the matter, until suddenly,
to my greatest astonishment, through a newspaper
notice, I ascertained the existence of a Leipzig
Students' Petition" (in which a sentence asserted
Treitschke had given his assent to the intended
action of anti-Semitic students). "I at once
wrote to that student, reminded him of the real
meaning of our conversation, and demanded the
immediate expurgation of that passage. He
replied very repentantly, asked my pardon, assured
me that he had been greatly excited during the
conversation, and consequently had quite mis-
understood me; he also promised to have that
passage eliminated, which actually was done.
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? n6 Treitschke
The mendacious reference to Treitschke, however,
caused so much discussion that Treitschke sent
to a member of the Senate a written declaration
for transmission to the Rector, and when Momm-
sen, in a pamphlet, repeated the reproach, calling
Treitschke the moral instigator of the Leipzig
Students' Petition against the Jews, Treitschke
was obliged to give a public declaration to demon-
strate the history of the incident. Thus the
question had produced academic factions of still
greater animosity than the previous ones, as in
this case Jews were in question. In consequence
of this conflict, Treitschke fell out with his nearest
friends, and again he had the impression he was
shunned and tabooed. Nevertheless, he recog-
nized with great respect that Mommsen had
abruptly turned a deaf ear to the attempts of
several younger Jewish colleagues in their en-
deavour to take advantage of his philo-Semitic
disposition for their own benefit . ' ' There the great
scientist came again to the fore. " Mommsen,
however, was not conciliatory. He reproached
Treitschke with animosity against Jews, in con-
sequence of which a true appreciation of Heine in
his literary report was lacking. "Where genius
faces us, we must kneel down and worship," he
said, "and it is Treitschke's doom that he cannot
do that. " It was doubtful to me whether falling
down and worshipping was exactly Mommsen's
force. On the contrary, it seemed to me worthy
of note that Treitschke, in spite of his personal
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?
His Life and Work 117
aversion, recognized in Heine the true voice of
romance, contrary to Victor Hehn, who simply
explained the ring of Goethe's lyrics in Heine's
songs, by the talent of imitation akin to the Jew.
In these questions, likewise, Treitschke's judg-
ment, after the long and bitter struggle, was of
lamentable mildness, which I was the last to
expect after the sharp attacks in the Annuals.
Although convinced he had merely done his duty,
he was deeply hurt that the great number of
friends now had shrunk to a few anti-Semites,
whose adoration he had to share with Rector
Ahlwardt. His was a love-thirsty disposition.
"Du nahst der Welt mit einer Welt voll Liebe
Dein Zauber ist das mutig freie Herz
War's moglich dass sie dir verschlossen bliebe? "
he had written in his youth when deafness broke
in upon him. Similar feelings overcame him now
with the estrangement of so many who gave his
words the cold shoulder. The feeling against him
did not last, but the consequences of this conflict
went further than was visible at first. The articles
on the Jews form a turning-point in Treitschke's
political position, and in his occupation as publicist,
and they were not even without influence upon his
personal comfort.
When these consequences promptly arose, Erd-
mansdoerffer reminded me of a saying of Berthold
Auerbach, who had predicted of another anti-
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? n8 Treitschke
Semite: "Like all Hamans, he will have a bad
end. " As the result of the so-called Mommsen
Declaration, bitter dissension arose, not only
between Treitschke and the Jews, but also between
the Liberals of both camps. All the more en-
thusiastically the Conservative party gathered
round him, and soon enough we saw him in the
ranks of the party which he had contested during
the whole of his life. Formerly his opinion was:
"Christian love is more frequently to be found
amongst the much-abused Incredulous than
amongst the Clergy. . . . More and more it
will become apparent that churches do not suffice
for the spiritual needs of mature people. " Now
his position demanded that he should view his
struggle against Judaism simultaneously with a
struggle for his Church. " Mommsen, " he writes,
"passes over the religious contrast with some in-
different words. I maintain a different standpoint
towards positive Christianity. I believe that
through maturing culture our deeply religious
people will be led back to a purer and more vigor-
ous spiritual life, and therefore cannot silently
pass over the invectives of the Jewish Press against
Christianity, but consider them as attacks on the
fundaments of our morals, as disturbances of the
peace of the country. " The next consequence of
this attitude was that, contrary to his former utter-
ances on undenominational schools, he now de-
clared denominational schools as normal, whereas,
as late as 1872, he had appealed to the new Minis-
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? His Life and Work 119
ter of Public Instruction to send Jewish teachers
to those colleges which Herr von Miihler had
declared as being denominational according to
observance. Soon we were as much amazed at
the literary manifestoes of our friend as the veter-
ans of Napoleon, who, after the Concordat,
wondered how the "Little Corporal" had learned
to preach so beautifully. Trietschke's relations
with the orthodox parsons date from this struggle
and they soon found ways and means to bring it
about that the "great patriot" appeared as
speaker at the meetings arranged by them. It is
well known what struggles Treitschke, in his youth,
had with his father on account of his free-thinking
ideals. Nor did he show at Heidelberg very great
predilection for the clergy; nay, it required
patience to endure his everlasting attacks upon
the theologians. At the christening of his second
daughter, he drank the health of Grandmama in
charming fashion: "People always said a good
deal about mothers-in-law, but he could only say
the best of his. " In consequence of my having
been blessed at the same time with a son he had to
propose another toast, which was well meant, but
which ended with, "Do not let the boy become a
parson. " Embarrassed as I was, I could only
reply that up till now my baby boy had shown no
other talent than for preaching and the touching
of feminine hearts. I must, therefore, reserve his
calling for him. These "parsons" he never used
to call the clergy differently were in his eyes a
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? 120 Treitschke
very subordinate class of men, and being what he
was, this disdain seemed more natural than the
subsequent alliance. He used to display equal
aversion to the Catholic and the Evangelic Church.
To his Catholic wife he said, mockingly, "Thy
parsons, " and to me, "Your parsons, " considering
it at the same time a very lucky thing that Ger-
many had not become completely Lutheran.
"We should have turned out a nice lot if you alone
had brought us up. " After such antecedents it
was a considerable matter for surprise to find
him in Berlin sitting on the same bench with the
parsons of the Municipal Mission. The struggle
against the Jews characterizes the turning-point
in his life, nay it prepared the end of his publicist
activity. The man who, from the very beginning,
turned to advantage Treitschke's Conservative
tendencies in Berlin was the President of the
Evangelic Superior Church Council, his Gottingen
master and Heidelberg colleague, Herrmann. He
induced him to take side in the Prussian Annuals
against the Berlin Liberal clergy, who had spoiled
Herrmann's game by their attacks upon the
apostolicity. As Treitschke continued calling
himself a free-thinker, his suitability for defending
apostolicity and reprimanding the Rationalist
clergy was, to say the least, very doubtful. I
took their part in the Allgemeine Zeitung, but at the
same time wrote to him that I was the author of
the article against him, hoping he would not take
it ill. His reply was: "Please do not write for a
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? His Life and Work 121
paper in which only the scum of German professors
deposit their spawn. " But soon enough he him-
self had to be glad to be able to deposit his declara-
tions there, as they were just as unsuitable for the
Liberal Press as for the Kreuz Zeitung. At our
next meeting he told me that since his struggle
with the Jews he was considered much more
reactionary. Minister von Puttkamer expressed
great surprise when Treitschke, on being placed
next to Stocker, had asked for an introduction ; in
Berlin it was considered a matter of course that all
anti-Semites should be on friendly, nay, brotherly,
terms.
When asked by me what he thought of Stocker,
he replied evasively r "Well, quite a different
school; something like the Kreuz Zeitung. " Later
on he shielded the Court Preacher against the
Berlin Press. The witness affair could have
happened to anybody. When holding on one and
the same day two or three meetings it was im-
possible to recognize everybody with whom he had
spoken, and if one were to search the editorial
tables of Liberal newspapers, many reprehensible
letters would be found. It happened to have been
a carelessly written washing list. To suspect
morally political opponents was contrary to his
chivalrous nature. I had, on that day, a long and
exhaustive conversation with him on the religious
question ; but I could not gain the impression that
his relationship to religious questions had become
a different one from what it used to be. He always
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? 122 Treitschke
had been of a positive nature, and hated that one
should impair the impression of something great
by criticism. That is why he had no sympathies
for Strauss. He praised the Bible for placing
before us a number of the most magnificent wars
and warriors, and in this way teaching youth
manliness. It was clear to him that the principal
item of instruction in elementary schools was to be
religion. He thought that firmly inculcated scrip-
tural passages, which come to the memory of the
young man in the hour of temptation, form a moral
backbone. Elementary education should also
impart to the people a theory of life ; this, however,
could only be Church doctrine. The choice lies
solely between Christianity and Materialism, all
intermediary systems having proved ineffective
from a pedagogical point of view. For these
reasons, as an author, he took the part of the
Positive party, for nothing could be achieved by
Liberalism amongst the people; but no more now
than previously did he affect to be in accordance
with the Church. I do not doubt that the struggle
against the powers of destruction filled him with
growing respect for the forces we are dependent
upon, but his philosophical convictions had re-
mained the same; his judgment of Radicals alone
had accentuated. Almost comical was his indigna-
tion against the Berlin Press. He wondered
whether the future would realize the stupidity of
a legislation which permitted every Jew to drag
into publicity whatever pains and grieves other
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? His Life and Work 123
human beings, and yet remain in the dark, singing :
"Oh wie gu dass niemand weiss dass ich Rumpel-
stilchen heiss! " ("I take good care to let none
know that my name is Ikey Mo"). In addition,
the privilege of deputies to slander with impunity
all absentees! His aversion for the Berliners was
very much in the ascendant. He thought that the
most unbearable form of stupidity, which affects
to understand everything, was the one most fre-
quently encountered in Berlin. There was still a
humorous ring in all he said, and yet I missed
the former cheerfulness with which he smiled at
the turns of his own speeches. He was no more
Liberal, and as time wore on his periodical sank
to the level of a small local publication of the few
Independent Conservatives. In the end he had to
experience that the Prussian Annuals, which
owed him everything, got rid of him in 1889, the
publisher not wishing to see that Liberal periodical
steer into reactionary channels. The two editors
did not agree, and he never used to decipher the
initials H. D. of his fellow-writer otherwise but
"Hans Daps" ("Hans, the Duffer"). But soon
Hans Daps threw him overboard, and although
Treitschke was glad to be freed from duties which
delayed his life-work, he never imagined he would
have to part from his Annuals under such condi-
tions. He experienced, partially, how they now
developed into the Polish Danish Annuals , which
did not increase his pleasure at their latest era.
Treitschke's attitude against the Puttkamer ortho-
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? 124 Treitschke
graphy, had the approval of his Heidelberg friends,
especially that of Herrmann, who, meanwhile, had
returned to us. Treitschke was assured that Putt-
kamer himself realized subsequently his mistaken
procedure. We were less in sympathy with his
declaration against Gossler's proscription of foreign
words, Treitschke himself having formerly com-
plained about the jargon of Vienna stock exchange
and cafes which spoil our language.
Particularly in Treitschke's fourth volume of
German History, published in 1889, his position,
altered since the Jewish question in regard to
ecclesiastical policy, made itself felt. But in
the whole work, full of unbounded enthusiasm, the
parts which adulate the pioneers of pietism, the
mission, and Lutheranism, are those which give us
a forced impression. Most strikingly was it de-
monstrated in the History of Literature, where he
discussed D. Fr. Strauss in such a slighting manner.
At the time he had read Strauss's books as he had
read all important novelties. When giving a
characteristic account of this most influential
critic of the present day, in his German History, he
had nothing in front of him, except my biography
of Strauss, in two volumes, from which, almost
verbally, is culled the final passage of his para-
graph; but, as a rule, he simply used to turn my
conclusions upside down. Whereas I had laid
stress upon the deep tragedy of his life, which
makes the whole of his future dependent upon
the first epoch-making work, and whereas I
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? His Life and Work 125
showed how embitterment, likewise, had impaired
Strauss's creative power, his version was that
Strauss was one of those unhappy geniuses who
developed in retrograde manner, as if Hutten, the
old and new faith, and the poetical memorandum
book, did not represent the goal of this retrogres-
sion works which are more read to-day than the
Life of Jesus. He exaggerated the parable of the
founder, and the Suabian Master of Arts, to such
an extent, as to describe Strauss's Theology as the
outpourings of a bookworm, and repeating Dubois
Reumont's well-known reference to a ward of
women suffering from cancer, who could not be
comforted by Strauss's Theology. He maintained
that it is the duty of the Spiritual Guide to comfort
the weary and the oppressed as if Strauss had
ever denied it, and had had the intention to write
for women suffering from cancer. He would have
done better to leave such arguments to his new
clerical friends.
After such experiences I was very pleased that,
in regard to the Zedlitz School Law Proposal, he
defended no other standpoint than the one ex-
pressed by me in the Kolnische Zeitung, in which,
at the request of the editor, I compared Baden
School legislation with that of Zedlitz. At a loss
to find admission elsewhere, Treitschke was now
obliged to descend into the arena of the Allgemeine
Zeitung, which formerly used to be so unsympa-
thetic to him. To fight side by side with the old
companion afforded me particular pleasure, for he
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? 126 Treitschke
warned the Government to pass a bill, with the
assistance of the Conservatives and Ultramontanes
which was repugnant to the majority of the Protes-
tants, and which abandoned the principle that the
School belongs to the State. He also admitted so
many exceptions to the recently promulgated rule
that schools are to be denominational, that hardly
any difference remained between his views and
those of the Liberals. His coming forward had to
be appreciated all the more since, during the last
three years, he had completely turned his back on
the writing of political articles and, personally, had
great sympathies for Count Zedlitz; whereas it
visibly afforded him pleasure to attack Caprivi.
He declared Zedlitz to be one of the most amiable
and capable men of the Prussian aristocracy, but
it was the curse of the present day to employ
clever people in the wrong place. Zedlitz would
have been the right man for the Agricultural
Portfolio, but for a hundred and one reasons he
was least fitted to be Minister of Public Instruction.
Treitschke's contest with Baumgarten, al-
though forced upon him, was less pleasing to me.
Like all strong, subjective dispositions, Baum-
garten demanded absolute objectiveness from
everybody else, and while he himself bubbled over
with bright paradoxes, exaggerations and risky
assertions on the part of his friends were totally
unbearable to him. Already, in Karlsruhe, he
used to say of many a symptom of Prussomania of
Treitschke, "Every kind of idolatry is bad. "
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? His Life and Work 127
While Treitschke, in Berlin, had gradually identi-
fied himself more and more with the views of
Prussian Conservatives, Baumgarten, in Strass-
burg, had conceived a passionate aversion for
Prussian bureaucracy. Thanks to his friend,
Roggenbach, entrusted with the Chair for Modern
History, at the time of the foundation of the
Strassburg University, he had closely attached
himself to the Protestant Alsatians, particularly to
those of the Theologian Faculty, and had defended
their cause first for Roggenbach, and later, in the
Senate. In opposition to the Prussian violence of
some ambitious men, who strove to take possession
of the funds of the Thomas Home for the benefit of
the University, he pointed out that, thanks to
these foundations, Protestantism, in Alsace, had
been preserved and, as Rector, he brought about
the abandonment of this proposal which would for
ever have alienated the Protestants from Prussia.
He endorsed the complaints of Alsatian parents
regarding Prussian School Administration, having
himself become involved in a heated discussion
with the Director of the School on account of his
son. He stigmatized as political insanity, Man-
teuffel's patronage of Notables, who were the
hated opponents of his Pro-German Alsatian
friends, and referred to the testimony of Count
Tiirckheim and others, who had had the intention
of becoming Prussian, but now met their Alsatian
sworn enemies in the drawing-room of the Govern-
or as family friends. All these experiences had
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? 128 Treitschke
produced in Baumgarten a feeling which, although
he did not wish it to be called Prussophobia,
nevertheless resembled it as one egg resembles
another. Anyhow, the Alsatians were his friends,
and the Prussian officials were the continuous ob-
ject of his criticism, whereby he rose, of course, in
the favour of the Administration. But when every
new volume of Treitschke 's historical work took
a more one-sided Prussian view than the previous
one, and Treitschke excused in Prussia what he
considered a crime in Austria, and, moreover,
regarded with particular contempt the Small
States and their Liberalism, Baumgarten lost
patience, which never had been his strong point.
This was the cause of the polemical pamphlet,
published in 1885 against Treitschke, of which
Sybel rightly said that Baumgarten's system of
tracing every difference of opinion to a wrong
moral condition, could only be explained patho-
logically. It was, perhaps, expressed too strongly
when Treitschke spoke of a mass of abuse and
suspicions in the "libellous pamphlet"; but no-
body will agree with Baumgarten, who discovers
in one of the most beautiful works of our historic
literature nothing but exaggerations and wrong
conclusions, and contends that this history might
truly be read as truth and fiction. Phrases such as
the following: "Notice how his own achievement
corresponds with his arrogance," were neither in
harmony with the old friendship for Treitschke
nor with the importance of the assailant himself,
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