No More Learning

"In the midst of these festivities we heard of the
death of the King of Spain; whereat the queens were greatly
afflicted, and we all went into mourning. " Thus, throughout,
her 'Memoirs' glitter like the coat with which the splendid
Buckingham astonished the cheaper chivalry of France: they
drop diamonds.
But for any personal career Mademoiselle found at first no
opportunity, in the earlier years of the Fronde. A gay, fearless,
flattered girl, she simply shared the fortunes of the court; laughed
at the festivals in the palace, laughed at the ominous insurrec-
tions in the streets; laughed when the people cheered her, their
pet princess; and when the royal party fled from Paris, she
adroitly secured for herself the best straw bed at St. Germain,
and laughed louder than ever. She despised the courtiers who
flattered her; secretly admired her young cousin Condé, whom
she affected to despise; danced when the court danced, and ran
away when it mourned. She made all manner of fun of her
English lover, the future Charles II. , whom she alone of all the
world found bashful; and in general she wasted the golden hours
with much excellent fooling. Nor would she perhaps ever have
found herself a heroine, but that her respectable father was a
poltroon.
Lord Mahon ventures to assert that Gaston, Duke of Orléans,
was "the most cowardly prince of whom history makes mention. "
A strong expression, but perhaps safe. Holding the most power-
ful position in the nation, he never came upon the scene but to
commit some new act of ingenious pusillanimity; while, by some
extraordinary chance, every woman of his immediate kindred was
a natural heroine, and became more heroic through disgust at
him. His wife was Marguerite of Lorraine, who originated the
first Fronde insurrection; his daughter turned the scale of the
second. Yet personally he not only had not the courage to act,
but had not the courage to abstain from acting: he could no
more keep out of parties than in them, but was always busy,
waging war in spite of Mars and negotiating in spite of Minerva.
And when the second war of the Fronde broke out, it was
in spite of himself that he gave his name and his daughter to
the popular cause. When the fate of the two nations hung trem-
bling in the balance, the royal army under Turenne advancing
on Paris, and almost arrived at the city of Orléans, and that city


## p. 7367 (#161) ###########################################

THOMAS WENTWORTH HIGGINSON
7367
-
likely to take the side of the strongest, then Mademoiselle's
hour had come. All her sympathies were more and more inclin-
ing to the side of Condé and the people. Orléans was her own
hereditary city. Her father, as was his custom in great emer-
gencies, declared that he was very ill and must go to bed imme-
diately: but it was as easy for her to be strong as it was for him
to be weak; so she wrung from him a reluctant plenipotentiary
power, she might go herself and try what her influence could
do. And so she rode forth from Paris one fine morning, March
27th, 1652,- rode with a few attendants, half in enthusiasm, half
in levity, aiming to become a second Joan of Arc, secure the
city, and save the nation. "I felt perfectly delighted," says the
young girl, "at having to play so extraordinary a part. "
The people of Paris had heard of her mission, and cheered
her as she went. The officers of the army, with an escort of five
hundred men, met her half-way from Paris. Most of them evi-
dently knew her calibre, were delighted to see her, and installed
her at once over a regular council of war. She entered into the
position with her natural promptness. A certain grave M. de
Rohan undertook to tutor her privately, and met his match. In
the public deliberation there were some differences of opinion.
All agreed that the army should not pass beyond the Loire: this
was Gaston's suggestion, and nevertheless a good one. Beyond
this all was left to Mademoiselle. Mademoiselle intended to go
straight to Orléans. "But the royal army had reached there
already. " Mademoiselle did not believe it. "The citizens would
not admit her. " Mademoiselle would see about that. Presently
the city government of Orléans sent her a letter, in great dismay,
particularly requesting her to keep her distance. Mademoiselle
immediately ordered her coach, and set out for the city. "I was
naturally resolute," she naïvely remarks.
Her siege of Orléans was one of the most remarkable military
operations on record. She was right in one thing,— the royal
army had not arrived: but it might appear at any moment; so
the magistrates quietly shut all their gates, and waited to see
what would happen.
――――――
Mademoiselle happened. It was eleven in the morning when
she reached the Porte Bannière, and she sat three hours in her
state carriage without seeing a person. With amusing politeness,
the governor of the city at last sent her some confectionery,-
agreeing with John Keats, who held that young women were


## p. 7368 (#162) ###########################################

7368
THOMAS WENTWORTH HIGGINSON
beings fitter to be presented with sugar-plums than with one's
time. But he took care to explain that the bonbons were not
official, and did not recognize her authority. So she quietly ate
them, and then decided to take a walk outside the walls. Her
council of war opposed this step, as they did every other; but
she coolly said (and the event justified her prediction) that the
enthusiasm of the populace would carry the city for her, if she
could only get at them.
«<
So she set out on her walk. Her two beautiful ladies of
honor, the Countesses de Fiesque and de Frontenac, went with
her; a few attendants behind. She came to a gate. The people
were all gathered inside the ramparts. Let me in," demanded
the imperious young lady. The astonished citizens looked at one
another and said nothing. She walked on, the crowd inside
keeping pace with her. She reached another gate. The enthu-
siasm was increased. The captain of the guard formed his troops
in line and saluted her. "Open the gate," she again insisted.
The poor captain made signs that he had not the keys. "Break
it down, then," coolly suggested the daughter of the House of
Orléans; to which his only reply was a profusion of profound
bows, and the lady walked on.
Those were the days of astrology; and at this moment it
occurred to our Mademoiselle that the chief astrologer of Paris
had predicted success to all her undertakings from the noon of
this very day until the noon following. She had never had
the slightest faith in the mystic science, but she turned to her
attendant ladies, and remarked that the matter was settled: she
should get in. On went the three until they reached the bank
of the river, and saw opposite the gates which opened on the
quay. The Orléans boatmen came flocking round her; a hardy
race, who feared neither queen nor Mazarin. They would break
down any gate she chose. She selected one, got into a boat, and
sending back her terrified male attendants, that they might have
no responsibility in the case, she was rowed to the other side.
Her new allies were already at work, and she climbed from the
boat upon the quay by a high ladder, of which several rounds
were broken away. They worked more and more enthusiasti-
cally, though the gate was built to stand a siege, and stoutly
resisted this one. Courage is magnetic; every moment increased
the popular enthusiasm, as these high-born ladies stood alone.
among the boatmen; the crowd inside joined in the attack upon
-


## p. 7369 (#163) ###########################################

THOMAS WENTWORTH HIGGINSON
7369
the gate; the guard looked on; the city government remained
irresolute at the Hôtel de Ville, fairly beleaguered and stormed
by one princess and two maids of honor.
A crash, and the mighty timbers of the Porte Brûlée yield in
the centre. Aided by the strong and exceedingly soiled hands of
her new friends, our elegant Mademoiselle is lifted, pulled, pushed,
and tugged between the vast iron bars which fortify the gate;
and in this fashion, torn, splashed, and disheveled generally, she
makes entrance into her city. The guard, promptly adhering to
the winning side, present arms to the heroine. The people fill
the air with their applauses; they place her in a large wooden
chair, and bear her in triumph through the streets. "Everybody
came to kiss my hands, while I was dying with laughter to find
myself in so odd a situation. "
Presently our volatile lady told them that she had learned
how to walk, and begged to be put down; then she waited for
her countesses, who arrived bespattered with mud. The drums
beat before her as she set forth again; and the city government,
yielding to the feminine conqueror, came to do her homage.
She carelessly assured them of her clemency. She "had no doubt.
that they would soon have opened the gates, but she was nat-
urally of a very impatient disposition, and could not wait. "
Moreover, she kindly suggested, neither party could now find
fault with them; and as for the future, she would save them
all trouble, and govern the city herself,-which she accordingly
did.
By confession of all historians, she alone saved the city for
the Fronde, and for the moment secured that party the ascend-
ency in the nation. Next day the advance guard of the royal
forces appeared-a day too late. Mademoiselle made a speech.
(the first in her life) to the city government; then went forth to
her own small army, by this time drawn near, and held another
council. The next day she received a letter from her father
(whose health was now decidedly restored), declaring that she
had "saved Orléans and secured Paris, and shown yet more judg
ment than courage. " The next day Condé came up with his
forces, compared his fair cousin to Gustavus Adolphus, and wrote
to her that "her exploit was such as she only could have per-
formed, and was of the greatest importance. "
Mademoiselle stayed a little longer at Orléans, while the armies
lay watching each other, or fighting the battle of Bléneau, of


## p. 7370 (#164) ###########################################

7370
THOMAS WENTWORTH HIGGINSON
which Condé wrote her an official bulletin, as being generalis-
simo. She amused herself easily, went to mass, played at bowls,
received the magistrates, stopped couriers to laugh over their
letters, reviewed the troops, signed passports, held councils, and
did many things "for which she should have thought herself
quite unfitted, if she had not found she did them very well. "
The enthusiasm she had inspired kept itself unabated, for she
really deserved it. She was everywhere recognized as head of
affairs; the officers of the army drank her health on their knees
when she dined with them, while the trumpets sounded and the
cannons roared; Condé, when absent, left instructions to his offi-
cers, "Obey the commands of Mademoiselle as my own;" and
her father addressed a dispatch from Paris to her ladies of honor,
as field-marshals in her army: "À Mesdames les Comtesses
Maréchales de Camp dans l'Armée de ma Fille contre le Mazarin. ”
"SINCE CLEOPATRA DIED»
From The Afternoon Landscape. Copyright 1889, by T. W. Higginson.
Reprinted by permission of the author, and of Longmans, Green &
Co. , publishers, New York.
"Since Cleopatra died,
I have lived in such dishonor that the gods
Detest my baseness. "
"SIN
INCE Cleopatra died! " Long years are past,
In Antony's fancy, since the deed was done.
Love counts its epochs not from sun to sun,
But by the heart-throb. Mercilessly fast
Time has swept onward since she looked her last
On life, a queen.
For him the sands have run
Whole ages through their glass, and kings have won
And lost their empires o'er earth's surface vast
Since Cleopatra died. Ah! Love and Pain
Make their own measure of all things that be.
No clock's slow ticking marks their deathless strain;
The life they own is not the life we see;
Love's single moment is eternity:
Eternity, a thought in Shakespeare's brain.


## p. 7371 (#165) ###########################################

7371
RICHARD HILDRETH
(1807-1865)
NE who begins to study Hildreth's History of the United
States is alternately divided by feelings of impatience and
admiration. The latter will predominate in the end, pro-
vided the student is not too impetuous. The reason care must be
taken in assimilating Hildreth is that at times he becomes so intoler-
ably dry that his reader is liable to desert him forever, before once
discovering the excellences which have given him an assured place
among American historians. Though Bancroft's History is more stimu-
lating and more interesting to the general
reader, Hildreth's has the advantage of cov-
ering a much longer period, all of which he
treats exhaustively and with perfect accu-
racy in the presentation of facts. Moreover,
he shows such voluminous and discriminat-
ing research, and in general so unbiased a
judgment, that his achievement grows more
valuable in its results as the years go by.
The period which Hildreth covers SO
completely begins with the discovery of
America, and ends with the close of Presi-
dent Monroe's first administration. The first
three volumes bring us to the adoption of
the Constitution. In his preface to these,
he states that his object is "to set forth the personages of our
Colonial and Revolutionary history such as they really were in their
own day and generation, their faults as well as their virtues. " He
carries out this purpose, narrating events truthfully and candidly, and
without trying to bend them to any theory. He treats of old colo-
nial days in a sombre sort of way, quite disheartening to the lover of
picturesque anecdote and legend, and he appears to have imbibed
to the full the prim and severe Puritan spirit of which he wrote.
Life was a serious thing with the colonists of Massachusetts Bay, and
Hildreth was guilty of no attempt to brighten their annals or to turn
any part of their records into a history of merry-making. And thus,
in those first three volumes, one looks utterly in vain for the pictur-
esque or the amusing.

RICHARD HILDRETH


## p. 7372 (#166) ###########################################

RICHARD HILDRETH
7372
The last three volumes (written several years later), which deal
almost entirely with the growth of the Constitution and the political
forces at work, are more vivid and at the same time much more valu-
able to the student. The facts are absolutely accurate (unless where
new records have come to light since), and have been gathered with
much care from the original public documents and State papers. He
is on the whole wonderfully free from prejudice; his tone is one of
calm and clear conviction, and produces the same attitude in the
reader. His characterization of individuals is the best example: few
things of the kind have been better done. His criticism of men and
motives is sometimes most scathing, yet his manner is so quiet and
restrained that a full assent is instinctively given to his opinions,
without the critical hesitation which a more vehement style would
call forth. Nothing, for instance, could be further from the verdict
which posterity has passed on John Quincy Adams, than Hildreth's
portrayal of him as a crafty and self-seeking political soldier of for-
tune; but Hildreth's judicial manner and tone of severe impartiality
still produce much effect.
Hildreth was a writer of some repute before his History appeared.
Born at Deerfield, Massachusetts, in 1807, and educated at Harvard, he
did a good deal of newspaper and editorial work in his younger
days, and wrote papers on a variety of subjects. His work on
'Banks, Banking, and Paper Currency,' published in 1837, is said to
have had considerable influence in fostering the growth of the free-
banking system; and his other papers also attracted a gratifying atten-
tion. He was also the author of a tale called 'The Slave; or, Memoir
of Archy Moore,' later re-named 'The White Slave; or, Memoirs of a
Fugitive, which has the distinction of being the first American anti-
slavery novel published. His literary career, however, may be said to
have closed with the appearance of his History. Appointed consul at
Trieste, Italy, in 1861, he at once entered zealously upon his duties.
His health failed, however, and he removed to Florence, where in 1865
he died.
Richard Hildreth's name will be remembered chiefly from his
'History of the United States,' and the solid and judicial qualities
of that work will make it endure for many years to come. He will
never be popular with the general reader, however. His narrative is
too prosy, not vivid enough for a moment to enwrap the attention
of the casual reader; and his occasional attempts at picturesqueness
or descriptions of pageantry are very painful. The historian never
arouses us with his enthusiasm, nor makes people and events live
anew for us by the power of his inspiration. Nor is his writing in the
least philosophical. Other historians make us see clearly the great
sweeps and curves of the nation in its onward march, and they point


## p. 7373 (#167) ###########################################

RICHARD HILDRETH
7373
out how its various trendings have led hither and thither. But Hil-
dreth leaves us to trace out for ourselves the great highway, while
he stops to explore some undiscovered and overgrown by-path, bestow-
ing upon it the same painstaking research that he gives to conspicu-
ous and important events.
Yet in spite of all these negatives, Hildreth will always-and
rightly command attention and admiration. His work is full of
purpose, and has in it the energy of a forceful and zealous student.
It is direct, untrammeled, and courageous. If it grows dull for the
casual reader, it is a delight to the close student. The primitive
historical instinct in its most finished state filled him; for in spite of
its surface faults, his narration, in straightforwardness, accuracy, and
firmness, is an admirable work of high and solid merit.
-
CUSTOMS OF THE COLONISTS
From the History of the United States >
Α
CCORDING to the system established in Massachusetts, the
Church and State were most intimately blended. The magis-
trates and General Court, aided by the advice of the elders,
claimed and exercised a supreme control in spiritual as well as
temporal matters; while even in matters purely temporal, the
elders were consulted on all important questions. The support of
the elders, the first thing considered in the first Court of Assist-
ants held in Massachusetts, had been secured by a vote to build
houses for them, and to provide them a maintenance at the pub-
lic expense.
This burden, indeed, was spontaneously assumed by
such of the plantations as had ministers. In some towns a tax
was levied; in others a contribution was taken up every Sunday,
called voluntary, but hardly so in fact, since every person was
expected to contribute according to his means. This method of
contribution, in use at Plymouth, was adopted also at Boston;
but in most of the other towns the taxing system obtained pref-
erence, and subsequently was established by law. Besides the
Sunday services, protracted to a great length, there were fre-
quent lectures on week-days,- an excess of devotion unreasonable
in an infant colony, and threatening the interruption of necessary
labor; so much so, that the magistrates presently found them-
selves obliged to interfere by restricting them to one a week in
each town. These lectures, which people went from town to town
to attend; an annual fast in the spring, corresponding to Lent;


## p. 7374 (#168) ###########################################

7374
RICHARD HILDRETH
and a Thanksgiving at the end of autumn, to supersede Christ-
mas, stood in place of all the holidays of the papal and English.
churches, which the colonists soon came to regard as no better
than idolatrous, and any disposition to observe them-even the
eating of mince pies on Christmas Day- as superstitious and
wicked. In contempt of the usage of those churches, marriage
was declared no sacrament, but a mere civil contract, to be sanc-
tioned not by a minister but a magistrate. The magistrates also
early assumed the power of granting divorces, not for adultery
only, but in such other cases as they saw fit. Baptism, instead
of being dispensed to all, as in the churches of Rome and Eng-
land, was limited, as a special privilege, to church members and
their "infant seed. " Participation in the sacrament of the Sup-
per was guarded with still greater jealousy, none but full church
members being allowed to partake of it.
-
Besides these religious distinctions, there were others of a
temporal character, transferred from that system of semi-feudal
English society in which the colonists had been born and bred.
A discrimination between "gentlemen" and those of inferior con-
dition was carefully kept up. Only gentlemen were entitled to
the prefix of "Mr. "; their number was quite small, and depri-
vation of the right to be so addressed was inflicted as a punish-
ment. "Goodman" or "good woman," by contraction "goody,"
was the address of inferior persons. Besides the indented serv-
ants sent out by the company, the wealthier colonists brought
others with them. But these servants seem in general to have
had little sympathy with the austere manners and opinions of
their masters, and their frequent transgressions of Puritan deco-
rum gave the magistrates no little trouble.
The system of manners which the founders of Massachusetts
labored to establish and maintain was indeed exceedingly rigorous
and austere. All amusements were proscribed; all gayety seemed
to be regarded as a sin. It was attempted to make the colony,
as it were, a convent of Puritan devotees,-except in the allow-
ance of marriage and money-making,-subjected to all the rules.
of the stricter monastic orders.
Morton of Merry Mount, who had returned again to New
England, was seized and sent back, his goods confiscated, and
his house burned, as the magistrate alleged, to satisfy the
Indians; but this according to Morton was a mere pretext. A
similar fate happened to Sir Christopher Gardiner, a Knight, or


## p. 7375 (#169) ###########################################

RICHARD HILDRETH
7375
<<
pretended Knight, of the Holy Sepulchre,- an ambiguous char-
acter, attended by a young damsel and two or three servants.
Suspected as the agent of some persons who claimed a prior
right to some parts of Massachusetts Bay, he was charged with
having two wives in England, and with being a secret Papist.
He fled to the woods, but was delivered up by the Indians and
sent home, as were several others whom the magistrates pro-
nounced "unfit to inhabit there. " Walford the smith, the old
settler at Charlestown, banished for contempt of authority,"
retired to Piscataqua, which soon became a common asylum of
refugees from Massachusetts. The sociable and jolly disposition
of Maverick-described by Josselyn, an early traveler, as "the
only hospitable man in the colony"- gave the magistrates an
abundance of trouble, and subjected Maverick himself to frequent
fines and admonitions. Others who slandered the government
or churches, or wrote home discouraging letters, were whipped,
cropped of their ears, and banished.
THE CAPTURE OF ANDRÉ
From the History of the United States >
D
URING Washington's absence at Hartford [for his interview
with Rochambeau in September 1780], a plot came to light
for betraying the important fortress of West Point and the
other posts of the Highlands into the hands of the enemy; the
traitor being no other than Arnold, the most brilliant officer and
one of the most honored in the American army. The qualities
of a brilliant soldier are unfortunately often quite distinct from
those of a virtuous man and a good citizen. Arnold's arrogant,
overbearing, reckless spirit, his disregard of the rights of others,
and his doubtful integrity, had made him many enemies; but his
desperate valor at Behmus's Heights, covering up all his blem-
ishes, had restored him to the rank in the army which he coveted.
Placed in command at Philadelphia, his disposition to favor the
disaffected of that city had involved him, as has been mentioned
already, in disputes with Governor Reed and the Pennsylvania
Council.
Arnold's vanity and love of display overwhelmed him with
debts. He had taken the best house in the city, that formerly
occupied by Governor Penn. He lived in a style of extravagance


## p. 7376 (#170) ###########################################

7376
RICHARD HILDRETH
far beyond his means, and he endeavored to sustain it by enter-
ing into privateering and mercantile speculations, most of which
proved unsuccessful. He was even accused of perverting his
military authority to purposes of private gain. The complaints on
this point made to Congress by the authorities of Pennsylvania
had been at first unheeded; but being presently brought forward
in a solemn manner, and with some appearance of offended
dignity on the part of the Pennsylvania Council, an interview
took place between a committee of that body and a committee of
Congress, which had resulted in Arnold's trial by a court-martial.
Though acquitted of the more serious charges, on two points he
had been found guilty, and had been sentenced to be reprimanded
by the commander-in-chief.
Arnold claimed against the United States a large balance,
growing out of the unsettled accounts of his Canada expedition.
This claim was greatly cut down by the treasury officers, and
when Arnold appealed to Congress, a committee reported that
more had been allowed him than was actually due.
Mortified and soured, and complaining of public ingratitude,
Arnold attempted, but without success, to get a loan from the
French minister. Some months before, he had opened a corre-
spondence with Sir Henry Clinton under a feigned name, carried
on through Major André, adjutant-general of the British army.
Having at length made himself known to his correspondents, to
give importance to his treachery he solicited and obtained from
Washington, who had every confidence in him, the command in
the Highlands, with the very view of betraying that important
position into the hands of the enemy.
To arrange the terms of the bargain, an interview was neces-
sary with some confidential British agent; and André, though not
without reluctance, finally volunteered for that purpose. Sev-
eral previous attempts having failed, the British sloop-of-war
Vulture, with André on board, ascended the Hudson as far as
the mouth of Croton River, some miles below King's Ferry.
In-
formation being sent to Arnold under a flag, the evening after
Washington left West Point for Hartford he dispatched a boat to
the Vulture, which took André on shore for an interview on the
west side of the river, just below the American lines. Morning
appeared before the arrangements for the betrayal of the fortress
could be definitely completed, and André was reluctantly per-
suaded to come within the American lines, and to remain till


## p. 7377 (#171) ###########################################

RICHARD HILDRETH
7377
the next night at the house of one Smith, a dupe or tool of
Arnold's, the same who had been employed to bring André
from the ship. For some reason not very clearly explained,
Smith declined to convey André back to the Vulture, which had
attracted the attention of the American gunners, and in conse-
quence of a piece of artillery brought to bear upon her had
changed her position, though she had afterward returned to her
former anchorage.
Driven thus to the necessity of returning by land, André laid
aside his uniform, assumed a citizen's dress, and with a pass from
Arnold in the name of John Anderson, a name which André had
often used in their previous correspondence, he set off toward sun-
set on horseback, with Smith for a guide. They crossed King's
Ferry, passed all the American guards in safety, and spent the
night near Crom Pond with an acquaintance of Smith's. The
next morning, having passed Pine's Bridge across Croton River,
Smith left André to pursue his way alone. The road led through
a district extending some thirty miles above the island of New
York, not included in the lines of either army, and thence known
as the "Neutral Ground"; a populous and fertile region, but very
much infested by bands of plunderers called "Cow-Boys" and
"Skinners. " The "Cow-Boys" lived within the British lines, and
stole or bought cattle for the supply of the British army. The
rendezvous of the "Skinners" was within the American lines.
They professed to be great patriots, making it their ostensible
business to plunder those who refused to take the oath of alle-
giance to the State of New York. But they were ready in fact to
rob anybody, and the cattle thus obtained were often sold to the
Cow-Boys in exchange for dry-goods brought from New York.
By a State law, all cattle driven toward the city were lawful
plunder when beyond a certain line; and a general authority was
given to anybody to arrest suspicious travelers.
The road to Tarrytown, on which André was traveling, was
watched that morning by a small party on the lookout for cattle
or travelers; and just as André approached the village, while
passing a small brook a man sprang from among the bushes and
seized the bridle of his horse. He was immediately joined by
two others; and André, in the confusion of the moment, deceived
by the answers of his captors, who professed to belong to the
"Lower" or British party, instead of producing his pass avowed
himself a British officer, on business of the highest importance.
XIII-462


## p. 7378 (#172) ###########################################

7378
RICHARD HILDRETH
Discovering his mistake, he offered his watch, his purse, anything
they might name, if they would suffer him to proceed. His
offers were rejected; he was searched, suspicious papers were
found in his stockings, and he was carried before Colonel Jame-
son, the commanding officer on the lines.
Jameson recognized in the papers, which contained a full
description of West Point and a return of the forces, the hand-
writing of Arnold; but unable to realize that his commanding
officer was a traitor, while he forwarded the papers by express
to Washington at Hartford, he directed the prisoner to be sent
to Arnold, with a letter mentioning his assumed name, his pass,
the circumstances of his arrest, and that papers of "a very sus-
picious character" had been found on his person. Major Tal-
madge, the second in command, had been absent while this was
doing. Informed of it on his return, with much difficulty he
procured the recall of the prisoner; but Jameson persisted in
sending forward the letter to Arnold. Washington, then on his
return from Hartford, missed the express with the documents;
his aides-de-camp, who preceded him, were breakfasting at Ar-
nold's house when Jameson's letter arrived. Pretending an
immediate call to visit one of the forts on the opposite side of
the river, Arnold rose from table, called his wife up-stairs, left
her in a fainting-fit, mounted a horse which stood saddled at the
door, rode to the river-side, threw himself into his barge, passed
the forts waving a handkerchief by way of flag, and ordered his
boatman to row for the Vulture. Safe on board, he wrote a
letter to Washington, asking protection for his wife, whom he
declared ignorant and innocent of what he had done.
Informed of Arnold's safety, and perceiving that no hope of
escape existed, André in a letter to Washington avowed his name
and true character. A board of officers was constituted to con-
sider his case, of which Greene was president and Lafayette and
Steuben were members. Though cautioned to say nothing to
criminate himself, André frankly told the whole story, declaring
however that he had been induced to enter the American lines
contrary to his intention, and by the misrepresentations of Arnold.
Upon his own statements, without examining a single witness,
the board pronounced him a spy, and as such doomed him to
speedy death.
Clinton, who loved André, made every effort to save him. As
a last resource, Arnold wrote to Washington, stating his view of


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RICHARD HILDRETH
7379
the matter, threatening retaliation, and referring particularly to
the case of Gadsden and the other South Carolina prisoners at
St. Augustine. The manly and open behavior of André, and his
highly amiable private character, created no little sympathy in
his behalf; but martial policy was thought to demand his execu-
tion.
He was even denied his last request to be shot instead
of hanged. Though in strict accordance with the laws of war,
André's execution was denounced in England as inexorable and
cruel. It certainly tended to aggravate feelings already suffi-
ciently bitter on both sides.
JAMES MADISON
From the History of the United States>
S°
O FAR as Madison was concerned, had the majority for Cal-
houn's [internal improvements] bill been more decided and
more Southern, his scruples might perhaps have been less.
The political character of the retiring President sprang natur-
ally enough from his intellectual temperament and his personal
and party relations. Phlegmatic in his constitution, moderate in
all his feelings and passions, he possessed remarkable acuteness,
and an ingenuity sufficient to invest with the most persuasive
plausibility whichsoever side of a question he espoused. But he
wanted the decision, the energy, the commanding firmness neces-
sary in a leader. More a rhetorician than a ruler, he was made
only for second places, and therefore never was but second, even
when he seemed to be first. A Federalist from natural large-
ness of views, he became a Jeffersonian Republican because that
became the predominating policy of Virginia. A peace man in
his heart and judgment, he became a war man to secure his
re-election to the Presidency, and because that seemed to be the
prevailing bias of the Republican party. Having been, in the
course of a long career, on both sides of almost every political
question, he made friends among all parties, anxious to avail
themselves, whenever they could, of his able support, escaping
thereby much of that searching criticism so freely applied, with
the unmitigated severity of party hatred, to his more decided and
consistent compatriots and rivals.
Those ultra-Federal Democrats who rose, by his compliance,
upon the ruins of the old Republican party, subscription to and


## p. 7380 (#174) ###########################################

7380
RICHARD HILDRETH
applause of whose headlong haste in plunging the country into
the war with England became for so many years the absolute
test of political orthodoxy, found it their policy to drop a pious
veil over the convenient weaknesses of a man who, in consent-
ing against his own better judgment to become in their hands
a firebrand of war, was guilty of the greatest political wrong and
crime which it is possible for the head of a nation to commit.
Could they even fail to load with applauses one whose Federal-
ism served as an excuse for theirs?
Let us however do Madison the justice to add, that as he
was among the first, so he was, all things considered, by far the
ablest and most amiable of that large class of our national
statesmen, become of late almost the only class, who, instead of
devotion to the carrying out of any favorite ideas or measures
of their own, put up their talents, like mercenary lawyers as too
many of them are, to be sold to the highest bidder; espousing
on every question that side which for the moment seems to offer
the surest road to applause and promotion.


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THOMAS HOBBES.


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!
2
2
+


## p. 7381 (#179) ###########################################

7381
THOMAS HOBBES
(1. 588-1679)
HOMAS HOBBES, whose name in the history of English philoso-
phy is a large one, was the son of a Wiltshire vicar, and
was born April 5th, 1588. His mother, who was of yeoman
stock, gave birth to him prematurely, upon hearing the news of the
Spanish Armada. The father is represented as a man of violent
temper and small education. Hobbes began his schooling at the age
of four, and when six was engaged with Greek and Latin, translating
Euripides into Latin iambics before he was fourteen, and showing
himself to be a youth of unusual thoughtfulness. The schools at
Malmesbury and Westport gave him his preliminary training, and in
1602 or 1603 he entered Magdalen Hall, Oxford. At this time the old
scholastic methods obtained, and disputes between Churchmen and
Puritans were rife. This state of things was distasteful to the young
Hobbes, and he neglected his studies and read in a desultory fashion.
He took his degree in 1607.
After his college days, Hobbes became tutor to the eldest son of
William Cavendish, later Earl of Devonshire, and was attached to
this family for many years, teaching the Cavendishes, father and son,
traveling with them abroad, and being pensioned by them in his old
age. This life brought him into contact with people of gifts and
station, both in England and on the Continent; and gradually Hobbes,
by study and conversation with leaders of thought, developed his
theory of psychology and of the State. He lived for years at a time
in Paris, when he feared to remain in his own land because of the
hostility excited by his works on 'Human Nature' and 'De Corpore
Politico. In 1661, at the age of seventy-three, he returned to Eng-
land and made his headquarters at the Cavendishes' town and country
houses, rounding out his philosophical system, and enjoying the friend-
ship of such men as Selden of 'Table Talk' fame, and Harvey the
scholar. Always a controversialist, seldom free from an intellectual
quarrel with members of the Royal Society, his last days were no
exception; and he no doubt wasted much time, better spent upon his
main philosophical treatises, in bickerings about mathematics and
other abstruse matters, keeping this up until his death at the rare
old age of ninety-one. He died December 4th, 1679, at Hardwicke
Hall.


## p. 7382 (#180) ###########################################

7382
THOMAS HOBBES
Hobbes maintained his intellectual and physical powers to the
very end. His health was poor in his youth, but improved in middle
life. He wrote his autobiography at eighty-four, and when eighty-six
translated Homer. In person he is described as over six feet in
height, erect, keen-eyed, with black hair. He had a contempt for
physicians, was regular in his dietary and other habits; used tobacco,
and states gravely that during his long life he calculated he had
been drunk one hundred times. After he was sixty he took no wine.
At seventy-five he played tennis. Intellectually audacious, he had
personal timidity; charges of time-serving made against him have not
been substantiated, however, as even so harsh a critic as Cunning-
ham confesses. That Hobbes was a man of marked social attraction
can be inferred easily. His friendships with Descartes, Bacon, Lord
Herbert, Ben Jonson, and many other typical great men of his day,
indicate it, and there was much in his experience to develop that side
of his character.
Hobbes's fame as thinker and writer rests solidly on two great
works: Human Nature: or, The Fundamental Principles of Policy
concerning the Faculties and Passions of the Human Soul' (1650);
and Leviathan: or, The Matter, Forme, and Power of a Common-
wealth, Ecclesiastical and Civil' (1651). The former states his philo-
sophical, the latter his political views. In the Human Nature' his
materialistic conception of the origin of man's faculties is developed:
he regarded matter in motion as an ultimate fact, and upon it built
up his psychology, deriving all the higher faculties from the senses.
"There is no conception in a man's mind," said he, "which hath not
at first, totally or by parts, been begotten upon the organ of sense. "
And he assumed selfishness as the motor power of human conduct,
and made his explanation of right and wrong to rest upon purely
utilitarian reasons. The modernness of this position may be seen
at a glance. It anticipates nineteenth-century psychology and the
tenets of a Spencer. In one passage where he speaks of the incom-
prehensibility of God to a human faculty, latter-day agnosticism is
foreshadowed. In the 'Leviathan' we get his equally radical views
of the State. He conceives that in a state of nature, men war upon
each other without restraint. For mutual benefit and protection in
the pursuit of their own interests, the social compact is made, and
the powers of rule relegated to some one best fitted to exercise it.
That some one, in Hobbes's opinion, should be and is the king as an
embodiment of the State; hence he preaches an absolute monarchy
as the ideal form of government, the leviathan of the human deep.
And he would have ecclesiastical as well as other authority subserv-
ient to the State. Very briefly stated, these are the cardinal points
of his two great works.


## p. 7383 (#181) ###########################################

THOMAS HOBBES
7383
Of course, Hobbes's theories were bitterly assailed. Because of
his ethics he was dubbed "atheist "; and his opponents included
thinkers like Clarendon, Cudworth, Henry More, and Samuel Clarke.
He was one of the best hated men of his time. His teaching in the
'Leviathan' naturally brought the clergy about his ears, and the
work was burned at Oxford after his death. But his principles made
much stir, especially abroad; and looking back upon Hobbes from the
present vantage-point, it is plain that he is part of the great move-
ment for thought expansion in which Bacon, Galileo, Kepler, Harvey,
and Descartes are other parts. Locke probably was little influenced
by Hobbes; but the Dutch Spinoza and the German Leibnitz were,
and in France, Diderot, Rousseau, and De Maistre felt his thought.
Comparing his two main works, Hobbes is most satisfactory in his
political philosophy. His psychology is deduced, rather than estab-
lished by the Baconian method of induction, and his reading was not
wide enough for such an inquiry. As an explanation of man, his
philosophy is too fragmentary and too subjective, though brilliant,
original, often logical. But the 'Leviathan' is a complete exposition
from certain premises, and a wonderful example of philosophic think-
ing. Moreover, it is by far the most attractive of his writings as
literature. Its style is terse, weighty, at times scintillating with sar-
castic humor, again impressive with stately eloquence. Among works.
in its field it is remarkable for these qualities. Hobbes's style, says
Cunningham, who abhorred the other's views, "is perhaps the finest
model of philosophical composition;" and the praise hardly seems
excessive.
Thomas Hobbes overthrew scholasticism, showed the error in the
argument for innate ideas, prepared the way for Locke.
He was a
pioneer of thought in the seventeenth century; a liberalizing influ-
ence, however much it is necessary to modify his notions concerning
human nature and the State. The standard edition of his works is
that by Sir William Molesworth (1839-45), in sixteen volumes, five of
them in Latin.
OF LOVE
From Human Nature>
L
OVE, by which is understood the joy man taketh in the frui-
tion of any present good, hath been already spoken of in
the first section, chapter seven, under which is contained
the love men bear to one another or pleasure they take in one
another's company; and by which nature men are said to be
sociable. But there is another kind of love which the Greeks


## p. 7384 (#182) ###########################################

7384
THOMAS HOBBES
call Eros, and is that which we mean when we say that a man
is in love: forasmuch as this passion cannot be without diversity
of sex, it cannot be denied but that it participateth of that indefi-
nite love mentioned in the former section. But there is a great
difference betwixt the desire of a man indefinite and the same
desire limited ad hunc: and this is that love which is the great
theme of poets; but notwithstanding their praises, it must be
defined by the word need, for it is a conception a man hath of
his need of that one person desired. The cause of this passion
is not always nor for the most part beauty, or other quality in
the beloved, unless there be withal hope in the person that loveth;
which may be gathered from this, that in great difference of per-
sons the greater have often fallen in love with the meaner, but
not contrary. And from hence it is that for the most part they
have much better fortune in love whose hopes are built on some-
thing in their person than those that trust to their expressions
and service; and they that care less than they that care more:
which not perceiving, many men cast away their services as one
arrow after another, till in the end, together with their hopes
they lose their wits.
CERTAIN QUALITIES IN MEN
From 'Leviathan >
Hˆ
AVING showed in the precedent chapters that sense proceedeth
from the action of external objects upon the brain, or some
internal substance of the head; and that the passions pro-
ceed from the alterations there made, and continued to the heart:
it is consequent in the next place (seeing the diversity of degrees
of knowledge in divers men to be greater than may be ascribed
to the divers tempers of their brain) to declare what other causes
may produce such odds and excess of capacity as we daily ob-
serve in one man above another. As for that difference which
ariseth from sickness, and such accidental distempers, I omit the
same, as impertinent to this place; and consider it only in such
as have their health, and organs well disposed. If the differ-
ence were in the natural temper of the brain, I can imagine no
reason why the same should not appear first and most of all in
the senses; which being equal both in the wise and less wise,
infer an equal temper in the common organ (namely the brain)
of all the senses.


## p. 7385 (#183) ###########################################

THOMAS HOBBES
7385
But we see by experience that joy and grief proceed not in
all men from the same causes, and that men differ very much
in the constitution of the body; whereby that which helpeth and
furthereth vital constitution in one, and is therefore delightful,
hindereth it and crosseth it in another, and therefore causeth
grief. The difference therefore of wits hath its original from the
different passions, and from the ends to which the appetite lead-
eth them.
And first, those men whose ends are sensual delight, and gen-
erally are addicted to ease, food, onerations and exonerations of
the body, must needs be the less thereby delighted with those
imaginations that conduce not to those ends; such as are imagi-
nations of honor and glory, which, as I have said before, have
respect to the future. For sensuality consisteth in the pleasure
of the senses, which please only for the present, and take away
the inclination to observe such things as conduce to honor;
and consequently maketh men less curious and less ambitious,
whereby they less consider the way either to knowledge or other
power: in which two consisteth all the excellency of power cog-
nitive. And this is it which men call dullness; and proceedeth
from the appetite of sensual or bodily delight. And it may well
be conjectured that such passion hath its beginning from a gross-
ness and difficulty of the motion of the spirit about the heart.
The contrary hereunto is that quick ranging of mind de-
scribed Chap. iv. , Sect. 3, which is joined with curiosity of com-
paring the things that come into the mind, one with another: in
which comparison a man delighteth himself either with finding
unexpected similitude of things otherwise much unlike (in which
men place the excellency of fancy, and from whence proceed
those grateful similes, metaphors, and other tropes, by which both
poets and orators have it in their power to make things please
and displease, and show well or ill to others, as they like them-
selves), or else in discerning suddenly dissimilitude in things that
otherwise appear the same. And this virtue of the mind is that
by which men attain to exact and perfect knowledge; and the
pleasure thereof consisteth in continual instruction, and in distinc-
tion of places, persons, and seasons, and is commonly termed by
the name of judgment: for to judge is nothing else but to dis-
tinguish or discern; and both fancy and judgment are commonly
comprehended under the name of wit, which seemeth to be a
tenuity and agility of spirits, contrary to that restiness of the
spirits supposed in those that are dull.


## p. 7386 (#184) ###########################################

7386
THOMAS HOBBES
There is another defect of the mind, which men call levity,
which betrayeth also mobility in the spirits, but in excess. An
example whereof is in them that in the midst of any serious dis-
course have their minds diverted to every little jest or witty
observation; which maketh them depart from their discourse by
a parenthesis, and from that parenthesis by another, till at length
they either lose themselves, or make their narration like a dream,
or some studied nonsense. The passion from whence this pro-
ceedeth is curiosity, but with too much equality and indifference;
for when all things make equal impression and delight, they
equally throng to be expressed.
The virtue opposite to this defect is gravity, or steadiness; in
which the end being the great and master delight, directeth and
keepeth in the way thereto all other thoughts.
The extremity of dullness is that natural folly which may be
called stolidity; but the extreme of levity, though it be natural
folly distinct from the other, and obvious to every man's observa-
tion, I know not how to call it.
There is a fault of the mind called by the Greeks amathia,
which is indocibility, or difficulty in being taught; the which
must needs arise from a false opinion that they know already the
truth of what is called in question: for certainly men are not
otherwise so unequal in capacity, as the evidence is unequal
between what is taught by the mathematicians and what is com-
monly discoursed of in other books; and therefore if the minds
of men were all of white paper, they would almost equally be
disposed to acknowledge whatsoever should be in right method
and by right ratiocination delivered to them. But when men
have once acquiesced in untrue opinions, and registered them as
authentical records in their minds, it is no less impossible to
speak intelligibly to such men than to write legibly upon a
paper already scribbled over. The immediate cause therefore of
indocibility is prejudice; and of prejudice, false opinion of our
own knowledge. ·
Another and a principal defect of the mind is that which men
call madness; which appeareth to be nothing else but some imagi-
nation of some such predominacy above the rest, that we have
no passion but from it: and this conception is nothing else but
excessive vain-glory, or vain dejection; which is most probable
by these examples following, which proceed in appearance every
one of them from pride, or some dejection of mind. As first, we
have had the example of one that preached in Cheapside from a


## p. 7387 (#185) ###########################################

THOMAS HOBBES
7387
cart there, instead of a pulpit, that he himself was Christ, which
was spiritual pride or madness. We have had also divers exam-
ples of learned madness, in which men have manifestly been dis-
tracted upon any occasion that hath put them in remembrance of
their own ability. Amongst the learned men may be remembered
(I think also) those that determine of the time of the world's
end, and other such the points of prophecy. And the gallant
madness of Don Quixote is nothing else but an expression of
such
height of vain-glory as reading of romance may produce
in pusillanimous men. Also rage, and madness of love, are but
great indignations of them in whose brains is predominant con-
tempt from their enemies or their mistresses. And the pride
taken in form and behavior hath made divers men run mad, and
to be
so accounted, under the name of fantastic.
And as these are the examples of extremities, so also are there
examples too many of the degrees, which may therefore be well
accounted follies: as it is a degree of the first for a man, with-
out certain evidence, to think himself to be inspired, or to have
any other effect of God's holy spirit than other godly men have;
of the second, for a man continually to speak his mind in a cento
of other men's Greek or Latin sentences; of the third, much of
the present gallantry in love and duel. Of rage, a degree is
malice; and of fantastic madness, affectation.
As the former examples exhibit to us madness and the degrees
thereof, proceeding from the excess of self-opinion, so also there
be other examples of madness and the degrees thereof, proceed-
ing from too much vain fear and dejection; as in those melan-
choly men that have imagined themselves brittle as glass, or have
had some other like imagination: and degrees hereof are all those
exorbitant and causeless fears which we commonly observe in
melancholy persons.
OF ALMIGHTY GOD
From 'Leviathan'
H
ITHERTO of the knowledge of things natural, and of the
passions that arise naturally from them. Now forasmuch
as we give names not only to things natural but also to
supernatural, and by all names we ought to have some meaning
conception, it followeth in the next place to consider what
thoughts and imaginations of the mind we have, when we take
and


## p. 7388 (#186) ###########################################

7388
THOMAS HOBBES
into our mouths the most blessed name of God, and the names
of those virtues we attribute unto him; as also, what image
cometh into the mind at hearing the name of spirit, or the name
of angel, good or bad.
And forasmuch as God Almighty is incomprehensible, it fol-
loweth that we can have no conception or image of the Deity;
and consequently all his attributes signify our inability and defect
of power to conceive anything concerning his nature, and not any
conception of the same, excepting only this, That there is a God.
For the effects we acknowledge naturally do include a power
of their producing, before they were produced; and that power
presupposeth something existent that hath such power: and the
thing so existing with power to produce, if it were not eternal,
must needs have been produced by somewhat before it, and that
again by something else before that, till we come to an eternal
(that is to say, the first) Power of all powers, and first Cause of
all causes: and this is it which all men conceive by the name
of God, implying eternity, incomprehensibility, and omnipotency.
And thus all that will consider, may know that God is, though
not what he is: even a man that is born blind, though it be not
possible for him to have any imagination what kind of thing fire
is, yet he cannot but know that something there is that men call
fire, because it warmeth him.
And whereas we attribute to God Almighty seeing, hearing,
speaking, knowing, loving, and the like, by which names we un-
derstand something in men to whom we attribute them,— we
understand nothing by them in the nature of God. For, as it is
well reasoned, Shall not the God that made the eye, see, and the
ear, hear? so it is also, if we say, Shall God, which made the eye,
not see without the eye; or that made the ear, not hear without
the ear; or that made the brain, not know without the brain; or
that made the heart, not love without the heart? The attributes,
therefore, given unto the Deity are such as signify either our
incapacity or our reverence: our incapacity, when we say Incom-
prehensible and Infinite; our reverence, when we give him those
names which amongst us are the names of those things we most
magnify and commend, as Omnipotent, Omniscient, Just, Merci-
ful, etc. And when God Almighty giveth those names to himself
in the Scriptures, it is but anthropopathos,-that is to say, by
descending to our manner of speaking; without which we are not
capable of understanding him.


## p. 7389 (#187) ###########################################

7389
ERNST THEODOR WILHELM HOFFMANN
(1776-1822)
HI
OFFMANN'S character is one of the most singular and contra-
dictory in all that eccentric group of German Romanticists.
His sarcastic wit and flashes of humor made him popular
with his companions, and his society was much sought after; but he
inspired rather fear than love, for he was reckless in his indiscretions
and ruthless in giving offense. Of all art he took a serious view,-
"There is no art which is not sacred," he said, - and yet he felt a
repugnance to looking at things from their serious side: "These are
odiosa »
was one of his familiar phrases. In
his character as in his work there is much
that suggests Poe, and the quality of his
weird and often delicate fancy reminds one
of Hawthorne. The unquestioned mastery
of language and description that he displays
is weakened by his uncontrolled manner-
isms, and his wayward imagination often
injures his finest flights of fancy. He de-
lighted to make his studies of men in the
borderlands between reason and madness;
for him the step was always a short one
into the misty realm of ghosts and doubles
and startling visions. This love of the mar-
velous increased as he grew older. And
yet, as Professor Kuno Francke has said, "Hoffmann with all his
somnambulism and madness was at the same time a master of realis-
tic description and of psychological analysis. "
E. T. W. HOFFMANN
Ernst Theodor Wilhelm Hoffmann was born at Königsberg on
January 24th, 1776. The unpleasant relations subsisting between his
parents led to their separation when he was still a child; and to the
lack of happy home influences he attributed much of the misery
which his habits brought upon him in later years. He adopted the
legal profession, in which his father had distinguished himself, and
he began his career under promising auspices. He served a term as
assessor in Posen, in the then newly acquired Polish provinces; but
in consequence of a thoughtless bit of folly he was transferred to the
remote little town of Plozk, whither he went with his young Polish



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7390
ERNST THEODOR WILHELM HOFFMANN
wife in 1802, and where he gave himself up to wild and extrava-
gant gayety. Life seemed to open up brightly before him once more
when he received an appointment to Warsaw; but his career in that
"motley world" was brought to an abrupt end in 1806 by the troops
of Napoleon.
The bit of folly which led to Hoffmann's removal to Plozk reveals
incidentally his remarkable versatility. He was an excellent draughts-
man, and some of the best remembered caricatures of Napoleon were
made by him. It was a series of witty caricatures of prominent men
in Posen that gave offense to certain high officials there, upon whose
complaint he was removed. Throughout his life Hoffmann continued
to practice this art: during his "martyr years" in Bamberg he eked
out his scanty income by painting family portraits, and he acted as
scene-painter for a theatrical company with which he subsequently
became connected.
But his professional work in Bamberg was of quite a different
character. In the period of penury and hardship that followed the
loss of his government post, Hoffmann had gone to Berlin and cast
about for any employment that would afford him support. He
secured the position of musical director of the theatre at Bamberg.
Hoffmann was a composer of no mean talent. His work had suffi-
cient merit to win and hold the esteem of Weber, although in the
strife between the Italian school and the new national German
school, of which the 'Freischütz' was the symbol and example, Hoff-
mann sided with Spontini and the Italians. Nevertheless he was an
ardent admirer of the genius of Beethoven, for whose work he made
propaganda, and in his passionate admiration of Mozart he went so
far as to adopt the name of Amadeus instead of his own Wilhelm.
Indeed, to most of his readers, perhaps, he is known as E. T. A.
rather than E. T. W. Hoffmann.