No More Learning

Shortly after the Communist Revolution individuals
and groups in the United States started to call for Ameri-
can recognition of the Soviet Republic. Later Senator
William E. Borah of Idaho and Senator Joseph I. France
of Maryland labored ceaselessly towards the same end.
However, as long as the Republican Party remained in
power, under Presidents Harding, Coolidge and Hoover,
there was little chance for a far-reaching shift in the
official American attitude toward the Soviets. When in
1932 the people of the United States elected as President
Franklin D. Roosevelt, a man of profound vision in
international as well as domestic affairs, it soon became
evident that drastic changes in foreign policy were in the
offing. The coming of Hitler to power early in 1933 and
the continued aggression of the Japanese in China were
also significant factors in moderating American policy
toward the U. S. S. R. and in the general climate of opinion.
In the spring of 1933 a group of private citizens set
up a special Committee on Russian-American Relations,
with Curtis Bok of Philadelphia as Chairman and includ-
ing Thomas S. Gates, President of the University of
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? SOVIET CIVILIZATION
Pennsylvania, Thomas W. Lamont, Roland S. Morris,
former Ambassador to Japan, and Roscoe W. Pound,
Dean of the Harvard Law School. A few months later
this Committee issued a report thoroughly reviewing
Russian-American relations and calmly presenting the
factual material essential to "the interested non-expert
citizen in making up his mind" about recognition. Since
the report was objective and got away from the atmo-
sphere of heated controversy, its effect was unquestionably
to further the campaign for recognition.
In October, 1933, President Roosevelt wrote Soviet
President Kalinin a letter stressing "the desirability of an
effort to end the present abnormal relations between the
one hundred and twenty-five million people of the United
States and the one hundred and sixty million people of
Russia"; and saying that he would be "glad to receive
any representatives you may designate to explore with
me personally all questions outstanding between our two
countries. " The Soviet authorities promptly accepted
this invitation and sent as their representative to Wash-
ington Foreign Secretary Litvinov. After private confer-
ences lasting over a week the United States, on November
16, 1933, formally recognized the Soviet Government
on the basis of notes exchanged by Litvinov and Roose-
velt covering the principal points at issue between the
two Governments. Thus, sixteen years after the Soviet
Republic came into existence the American Government
recognized it, whereas Tsarist Russia had taken double
that time to recognize the American Republic. Paradox-
ically, now America instead of Russia was the great con-
servative power and Russia instead of America the great
radical power.
Alexander Troyanovsky became the first Soviet Am-
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? THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
bassador to the United States and William C. Bullitt the
first American Ambassador to the Soviet Union. Mr.
Bullitt, who had headed the abortive American Mission
to Soviet Russia in 1919, was at first fairly friendly
towards the Russians. After he went to Moscow as am-
bassador he soon grew disillusioned with the U. S. S. R.
and later developed into one of the most bitter of anti-
Soviet fanatics. In the summer of 1935 the American
Government through Mr. Bullitt protested to the Soviet
Government over speeches made by American Commun-
ists at the Seventh World Congress of the Third Inter-
national or Comintern. Ambassador Bullitt stated that
this constituted a violation of the recognition agreement,
which pledged non-interference in each other's domestic
affairs and which promised that neither the U. S. A. nor
the U. S. S. R. would permit the formation on its soil of
any group aiming to use force in changing the political
or economic system of the other country.
The Soviet Government replied that it had no res-
ponsibility for the actions of the Comintern. It argued
that freedom of speech and assembly for workers' organi-
zations implied the right of the Third International to
meet in the Soviet Union. "It is therefore quite incom-
prehensible," the Soviet note went on to say, "why the
Soviet Government alone should place obstacles in the
way of the activities of Communist organizations, when
even the conservative bourgeois governments of various
countries are compelled to tolerate the existence of legal
Communist Parties. " This whole issue became rather
academic a few years later when, in 1940, the Communist
Party of the United States withdrew from the Comintern.
In 1943 the Communist International itself dissolved.
In 1936 Joseph E. Davies succeeded Mr. Bullitt as
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? SOVIET CIVILIZATION
Ambassador to Moscow and served until the middle of
1938. Making a genuine attempt to understand Soviet
affairs and the Soviet point of view, Mr. Davies did much
to improve relations between the United States and Soviet
Russia. But following the Soviet-German Non-Aggres-
sion Pact of August, 1939, and the Soviet invasion of Fin-
land in November, those relations sank to a new low.
In December, President Roosevelt imposed a "moral
embargo" on the sale of certain war materials to the
U. S. S. R. This embargo was repealed in January of 1941;
and American-Soviet relations took a turn for the better
as rumors filtered through of German-Soviet friction and
a probable Nazi attack on the Soviet Union.
When that attack finally came in June the whole
American-Soviet picture rapidly altered. In November
President Roosevelt publicly stated, "I have found that
the defense of the U. S. S. R. is vital to the defense of the
United States," and thereby brought Soviet Russia with-
in the provisions of the Lend-Lease Act. The American
Government immediately set up a billion-dollar credit
for the Soviets, and by the end of the war had extended
a total of $11,000,000,000 in Lend-Lease to the Soviet
Union. Cooperation and good feeling between the
United States and Soviet Russia reached a high point
from the autumn of 1941 to the conclusion of the Second
World War. At both the Teheran Conference in 1943
and the Yalta Conference in 1945 President Roosevelt
and Premier Stalin, together with Prime Minister Chur-
chill, personally talked through and came to an accord
on various problems of military collaboration and post-
war international affairs. During this period the only
consequential rift in the lute was the long controversy
over the opening of an Anglo-American Second Front in
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? THE HISTORICAL BACKOROUHD
France. The Russians, carrying the brunt of Hitler's
land assault, hoped for the Second Front in 1942, ex-
pected it in 1943 and were bitterly disappointed that it
did not take place until 1944. When, however, the
American and British forces landed in Normandy and
swept the Germans back, the Soviet reaction was enthusi-
astic. And Generalissimo Stalin stated: "The history of
war knows no similar undertaking as regards breadth of
design, vastness of scale and high skill in execution. "17
The Second Front controversy brought out the im-
portant fact that Winston Churchill much preferred that
the Anglo-American assault on the Nazis should go
through the general region of the Balkans, "the soft un-
derbelly of Europe," as he fondly kept calling it. A
prime reason for this plan was Mr. Churchill's devout
wish to forestall and counteract Soviet power and influ-
ence in southeastern Europe. And there seems little
doubt that the British Prime Minister was influential in
delaying the landings in France and that he remained
lukewarm to the end concerning this operation. Had it
not been for the firmness of Mr. Roosevelt, General
Eisenhower and other highly placed Americans, Chur-
chill's alternative might well have been adopted.
In April, 1945, as Hitler's armies were staggering to
final surrender, American and Soviet delegates again
worked closely together at the San Francisco Conference
which established the United Nations. On April 12
American-Soviet understanding and cooperation received
a heavy blow when President Roosevelt died. In July the
Potsdam Conference met, with President Truman as the
top representative of the United States and Premier
Stalin as the top representative of the Soviet Union.
This Conference reached a number of basic agreements
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? SOVIET CIVILIZATION
about the future of defeated Germany and of Eastern
Europe.
At the Yalta Conference Premier Stalin had promised
Mr. Roosevelt that the U. S. S. R. would come into the
war against Japan three months after the surrender of
Germany. True to its pledged word, the Soviet Union
declared war on the Japanese Government August 8,
precisely on schedule, and immediately attacked the large
Japanese forces, numbering more than 600,000, in Man-
churia. The Soviet offensive was forging swiftly ahead
when, on August 14, Japan surrendered unconditionally
to the Allies. The entrance of Soviet Russia into the Far
Eastern conflict, combined with the dropping of atomic
bombs by American fliers on Hiroshima and Nagasaki
on August 6 and August 9 respectively, finally convinced
the Japanese that further struggle was hopeless.
Summarizing this brief historical survey, we can assert
that the United States and Russia, despite wide diver-
gences in their economic and political systems both be-
fore and after the Revolution of 1917, have had far-reach-
ing common interests in the international sphere and
have been able to cooperate with much mutual benefit
during periods of world peace as well as world war. For
almost 100 years they have had no territorial rivalries.
And in the sphere of trade the two countries have all
along nicely supplemented each other rather than com-
peting on the world market. This is still true. What
Soviet Russia wishes primarily to sell America are raw
materials, which are exactly what America wants; what
America wishes to sell the U. S. S. R. are machinery, ma-
chine tools and manufactured goods, which are precisely
what the Russians want.
In essence both the American and Russian peoples
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? THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUHD
are peace-loving and stand together for the permanent
abolition of international conflict. The two Governments,
the American and Soviet, have for many years favored
the same method for preventing war, that is, the estab-
lishment of collective security through a world organiza-
tion such as the United Nations consisting of all states
wishing to band together in the cause of international
amity. This was the identical idea which President
Wilson had when in 1919 he drafted the League of Na-
tions Covenant, later unhappily turned down by the
United States Senate.
The League was handicapped from the start by the
absence of the United States and Soviet Russia as found-
ing members. Both countries, however, have been from
the outset members of the United Nations. And this, at
least, is a gain as compared with the situation following
the First World War.
3. American Names on Soviet Maps
An intriguing sidelight on American-Russian rela-
tions is the degree to which American explorers have
been interested in remote Russian territories and the
paradoxical consequences to which this has led. For con-
cerning the frigid far north of the U. S. S. R. , official and
detailed maps of the Soviet Arctic regions reveal strange
and astonishing things. Such maps show that the Soviet
Union, world pioneer in socialism, contains more than
a dozen places named after prominent citizens of capital-
ist America, including such pillars of the banking busi-
ness as J. Pierpont Morgan, the elder, founder of J. P.
Morgan & Co. , and Charles G. Dawes, Chicago financier
and Vice-President of the United States in the conser-
vative Republican Administration of Calvin Coolidge.
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? SOVIET CIVILIZATION
Most of these places are situated in Soviet Europe in
the eastern or central parts of polar Franz Josef Land,
a large, almost completely ice-covered archipelago of some
800 islands located far above the Arctic Circle and about
600 miles northeast of Murmansk. This was the Soviet
Arctic port which was so vital in receiving Lend-Lease
supplies from Britain and America during the Second
World War.
An Austrian explorer, Julius Payer, discovered this
group of islands in 1873 and named it after the long-
lived Emperor Franz Josef of Austria-Hungary. Payer
also named the northernmost island in the archipelago
Crown Prince Rudolf Land (simply Rudolf Island on
Soviet maps), after the Emperor's ill-fated only son;
while he. honored Count Wilczek, who financed his
expedition, by naming a large . island^in the northeast
Wilczek Land. In generaf the Soviet Government has
retained the names assigned by Payer and other non-
Russian explorers.
American polar explorers first came to Franz Josef
Land in 1898 and 1899 when an expedition headed by
Walter Wellman charted much of the eastern section.
Wellman, who subsequently tried to reach the North
Pole by airship, published a book in 1911 entitled The
Aerial Age. There he tells of his hair-raising adventures
and narrow escapes in Franz Josef Land and of his abor-
tive attempts to fly to the North Pole from Spitsbergen.
He also lists a number of prominent Americans who
assisted in financing his expedition to Franz Josef Land.
These included J. Pierpont Morgan, then at the
height of his career; William K. Vanderbilt, railway mag-
nate and grandson of Cornelius ("Commodore") Van-
derbilt; Helen M. Gould, daughter of the railroad capi-
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? THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
talist, Jay Gould, and later Mrs. Finley J. Shepard; Levi
Z.
Leiter, Chicago dry goods merchant and in the early
days a partner of Marshall Field; William McKinley,
President of the United States; Cornelius N. Bliss, Sec-
retary of the Interior under McKinley; William C. Whit-
ney, Secretary of the Navy during President Cleveland's
first administration; and "other friends. " \
In the same book Wellman, writing of the expedi-
tion's activities in 1899, states: "Up to this time the east-
ward extent of the Franz Josef Land archipelago was un-
known and was a moot question among geographers.
Our party delimited the archipelago to the northeast,
discovering many new islands. One of them, of consider-
able area, beyond Wilczek Land, I named after Alexander
Graham Bell, then President of the Geographic Society.
Other islands, capes and straits v I named in honor of
friends who had helped me finance the expedition. " Bell
was of course the inventor of the telephone and the big
island named after him is called plain Graham Bell.
Morgan Strait lies directly south of Graham Bell
Island between it and Wilczek Land. There can be no
doubt that Wellman named this body of water after the
American financier, and the map of Franz Josef Land
in the 1929 Edition of the Encyclopedia Britannica gives
the fuller title of Pierpont Morgan Strait. This map also
includes Vanderbilt Sound and Whitney Island in the
same vicinity, but neither of these places is on our Soviet
reference map from the Large Soviet Encyclopedia. This
map, however, does show, off the southeast end of
Wilczek Land, Dawes Island, named after ex-Vice-Presi-
dent Dawes, who has confirmed the fact that he made a
financial contribution to the Wellman expedition.
Just south of Dawes Island is McNulta Island, prob-
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? SOVIET CIVILIZATIOH
ably named after John McNulta, an Illinois lawyer and
member of the House of Representatives toward the end
of the last century. Somewhat north of Dawes is Gould
Bay, obviously named after Helen M. Gould. At the
southeast tip of Graham Bell Island we find Cape Leiter,
named after Levi Z. Leiter; and at the central eastern
extremity of Graham Bell, Cape Olney, in all likelihood
named after Richard Olney, Secretary of State during
Cleveland's second term. Cape Olney is not shown on
the map, but is definitely marked on the official one in
the Large Soviet Atlas of the World.
Turning again to our main reference map, we dis-
cover in the south central section of the Franz Josef archi-
pelago Bliss Island, evidently named after Cornelius N.
Bliss; and near it to the east Alger Island, not named
after the popular American author of juveniles, but after
Senator Russell A. Alger of Michigan, Secretary of War
in McKinley's first administration.
In 1901-02 another expedition from the United
States went to Franz Josef Land under the command of
Evelyn Briggs Baldwin; while in 1903-05 the famous
Ziegler Polar Expedition spent three years in this region
under Anthony Fiala. Fiala named a large body of land
in the central portion Ziegler Island; an island to the
north of this he called Greely, after an American Arctic
explorer of that name, and one to the south Champ, after
Ziegler's secretary, who was very active in helping to
plan the expedition. In November of 1903 Fiala's
yacht America was crushed in the ice on the western side
of Rudolf Island. But his party had been able to land
most of its supplies and equipment, and built a sturdy
camp and an astronomical observatory at Teplitz Bay.
In 1944 I called on Mr. Fiala at his New York City
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? THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
office, which was a miniature museum of all sorts of Arctic
pictures, maps and mementos. Fiala told me that in 1934
the Soviet Arctic Institute in Leningrad wrote him that
Soviet explorers had recently found his library of about
seventy-five books that he had taken ashore to his wooden
hut on Rudolf Island and left behind in 1903. The Insti-
tute offered to send the books back to the United States
if Fiala would pay the transportation charges. Fiala did
not think this worth the trouble and instead presented
his books to the library of the Arctic Institute.
Noted explorers from England and Norway have also
visited Franz Josef Land, which explains why in the
western section of the archipelago there are such islands
as Alexandra Land, Prince George Land (simply George
Land on Soviet maps) and Nansen Island. Nansen
Island is named after the well-known Norwegian ex-
plorer, Fridtjof Nansen, who spent nine severe and ex-
citing months in Franz Josef Land from August, 1895,
to May, 1896.
Returning, finally, to the discoverer of Franz Josef
Land, Julius Payer, we learn from his book New Lands
within the Arctic Circle that he, too, named certain
places after Americans. These were Hall Island, a large
island south of Wilczek Land, and Hayes Island, a small
body of land northwest of Hall. Charles Francis Hall
and Dr. I. I. Hayes were both American Arctic explorers
who had won Payer's admiration for their records in
reaching northern latitudes in the neighborhood of
Greenland.
At the extreme southeast of the archipelago Payer
also named a tiny island, a mere dot on the Soviet map,
Lamont Island, important for Payer and his party be-
cause it was the last bit of land on which they were able
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? SOVIET CIVILIZATION
to camp during their retreat south after abandoning their
ship in the ice. This island was named after a noted
Scotch Arctic explorer of the nineteenth century, Sir
James Lamont. Sir James was no relation to the author,
though his ancestry like my own went back to the Clan
Lamont of Scotland.
Much smaller than Franz Josef Land and situated in
the Siberian Arctic of Soviet Asia is another group of
Soviet islands with American names. Most prominent
of these on Soviet maps is Bennett Island, named after
the eminent American newspaper publisher, James Gor-
don Bennett, the younger. For almost half a century
Bennett was owner of the New York Herald, which
merged with the New York Tribune in 1924 to form the
present Herald Tribune. Near Soviet Russia's Bennett
Island are two other small islands named after members
of the publisher's family.
Early in his life James Gordon Bennett developed a
deep interest in exploration and it was he who in 1869, at
his own expense, sent Stanley to Africa on his successful
search for Livingstone. In 1879, Bennett gave his en-
thusiastic support and financial backing to George Wash-
ington De Long's expedition to reach the North Pole.
By special act of Congress the De Long expedition was
made a national undertaking under charge of the Secre-
tary of the Navy. In July, 1879, De Long set sail from
San Francisco in the steamer Jeannette, named after Ben-
nett's sister, and headed at once for Bering Strait.
During September the Jeannette passed Russia's He-
rald Island, about 200 miles west of Alaska and named
after a ship in the British Navy. From then on, however,
the expedition became involved in major difficulties.
The Jeannette got caught in the Arctic ice-pack and
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? THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUHD
drifted slowly westward over a period lasting twenty-one
months. On May 17, 1881, Captain De Long sighted a
very small island some 200 miles north of the Siberian
mainland and named it Jeannette Island. Two weeks later
a landing party went ashore at a neighboring island and
named it Henrietta, in honor of Bennett's mother, bap-
tizing the ground "with a few -- a very few -- drops of
corn extract from a small but precious wicker bottle that
had been placed in the boat-box for medicinal purposes. "
Towards 4:00 a. m. on June 12, a few hours after De
Long had given the order to abandon ship, the Jeannette,
hopelessly battered and crushed by the unceasing on-
slaught of the ice, plunged beneath the waters of the
Arctic. Less than a week later the crew set out over the
shifting floes and huge hummocks of ice, hauling their
sleds and small boats behind them with the utmost exer-
tion. For almost two months De Long and his men
pushed forward desperately across the treacherous ice-
pack, often marching as much as twenty-five miles in
order to cover two on their direct course. On July 29,
approximately 150 miles west of where the Jeannette
sank, the hard-pressed explorers came upon a good-sized
island with precipitous mountains rising from the sea.
Chief Engineer George W. Melville has described the
scene:
"Suddenly, as we approached, the sun, as though by an
extraordinary effort, rent the cloud veil in twain, and
lol before us, so close that it seemed we might step on
shore, uprose and towered to a height of 3,000 feet the
almost perpendicular masses of black basaltic rock,
stained here and there with patches of red lichens, and
begrimed with the decayed vegetable matter of unknown
ages, the bold projections fissured and seamed, and the
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? SOVIET CIVILIZATIOH
giant rocks split and powdered by the hand of time. The
sight was glorious. Involuntary exclamations escaped
from all. It infused new life and vigor into us; and each
man straightway became a Hercules. Now or never,
thought we, and so seized boats and sleds, rushing them
upon a tongue of the ice-foot which our main floe grazed
in passing. At last! The ice-foot rested on the beach and
now many of our company set foot on terra firma the
first time in two years. "18
That evening Captain De Long's party, thirty-three
in number, staged a brief ceremony, including a short
procession with flags flying, as De Long named the island
in honor of James Gordon Bennett. At the same time
De Long named the landing place Cape Emma after his
own wife.
The Jeannette's company then broke up into three
groups, each one taking a boat equipped with oars and
sail. They went southward together and passed safely
through the New Siberian Islands, a Russian archipelago
of considerable size. On September 12, 1881, however,
the boats became separated in a bad gale.
The party led by Lieutenant Chipp was never heard
from again, and it is assumed that his cutter foundered
in the storm. Engineer Melville's party, in the whaleboat,
all survived due to the good fortune of encountering
some Siberian natives on the mainland. Though De
Long's party, in the second cutter, succeeded in reaching
the delta of the Lena River and pitching camp there,
De Long himself and all but two members of his group
starved to death. Subsequently the bodies of De Long
and his companions were found by Melville and brought
back to the United States.
Later Jeannette, Henrietta and Bennett Islands, to-
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? THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUHD
gether with two other islands in the same vicinity, were
grouped under the over-all name of De Long Islands.
The De Long group and the individual islands within
it are marked clearly on most current maps of the Soviet
Union. These islands are all part of the Yakut Auto-
nomous Soviet Socialist Republic, which is a subdivision
of the Russian Soviet Federated Socialist Republic.
In 1938, fifty-seven years after the disastrous ending
of the De Long expedition, scientists of the Soviet Arctic
Institute found on Henrietta Island a copper cylinder
left there by Melville's landing party and containing a
rolled-up record of the voyage of the Jeannette. A polar
bear had bitten at the cylinder and partly crushed it, so
that water had leaked in and the pulpy record could not
be deciphered. The- Soviet group also discovered Mel-
ville's flagstaff, which was brought to Moscow, and three
empty shotgun shells. This Soviet expedition built a
meteorological station high up on the island.
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? CHAPTER VIII SOVIET FOREIGN POLICY
1. The Basic Principles
Since the outside world has misrepresented Soviet
Russia's position on so many major issues, it is not sur-
prising that it has done likewise regarding Soviet policies
in foreign relations. So it is that the Soviet Republic,
standing forthright for international peace since its first
day of existence, is generally depicted at present in Amer-
ica and the West as a nation bent on aggression and plot-
ting the military conquest of other countries. This
wretched falsehood serves to keep many of the leading
peoples of the earth in a constant state of alarm and
undermines the rational bases for international amity
and cooperation.
There are five main points in Soviet foreign policy.
First and foremost, the Soviet Union wants peace above
all else in its international relations. Since its founding
in 1917 the Soviet Republic has twice gone through the
terrible ordeal of invasion by hostile states. The first
time was during the Civil War and intervention from
1918 to 1922; the second during the four years of struggle
to the death with the Nazis, from 1941 to 1945. In both
of these periods it lost many millions in dead and suffered
economic destruction amounting to tens of billions of
dollars. War has twice meant staggering setbacks to the
country's development.
The Soviets are most desirous of enduring peace, so
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? SOVIET FOREIGN. POLICY
that their people can live in security and happiness and
put their full efforts into the building of socialism and
communism. The dictates of simple self-preservation
and sheer self-interest, as well as special concern for the
welfare of workers and peasants everywhere, cause the
Soviet Union steadfastly to oppose international war.
True enough, the Soviet Communists are eager to see
Communist or socialist regimes established throughout
the earth. But Marxist theory predicts the eventual col-
lapse of capitalism everywhere from within and disap-
proves the idea of Communist countries seeking to extend
their system by conquest to capitalist countries. *
Although Soviet Russia considers wars of national
liberation such as the American Revolution justified,
it holds that the two world wars which have plagued
humanity in the twentieth century originated in a drive
against the freedom of peoples and were counter-revolu-
tionary in the sense of holding back peaceful and demo-
cratic progress. In the Second World War the fascists,
according to Soviet opinion, represented the most reac-
tionary elements in modern society. They resorted' to
domestic violence and terror, and then to external vio-
lence and terror, in a desperate, last-ditch effort to pre-
vent mankind from naturally evolving toward a more
cooperative economic system. And in their attempt to
turn back the clock of history, they aimed to conquer,
plunder and dominate the entire globe.
The Soviet Government has all along recognized
that the establishment of socialism throughout the enorm-
ous empire of the Tsars resulted in many difficult prob-
lems in world affairs and in a qualitatively new situation.
But except for a brief period following the 1917 Revolu-
? Cf. pp. 330-331.
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? SOVIET CIVILIZATION
tion, it has insisted on the desirability and possibility of
peaceful co-existence between the socialist and capitalist
sectors of the world. It has argued that in spite of the
deep-reaching differences between the capitalist and
socialist nations in their economic and political systems,
they could cooperate to their respective advantage on
certain broad international ends. As Maxim Litvinov
once expressed it, the relative merits of capitalism and
socialism are not going to be decided by various kinds
of non-cooperation, mutual annoyance and pinpricks in
the international sphere, but by the ultimate strength,
efficiency and living standards of the two systems.
Premier Stalin has again and again reaffirmed the
possibility of peaceful co-existence between the capitalist
and socialist worlds. In 1927 he stated at the Fifteenth
Congress of the Soviet Communist Party, "The foun-
dation of our relations with capitalist countries lies in
allowing for the existence of two opposing systems. Ex-
perience has borne that out completely. " In 1936 he told
Mr. Roy Howard, head of the Scripps-Howard newspaper
chain, substantially the same thing. In 1946, when Elliott
Roosevelt asked Stalin if American democracy and Soviet
communism could live in peace side by side and without
interfering in each other's internal affairs, he replied:
"Yes, of course. This is not only possible. It is wise and
entirely within the bounds of realization. In the most
strenuous times during the war the differences in govern-
ment did not prevent our two nations from joining to-
gether and vanquishing our foes. Even more so is it
possible to continue this relationship in time of peace. "1
During the Soviet election campaign of March, 1950,
several of Stalin's most prominent colleagues emphasized
the same theme. V. M. Molotov, a Deputy Premier of the
284
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