His
statements
gradually slunk away.
William Smith - 1844 - Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities - a
(Schol.
ad Aristoph.
the conspirators were induced to delay the execu-
Pac. 649. )
(LS. ) tion of their plan until the 5th of February, re-
CATAMANTA'LEDES, king of the Sequani solving at the same time to include many of the
in the former half of the first century B. C. , had leading men of the state in the proposed massacre.
received the title of friend from the senate and This extraordinary design is said to have been
the Roman people. (Caes. B. G. i. 3. )
frustrated solely by the impatience of Catiline,
CATAMITUS, the Roman name for Gany- who, upon the appointed day, gave the signal pre-
medes, of which it is only a corrupt form. (Plaut. maturely, before the whole of the armed agents bad
Menaech. i. 2. 34; Fest. s. v. Catamitum. ) (L. S. ] assembled, and thus confounded the preconcerted
CATHA'RSIUS (Kabápoios), the purifyer or combinations. The danger being past, certain re-
atoner, a surname of Zeus, under which he in con- solutions were proposed in the senate with regard
junction with Nice had a temple at Olympia. to the authors of this abortive attempt ; but the
(Paus. v. 14. $ 6. )
[L. S. ] proceedings were quashed by the intercession of a
T. CATIE'NUS, described by Cicero as a low tribune. The plot was, however, a matter of com-
and mean fellow, but of equestrian rank, who was mon discussion, and no one seems to have enter-
angry with Q. Cicero. (Cic. ad Qu. Fr. i. 2. $ 2. ) tained any doubt of its reality, while many did
CATILI'NA, L. SEʻRGIUS, the descendant not scruple to assert that M. Crassus, and Julius
of an ancient patrician family which had sunk Caesar, who was then aedile, were deeply involved.
first appears in history as a zealous (Q. Cic
. de pet. Cons. 2, &c; Asconius in Fog.
partizan of Sulla. During the horrors of the great cand. and in Cornel ; Sall. Cati. 15–18; Liv.
proscription, among many other victims, he killed, Epit. 101 ; Dion Cass. xxxvi. 27 ; Sueton. Jul. 9; .
with his own hand, his brother-in-law, Q. Caecilius, Cic. pro Sulla, 1—24, pro Muren. 38, pro Cael. 4,
described as a quiet inoffensive man, and having in Catil. i. 6. ) [Comp. p. 540, b. ]
seized and tortured the well-known and popular Encouraged rather than disheartened by a failure
M. Marius Gratidianus, the kinsman and fellow- which had so nearly proved a triumph, and which
townsman of Cicero, cut off his head, and bore it had so distinctly demonstrated the practicability of
in triumph through the city. Plutarch accuses him such a project, if conducted with common prudence
in two places (Šull. 32, Cic. 10) of having mur- and caution, Catiline was soon after (B. C. 65),
dered his own brother at the same period, under left completely unfettered by his acquittal upon
circumstances of peculiar atrocity, but there is pro- trial for extortion, a result secured, it was alleged,
bably some confusion here between the brother and by the liberal bribes administered to the accuser as
the brother-in. -law, for Sallust, when enumerating well as to the jury. From this time he seems to have
the crimes of Catiline, would scarcely have failed determined to proceed more systematically ; to en-
to add such a monstrous deed as this to the black list a more numerous body of supporters; to extend
into poverty,
## p. 630 (#650) ############################################
630
CATILINA.
CATILINA.
moment
ers.
:
the sphere of operations, and to organize a more or on the credit of his friends ; magazines of arms
comprehensive and sweeping scheme of destruction and other warlike stores were secretly formed ; troops
Accordingly, about the beginning of June, B. C. 64, were levied in various parts of Italy, especially in
probably soon after the successful termination of the neighbourhood of Faesulae, under the superin-
his second trial, when called to account for the tendence of C. Manlius, an experienced commander,
blood which he had shed during the proscription of one of the veteran centurions of Sulla (Dion Cass.
Sulla (Dion Cass. xxxvii. 10), he began, while xxxvii. 30), and numerous adherents were enrolled
canvassing rigorously for the consulship, to sound from the most desperate classes, including not a few
the dispositions of various persons, by pointing women of ruined reputation ; attempts also were
out the probable success of a great revolu- made in various quarters to gain over the slaves ;
tionary movement, and the bright prospect of and it was determined, when the critica
power and profit opened up to its promot- should arrive for an open demonstration, to set fire
After having thus ascertained the temper to the city in many different places at the same
of different individuals, he called together those instant, and to slaughter the well-disposed portion
who from their necessities, their characters, and of the population in the tumult. Meanwhile, in
their sentiments, were likely to be most eager and the midst of these extensive preparations, Catiline
most resolute in the undertaking. The meeting, again (63) stood candidate for the consulship, and
according to Sallust, was attended by eleven sena- used every effort to get rid of Cicero, who met him
tors, by four members of the equestrian order, at every turn and thwarted all his best-contrived
and by several men of rank and influence from machinations. Nor was this wonderful, for he was
the provincial towns. The most conspicuous were countermined from a quarter whence he apprehend-
P. Cornelius Lentulus Sura, who had been consuled no danger. One of the most high-born, aban-
in B. c. 71, but having been passed over by the doned, but at the same time, weak and vacillating,
censors had lost his seat in the senate, which he among the conspirators, was a certain Q. Curius,
was now seeking to recover by standing a second who had been expelled from the senate by the cen-
time for the praetorship (Dion Cass. xxxvii. 30); sors on account of the infamy of his life. This
C. Cornelius Cethegus, distinguished throughout man had long consorted with a noble mistress named
by his impatience, headstrong impetuosity, and Fulvia, who appears to have acquired complete con-
sanguinary violence (Sall. Cat. 43 ; Cic. pro Sull. troul over his mind, and to have been made the de-
19); P. Autronius spoken of above ; L. Cassius positary of all his secrets. Fulvia, alarmed by the
Longinus, at this time a competitor for the consul- intelligence obtained from her lover, divulged what
ship, dull and heavy, but bloodthirsty withal (Cic. she had learned to several of her acquaintances and,
in Cat. iii. 4-6 ; Pro Sulla, 13); L. Vargunteius, through them, opened a correspondence with Cicero,
who had been one of the colleagues of Cicero in to whom she regularly communicated all the parti-
the quaestorship, and had subsequently been con- culars she could collect, and at length persuaded
demned for bribery (Pro Sull. 5, 6, 18); L. Cal Curius himself to turn traitor and betray his com-
purnius Bestia, tribune elect ; Publius and Servius rades. Thus the consul was at once put in pos-
Sulla, nephews of the dictator; M. Porcius Laeca session of every circumstance as soon as it occurred,
(Cic. in Cat. i. 4, ii. 6, Pro Sull. 2, 18); Q. and was enabled to keep vigilant watch over the
Annius; Q. Curius ; M. Fulvius Nobilior ; L. conduct of every individual from whom danger
Statilius ; P. Gabinius Capito ; C. Cornelius. In was to be apprehended. By imparting to a certain
addition to these, a great body of the younger no- extent his fears and suspicions to the senators and
Lility were known to be favourably inclined although monied men, he excited a general feeling of distrust
they had not openly committed themselves, and now, and suspicion towards Catiline, and bound firmly
as on the former occasion, rumour included Crassus together, by the tie of common interest, all who
and Caesar, although the report does not appear to having property to lose looked forward with dread
have gained general belief. [Comp. p. 541, b. ) to confusion and anarchy; Antonius, whose good
At this assembly Catiline, after expatiating upon faith was more than doubtful, he gained over by at
a number of topics calculated to rouse the indigna- once resigning to him the province of Macedonia,
tion and stimulate the cupidity of his audience, while he otected his own person by a numerous
proceeded to develop his objects and resources. He body of friends and dependants who surrounded
proposed that all debts should be cancelled, that the him whenever be appeared in public. These pre-
most wealthy citizens should be proscribed, and that liminary measures being completed, he now ventured
all offices of honour and emolument should be di- to speak more openly; prevailed upon the senate to
vided among the associates, while for support he defer the consular elections in order that the state
counted upon Piso in Hither Spain, P. Sittius of public affairs might be fully investigated; and at
Nucerinus with the army in Mauritania, and at length, on the 21st of October, openly denounced
home confidently anticipated the co-operation of C. Catiline, charged him broadly with treason, pre-
Antonius, whom be expected to be chosen consulalong dicted that in six days from that time Manlius
with himself for the following year, having formed would take the field in open war, and that the 28th
a coalition with him for the purpose of excluding was the period fixed for the murder of the leading
Cicero. The votes of the people, however, in some men in the commonwealth. Such was the conster-
measure deranged these calculations. Cicero and nation produced by these disclosures that many of
C. Antonius were returned, the former nearly unani- tiose who considered themselves peculiarly obnox-
mously, the latter by a small majority over Catiline. ious instantly fled from Rome, and the senate being
This disappointment, while it increased if possible now thoroughly roused, passed the decretum ulti-
the bitterness of his animosity towards the dominant mum, in virtue of which the consuls were invested
party among the aristocracy and the independent for the time being with absolute power, both civil
portion of the middle ranks, rendered him more and military. Thus supported, Cicero took such
vigorous in the prosecution of his designs. Large precautions that the Comitia passed off without any
suns of money were raised upon his own security, 1 outbreak or even attempt at violence, although an
## p. 631 (#651) ############################################
CATILINA.
631
CATILINA.
i
Attack upon the magistrates had been meditated. support at the head of a powerful army, set forth
Catiline was again rejected ; was forth with im- in the dead of night '(8th—9th November),
peached of scdition, under the Plautian law, by L. and after remaining for a few days with his ad-
Aemilius Paullus ; was forced to abandon the ex- herents in the neighbourhood of Arretium, where
pectation he had entertained of surprising the strong he assumed the fasces and other ensigns of lawful
fortress of Praeneste, which would have formed an military command, proceeded to the camp of Man-
admirable base for his warlike operations ; and lius, having previously addressed letters to the
found himself every hour more and more closely most distinguished consulars and others, solemnly
confined and pressed by the net in which he was protesting his innocence, and declaring that unable
entangled through the activity of Cicero. Driven to resist the cabal formed among his enemies he had
to despair by this accumulation of disappointments determined to retire to Marseilles that he might
and dangers he resolved at once to bring matters to preserve his country from agitation and disturb-
a crisis, and no longer to waste time by persevering ance.
in a course of policy in which he had been so re- On the 9th, when the flight of Catiline was
peatedly foiled. Accordingly, while he still en- known, Cicero delivered his second speech, which
deavoured to keep up appearances by loud protesta- was addressed to the people in the forum, the
tions of innocence, and by offering to place himself senate proceeded to declare Catiline and Manlius
under the controul and surveillance of M. Lepidus, public enemies, despatched officers of high stand-
of Q. Metellus, the praetor, or of M. Marcellus, in ing to Etruria, Picenum, Campania, Apulia, and
whose house he actually took up his abode, or even the different districts from which danger was ap-
of Cicero himself ; on the night of the 6th of No- prehended, directed the consuls to hold a levy
vember he met the ringleaders at the dwelling of with all speed, decreed that Antonius should go
M. Porcius Laeca, and after complaining of their forth to the war, and that Cicero should remain to
backwardness and inactivity, informed them that he guard the city ; offering at the same time an
bad despatched Manlius to Etruria, Septimius of amnesty to all who should quit the rebels, and free
Camers, to Picenum, C. Julius, to Apulia, and pardon and great rewards to any who should give
others of less note to different parts of Italy to such information as might lead to the discovery
raise open war, and to organize a general revolt of and conviction of the conspirators within the walls.
the slave population. He added that he was desi- It is a remarkable fact, and one which indicates
rous to place himself at the head of his troops, but most strongly the disaffection of the lower classes
that it was absolutely necessary in the first place to to the existing order of things, that not one man
remove Cicero, whose vigilance was most injurious could be found to take advantage of this proclama-
to their cause. Upon this L. Vargunteius, a sena- tion, and that not a single soldier deserted from
tor, and C. Cornelius, a knight, undertook to repair the rebel standard. This circumstance threatened
at an early hour the following morning to the house to prove a source of most serious embarrassment.
of the consul, to make their way into his chamber Although the existence of the conspiracy and the
as if for the purpose of paying their respects, and names of the leading conspirators were known, not
then to stab him on the spot. The whole of these only to the magistrates, but to the public at large,
proceedings were instantly reported to their intended yet there was no legal evidence against any indi-
victim; the assassins, when they presented them- vidual, for Curius, while he faithfully supplied
selves, were refused admission, and certain intelli- secret intelligence, could not come forward openly
gence having been now received that the rebellion without blasting himself for ever, and at the same
had actually broken out on the 27th of October in time depriving the government of its most power-
Etruria, Cicero, on the 8th of November, went ful auxiliary. But such steadfastness of purpose
down to the senate which, for greater security, had did not extend to certain foreigners belonging to a
been summoned to meet in the temple of Jupiter race proverbial in ancient times for the lightness
Stator, and there delivered his celebrated oration, of their faith. There was at Rome at this period
Quousque tandem abutére, Catilina, patientia a party of Allobroges, deputies despatched by their
nostra ? " which paralysed the traitor, not so much by nation to seek relief from certain real or alleged
the vehemence of the invective, as by the intimate grievances. Their suit, however, had not pros-
acquaintance which it displayed with all his most pered, and their complaints of the cupidity of the
hidden contrivances. Catiline, who upon his en- magistrates and of the indifference of the senate
trance had been avoided by all, and was sitting alone were open and loud. Lentulus, conceiving that
upon a bench from which every one had shrunk, rose their discontent might be made available for his
to reply with downcast countenance, and in humble own purposes, opened a negotiation through the
accents implored the fathers not to listen to the ma- medium of P. Umbrenus, a freedman, who, in the
lignant calumnies of an upstart foreigner against course of mercantile transactions, had become ac-
the noblest blood in Rome ; but scarcely bad he quainted with most of the Gaulish chiefs, and
commenced when his words were drowned by the who now assuming a tone of warm sympathy with
shouts of “enemy” and “parricide” which burst their wrongs, undertook to point out an easy
from the whole assembly, and he rushed forth with method by which they might obtain ample re-
threats and curses on his lips. On his return home dress. Finding that these mysterious hints were
perce! ving that there was now no hope of destroy- greedily caught up, he gradually disclosed the
ing his hated foe, and that the strict watch kept nature of the plot, and invited them to co-operate
throughout the city rendered tumult and fire raising by stimulating their countrymen to insurrection.
difficult if not impossible for the present ; he re- The men for a long while hesitated, but prudence
solved to strike some decisive blow before troops prevailed. After calculating and balancing the
could be levied to oppose him, and accordingly chances, they resolved to secure a certain and im-
leaving the chief controul of affairs at Rome in the mediate recompense, rather than to speculate upon
hands of Lentulus and Cethegus, with the promise doubtful and distant advantages. Accordingly, they
At the same tiine to march with all speed to their revealed all to Q. Fabius Sanga, the patron of their
## p. 632 (#652) ############################################
632
CATILINA.
CATILINA.
ftate, who in his turn acquainted Cicero, and by | thither by the praetors. On the selſsime night
the instructions of the latter enjoined the ambassa- the high-born patrician Lentulus, a member of the
dors to affect great zcal in the undertaking, and noble Cornelia gens, was strangled in that loath-
if possible to gain possession of some tangible do- some dungeon by the common executioner, and
cumentary proof. The Gauls played well the part the rest of his associates shared his fate. The
assigned to them. A written agreement, signed legality of this proceeding, which was afterwards
by Lentulus, Cethegus, and Statilius, was placed so fiercely impugned, is discussed in the life of
in their hands, and they quitted Rome soon after Cicero.
midnight on the 3rd of December, accompanied by While these things were going on at Rome,
T. Volturcius, of Crotona, who was charged with Catiline had gradually collected a force amounting
despatches for Catiline, it being arranged that the to two legions, although not above one-fourth part
Allobroges were to visit his camp on their way of the whole, or about 5000 men, were fully
homewards for the double purpose of receiving his equipped, the rest being armed with pikes, clubs,
orders and obtaining a ratification of the pledges and other rude wenpons which chance presented.
given by his agents. The whole cavalcade was On the approach of Antonius, Catiline fearing to
surrounded and seized as it was crossing the Mil- encounter regular troops with this motley crowd,
vian bridge, by two of the praetors who had been threw himself into the mountains and by con-
stationed in ambush to intercept them. The stantly shifting his ground and moving rapidly
Gauls quietly surrendered ; Volturcius, after har in different directions, contrived to avoid a colli-
ing rainly endeavoured to resist, was overpowered sion, while at the same time he exercised and
and forced to yield.
disciplined his followers, whose numbers daily
Cicero, when informed of the complete success increased, although he now refused to enrol
of his plan instantly summoned Lentulus, Cethe slaves, multitudes of whom flocked to his banner,
gus, Statilius, and Gabinius to his presence. Len- deeming that it might prove injurious to his pros-
iulus being praetor, the consul led him by the pects were he to identify their interests with what
hand to the fane of Concord where the senate was he termed the cause of Roman freedom. But when
already met ; the rest of the accused followed the news arrived of the disclosures that had taken
closely guarded. The praetor Flaccus was also in place in the city, of the complete suppression of
attendance, bearing the portfolio with the papers the plot, and of the execution of the leading con-
still sealed. Volturcius finding escape impossible, spirators, many who had joined his standard, from
agreed, upon his own personal safety being in the love of excitement and the bope of plunder,
sured, to make a full confession.
His statements gradually slunk away. Those who remained firm
were confirmed by the Allobroges, and the chain he led into the territory of Pistoria with the design
of testimony was rendered complete and conclu- of crossing the Apennines and taking refuge in
sive, by the signatures in the handwriting of the Gaul. But this movement was anticipated by the
ringleaders, which they were unable to deny. vigilance of Metellus Celer, who guarded Picenum
The guilt of Lentulus, Cethegus, and seven others with three legions, and had marched straight to
being thus established beyond a doubt, Lentulus the foot of the hills that he might intercept the in-
was forced to abdicate his office, and then along surgents on their descent.
with the rest was consigned to the charge of cer- Catiline, therefore, at the beginning of the year
lain individuals of high station who became res- 62, finding that escape was cut off in front, while
ponsible for their appearance.
Antonius was pressing on his rear, turned fiercely
These circumstances as they had occurred hav- on his pursuers and determined as a last resource
ing been fully detailed by Cicero in his third ora- to bazard an engagement, trusting that, if success-
tion delivered in the forum, a strong reaction took ful, all Etruria would be thrown open for the
place among the populace, who all now joined in maintenance of his soldiers, and that he would be
execrating Catiline and demanding vengeance, able to keep his ground in the disaffected districts
from the well-founded conviction, that although until some diversion in his favour should be made
they might have derived profit from riot or even in the metropolis. The battle, in which the legions
from civil war, yet the general conflagration, of the republic were commanded by M. Petreius,
which had always formed a leading feature in in consequence of the real or pretended illness of
the schemes of the conspirators, ºmust bave the proconsul Antonius, was obstinate and bloody.
brought ruin upon the humblest mechanics as The rebels fought with the fury of despair, and
well as upon the wealthiest of the aristocracy: long kept at bay the veterans by whom they were
On the other hand, a rigorous effort was made by assailed. Catiline, in this his last field, nobly dis-
the clients of Lentulus to excite the dregs of the charged the duties of a skilful general and a gal-
multitude to attempt his rescue. The danger ap- lant soldier ; his eye and his hand were every-
pearing imminent, the senate was called together where ; he brought up columns to support those
on the nones (5) of December, the day so fre who were most hotly pressed ; withdrew the
quently referred to by Cicero in after times with wounded and the weary, and supplied their place
triumphant pride, and the question was put, what with the sound and fresh ; flew from rank to rank
was their pleasure with regard to those who were encouraging the combatants, and strove by re-
now in custody. After an animated debate, of peated feats of daring valour to turn the fortune of
which the leading arguments are strongly and the day. But at length, perceiving that all was
pointedly expressed in the two celebrated orations lost, he charged headlong where the foes were
assigned by Sallust to Caesar and to Cato, a decree thickest, and fell sword in hand fighting with re-
was passed, that the last punishment should be in- solute courage, worthy of a better cause and a
ficted according to ancient usage upon the con-
His body was found after the strug-
victed traitors. Thereupon the consul led away gle was over far in advance of his own ranks in
Lentulus to the subterranean prison on the slope the midst of a heap of his enemies ; he was yet
of the capitol, and the others were conducted | breathing, and his features in the agonies of death
better man.
;
## p. 633 (#653) ############################################
CATILINA.
633
CATILINA.
still wore their habitual expression of reckless destroying the liberties of his country may have
daring. His adherents, to the number of 3000, entered his thoughts it is impossible to discover,
imitated the example of their leader. Each but we can readily believe that the career of Sulla
perished at his post, and not one freeborn citizen was ever present to his imagination, that his grand
was taken alive either in the fight or in the pur- aim was to become what the dictator had been,
suit. The victory cost the consular army dear, and that, provided this end was accomplished, he
for all the bravest were slain or grievously felt little scrupulous about the means employed.
wounded.
And, in truth, when he looked abroad, the moment
Although we possess only a one-sided history secmed most propitious for the advancement of a
of this famous consi
; althoug much that has man of daring and powerful intellect uncontrolled
been recorded seems so marvellous and incredible, by principle. The leading statesmen were divided
that many have regarded the whole narrative as into factions which eyed each other with the bitter
little better than a fabric of misrepresentation and jealousy engendered during the convulsions in
falsehood, built up by violent political animosity, which they had played an active part some twenty
and resting on a very slender basis of truth; years before. The younger nobility, as a class,
although it cannot be denied that some of the par- were thoroughly demoralized, for the most part
ticulars, set down by Dion Cassius (xxxvii. 30) bankrupts in fortune as well as in fame, eager for
and alluded to by others (e. g. Sall. Cat. 32) of any change which might relieve them from their
the revolting rites by which the compact between embarrassments, while it held out the promise of
the associates was ratified, are evidently vulgar unrestrained licence. The rabble were restless and
exaggerations ; although little reliance can be discontented, filled with enry and hatred against
placed on the self-panegyrics of Cicero, who would the rich and powerful, ever ready to follow at the
studiously seek to magnify the danger in order to bidding of any seditious demagogue. Thus, at
enhance the merits of his own exertions ; yet home, the dominant party in the senate and the
upon a careful and dispassionate investigation, we equites or capitalists alone felt a deep interest in
shall discover no reasonable ground for entertain the stability of the government. Moreover, a
ing any doubts with regard to the general accuracy wide-spread feeling of disaffection extended over
of the facts as presented to us by Sallust, whose the whole of Italy. Many of the veterans of
account is throughout clear and consistent, and is Sulla, accustomed to riotous living and profuse ex-
corroborated in all the most important details by penditure, had already squandered their boards,
the information transmitted from other sources and looked forward with anxiety to the renewal of
Nor, upon a close examination into the circum- these scenes of blood which they had found by ex-
stances of the individuals concerned, of the times, perience so profitable; while the multitudes whose
and of the state of public feeling and public morals, estates had been confiscated, whose relations had
shall we bave much difficulty in forming a distinct been proscribed, and who themselves were suffer-
idea of the character of Catiline himself, of the ing under civil disabilities in consequence of their
motives by which he was stimulated, and of the connexion with those who had thus perished, were
calculations by which he was encouraged to anti- eagerly watching for any movement which might
cipate success.
give them a chance of becoming oppressors, robbers,
Trained in the wars of Sulla, he was made fami- and murderers in their turn.
liar from his earliest youth with civil strife, Never was the executive weaker. The senate
acquired an indifference to human suffering, and and magistrates were wasting their energies in
imbibed an utter contempt for the constitutional petty disputes, indifferent to the great interests of
forms and government of his country, which had the commonwealth ; Pompey, at the head of all
been so freely neglected or violated by his patron. the best troops of the republic, was prosecuting a
The wealth quickly acquired was recklessly squan- long-protracted and doubtful war in the East; there
dered in the indulgence of coarse sensuality; and, was no army in Italy, where all was hushed in a
although his shattered fortunes may have been to treacherous calm. If then, Catiline, surrounded as
a certain extent repaired by a wealthy marriage, he was by a large body of retainers all devotedly
and by the plunder of a province, yet the relief attached to his person, and detached from society
was but temporary; his pleasures were too costly; at large by the crimes which he had suggested or
a considerable portion of his ill-gotten gains would promoted, had succeeded in striking his first great
be expended in bribing the different juries wbo blow, had he assassinated the consuls and the most
pronounced his innocence, and his necessities soon able of the senators, the chances were, that the
became pressing. The remorse too produced by waverers among the higher ranks would have at
his frightful vices and crimes—remorse which was once espoused his cause, that the populace would
betrayed by the haggard cheek, the bloodshot eye, have been intimidated or gained over, and that
the wild glance, and the unsteady step, so graphi- thousands of ruined and desperate men would have
cally depicted by the historian-must have given rushed from all quarters to his support, enabling
rise to a frame of mind which would eagerly desire him to bid defiance to any force which could have
to escape from reflection, and seek relief in fierce been brought to bear upon the city until the return
excitement. On the other hand, the consciousness of Pompey from the East. But Pompey might
of those great mental and physical powers, from never return, or might not return victorious, or, at
which even his most bitter enemies could not with all events, a long period must elapse, and ample
hold a tribute of admiration, combined with the time would be given for negotiations or resistance.
exiensive popularity which he had acquired among Such were the probabilities which led on Catiline
the young by his agreeable address, varied accom- to hazard all upon one great throw ;- but the For-
plishinents, and unwearied zeal in ministering to tune of Rome prerailed, the gambler was ruined,
their pleasures, must have tended to augment his and the state saved.
natural self-confidence, to foster his pride, and to (Sall. Catilin. ; Dion Cass. xxxvi. 27, xxxvii.
sijinulate his ambition. How soon the idea of 10, 29-42; Liv. Epit. 101, 102; Cic. in Cutilin.
í
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634
CATIUS.
CATO.
as
i. ü. iii. iv. , pro Sulla, pro Murenu, 25, 26, in Pison. after the death of Catius; and therefore it is
2, pro Flacc. 40, pro Planc. 37, ad Alt. i. 19, ii. 1, probable that Horace may intend under this
xii. 21, xvi. 14, ad Fam. i. 9; Sueton. Jul. 14; nickname to designate some of the gourmands of
Plut. Cic. 10-22, Cat. Min. 23. Muretus, ad Cic. the court.
(W. R. )
Cat. i. l, has collected from ancient authorities the CATO, DIONY'SIUS. We possess a small
names of forty persons connected with the conspi- volume which commonly bears the title “ Dionysii
racy. Dion Cassius is very confused in his chroCatonis Disticha de Moribus ad Filium. ” . It
nology. His account would lead us to suppose, commences with a preface addressed by the au-
that the first efforts of Catiline were confined in a thor to his son, pointing out how prone men are
great measure to the destruction of Cicero and
to go astray for want of proper counsel, and invit-
those senators who sup the Tullian law ing his earnest attention to the instructive lessons
against bribery, which he believed to be levelled about to be inculcated. Next come fifty-six pro-
against himself individually, and that he did not verb-like injunctions, very briefly expressed, such
form the project of a general revolution until after parentem aman diligentiam adhibe," "jus-
his second defeat, at the election in 63. But this jurandum serva," and the like, which are followed
is manifestly impossible; for in that case the whole by the main body of the work, consisting of a se
of the extensive preparations for the plot must have ries of sententious moral precepts, one hundred and
been devised and completed within the space of a forty-four in number, each apophthegm being enun-
few days. )
[W. R. ] ciated in two dactylic hexameters. The collection
L. CATI'LIUS SEVE'RUS. [SEVERUS. ) is divided into four books; to the second, third,
CATIVOLCUS, king of half of the country of and fourth of these are attached short metrical
the Eburones, a people between the Meuse and prefaces, and the whole is wound up by a couplet
the Rhine, united with Ambiorix, the other king, containing a sort of apology for the form in which
in the insurrection against the Romans in B. c. 54; the materials are presented to the reader.
but when Caesar in the next year proceeded to It is amusing to take a survey of the extraordi-
devastate the territories of the Eburones, Catirol- nary number of contiicting opinions which have
cus, who was advanced in age and unable to endure been entertained by scholars of eminence with re-
the labours of war and flight, poisoned himself, gard to the real author of this work, the period
after imprecating curses upon Ambiorix. (Caes. when it was composed, its intrinsic merits, and
B. G. v. 24, vi. 31. )
indeed every circumstance in any way connected
CA'TIUS, a Roman divinity, who was invoked with it directly or indirectly. It has been assigned
under the name of divus Cutius pater to grant pru- with perfect confidence to Seneca, to Ausonius, to
dence and thoughtfulness to children at the time Serenus Samonicus, to Boethius, to an Octavius, to
when their consciousness was beginning to awaken. a Probus, and to a variety of unknown personages.
(Augustin. De Civit. Dei, iv. 21. ) (L. S. ) The language has been pronounced worthy of the
CA'TIUS. 1. Q. Catius, plebeian aedile B. c. purest era of Latin composition, and declared to be
210 with L. Porcius Licinus, celebrated the games a specimen of the worst epoch of barbarism. The
with great magnificence, and with the money adages themselves have been extolled by some as
arising from fines erected some brazen statues near the dignified exposition of high philosophy; by
the temple of Ceres. He served as legate in the others they have been contemptuously characterised
army of the consul C. Claudius Nero in the cam- as, with few exceptions, a farrago of vapid trash.
paign against Hasdrubal in B. c. 207, and was one One critic, at least, has discovered that the writer
of the envoys sent to Delphi two years afterwards was undoubtedly a Christian, and has traced nearly
to present to the temple some offerings from the the whole of the distichs to the Bible ; while others
booty obtained on the conquest of Hasdrubal. find the clearest proofs of a mind thoroughly im-
(Liv. xxvii. 6, 43, xxviii. 45. )
bued with Pagan creeds and rites. In so far as
2. C. Catius, a Vestinian, tribune of the sol- the literary merits of the production are concerned,
diers in the anny of Antony, B. C. 43. (Cic. ad if we distrust our own judgment, we can feel little
Fum. 3. 23. )
hesitation in believing that what such men as
CA'TIUS, an Epicurean philosopher, was a na- Erasmus, Joseph Scaliger, Laurentius Valla, and
tive of Gallia Transpadana (Insuber), and composed Pithou concurred in admiring warmly and prais-
a treatise in four books on the nature of things and ing loudly, cannot, although its merits may have
on the chief good (de Rerum Natura et de summo been exaggerated, be altogether worthless; and
Bono). Cicero, in a letter written B. C. 45 (ad Fam. any scholar, who examines the book with an im-
xv. 16), speaks of him as having died recently, and partial eye, will readily perceive that, making al-
jests with his correspondent about the “spectra lowance for the numerous and palpable corruptions,
Catiana,” that is, the crowia or material images the style is not unworthy of the Silver Age. As
which were supposed by the disciples of the garden to the other matters under discussion, it will be
to present themselves to the mind, and thus to call sufficient to state what facts we can actually prove.
up the idea of absent objects. Quintilian (x. 1. The very circumstance that every one of the sup-
$ 124) characterises him briefly as “in Epicureis positions alluded to above has been ingeniously
levis quidem sed non injucundus auctor. " The old maintained and ingeniously refuted, would in ii.
commentators on Horace all assert, that the Catius self lead us to conclude, that the evidence which
addressed in the fourth satire of the second book, admits of such opposite interpretations must be
and who is there introduced as delivering a grave both scanty and indistinct.
and sententious lecture on various topics connected The work is first mentioned in an epistle ad-
with the pleasures of the table, is Catius the Epi- dressed by Vindicianus, Comes Archiatrorum, to
curean, author of the work whose title we have Valentinian, in which he states that a certain sick
given above. It appears certain, however, from man used often to repeat the words of Cato-
the words of Cicero, that the satire in questions Corporis exigua (leg. auxiliuin) medico committo
could not have been written until several years fideli”-
## p. 635 (#655) ############################################
CATO.
635
CATO.
a line which is found in ii. D. 22; the next allu- false quantity in the first syllable of Macer, con-
sion is in Isidorus, who quotes Cato as an autho- tains a most gross blunder, such as no one but an
rity for the rarc word officiperdu (see iv. D. 42); illiterate monk was likely to commit,-for the
and the third in order of time is in Alcuin, con- Punic wars are spoken of as the subject of Lucan's
temporary with Charlemagne, who cites one of the poem.
Distichs (ii. D. 31) as the words of the "philoso- This Catechism of Morals, as it has been called,
pher Cato. " In our own early literature it is fre- seems to have been held in great estimation in the
quently quoted by Chaucer. It is clear, therefore, middle ages, and to bave been extensively employ-
that these saws were familiarly known in the mid- ed as a school-book. This will account for the
dle of the fourth century, and recognized from vast number of early editions, more than thirty
that time forward as the composition of some belonging the fifteenth century, which have
Cato. So, in like manner, all the MSS. agree in proved a source of the greatest interest to bibliogra-
presenting that name; while for the addition of phers. One of these, on vellum, of which only a
Dionysius we are indebted to a single codex once single copy is known to exist, is in the Spenser
in the possession of Simeon Bos, which was collection, and is believed by Dibdin to be older
inspected by Scaliger and Vinet, and pronounced than the Gottenburg Bible of 1465. The title in
by them of great antiquity. We must remark, the earlier impressions is frequently Cato Morali-
however, that the combination Dionysius Cato is satus, Cato Moralissimus, Cato Carmen de Moribus,
exceedingly suspicious. Dionysius was a name and so forth.
frequently borne by slaves of Greek extraction ; The best edition is that of Otto Arntzenius, 8vo.
but when combined with a Roman name, accord- | Amsterdam, 1754, which contains an ample collec-
ing to the fashion among libertini, it was added tion of commentaries; the Greek paraphrases by
as a cognomen to the gentile appellation of the Maximus Planudes and Joseph Scaliger; the dis-
patron. Thus, C. Julius Dionysius appears in sertations of Boxhorn, written with as much extra-
an inscription as a freedman of Augustub; so we vagant bitterness as if the author of the Distichs
find P. Aelius Dionysius, and many others; but it had been a personal enemy; the learned but ram-
does not occur prefixed to a Roman cognomen, as bling and almost interminable reply of Cannegieter;
in the present case. Names purely Greek, such and two essays by Withof. These, together with
as Dionysius Socrates, Dionysius Philocalus, and the preliminary notices, contain everything that is
the like, do not of course bear upon the question. worth knowing:
No one now imagines that either of the Catos One of the oldest specimens of English typogra-
celebrated in history has any connexion with this phy is a translation of Cato by Caxton through the
metrical systeni of ethics. Aulus Gellius (xi. 2), medium of an earlier French version : The BOOKE
it is true, gives some fragments of a Carmen de CALLYD CATHOX, Translated oute of Frenche into
Noribus in prose by the elder; and Pliny (H. N. Englyssh by William Carton in thabby of West-
xxix. 6) has preserved a passage from the precepts mystre the yere of our lorde mcccclxxxiij and the
delivered by the same sage to his son; but these fyrst of the regne of K'yng Rychard the thyrde
were both works of a totally different description, xxiij day of Decemure. From the preface to this
and no hint has been given by the ancients that curious volume we learn, that the same task had
anything such as we are now discussing ever pro- previously been accomplished in verse.
“ Here
ceeded from Cato of Utica.
beginneth the prologue or proheme of the book
In truth, we know nothing about this Cato or called Caton, which book hath been translated out
Dionysius Cato, if he is to be so called ; and, as of Latin into English, by Maister Benet Burgh,
we have no means of discovering anything with late Archdeacon of Colchester, and high canon of
regard to him, it may be as well to confess our ig- St. Stephen at Westminster; which full craftily
norance once for all.
hath made it, in ballad royal for the erudition of
Perhaps we ought to notice the opinion enter- my Lord Bousher, son and heir at that time to my
tained by several persons, that Cuto is not intended lord the Earl of Essex. ” The Cato we have been
to represent the name of the author, but is merely discussing is frequently termed by the first English
to be regarded as the significant title of the work, printers Cato Magnus, in contradistinction to Cato
just as we have the Brutus, and the Laelius, and Parvus, which was a sort of supplement to the for
the Cato Major of Cicero, and the treatise men- mer, composed originally by Daniel Church (Eccle-
tioned by Aulus Gellius, called Cato, aut de Liberis siensis), a domestic in the court of Henry the Se-
educandis.
cond, about 1180, and also translated by Burgh.
Lastly, it has been inferred, from the introduc- The two tracts were very frequently bound up to-
tion to book second, in which mention is made of gether. (See Ames, Typographical Antiquities, vol.
Virgil and Lucan, that we have here certain proof i.
Pac. 649. )
(LS. ) tion of their plan until the 5th of February, re-
CATAMANTA'LEDES, king of the Sequani solving at the same time to include many of the
in the former half of the first century B. C. , had leading men of the state in the proposed massacre.
received the title of friend from the senate and This extraordinary design is said to have been
the Roman people. (Caes. B. G. i. 3. )
frustrated solely by the impatience of Catiline,
CATAMITUS, the Roman name for Gany- who, upon the appointed day, gave the signal pre-
medes, of which it is only a corrupt form. (Plaut. maturely, before the whole of the armed agents bad
Menaech. i. 2. 34; Fest. s. v. Catamitum. ) (L. S. ] assembled, and thus confounded the preconcerted
CATHA'RSIUS (Kabápoios), the purifyer or combinations. The danger being past, certain re-
atoner, a surname of Zeus, under which he in con- solutions were proposed in the senate with regard
junction with Nice had a temple at Olympia. to the authors of this abortive attempt ; but the
(Paus. v. 14. $ 6. )
[L. S. ] proceedings were quashed by the intercession of a
T. CATIE'NUS, described by Cicero as a low tribune. The plot was, however, a matter of com-
and mean fellow, but of equestrian rank, who was mon discussion, and no one seems to have enter-
angry with Q. Cicero. (Cic. ad Qu. Fr. i. 2. $ 2. ) tained any doubt of its reality, while many did
CATILI'NA, L. SEʻRGIUS, the descendant not scruple to assert that M. Crassus, and Julius
of an ancient patrician family which had sunk Caesar, who was then aedile, were deeply involved.
first appears in history as a zealous (Q. Cic
. de pet. Cons. 2, &c; Asconius in Fog.
partizan of Sulla. During the horrors of the great cand. and in Cornel ; Sall. Cati. 15–18; Liv.
proscription, among many other victims, he killed, Epit. 101 ; Dion Cass. xxxvi. 27 ; Sueton. Jul. 9; .
with his own hand, his brother-in-law, Q. Caecilius, Cic. pro Sulla, 1—24, pro Muren. 38, pro Cael. 4,
described as a quiet inoffensive man, and having in Catil. i. 6. ) [Comp. p. 540, b. ]
seized and tortured the well-known and popular Encouraged rather than disheartened by a failure
M. Marius Gratidianus, the kinsman and fellow- which had so nearly proved a triumph, and which
townsman of Cicero, cut off his head, and bore it had so distinctly demonstrated the practicability of
in triumph through the city. Plutarch accuses him such a project, if conducted with common prudence
in two places (Šull. 32, Cic. 10) of having mur- and caution, Catiline was soon after (B. C. 65),
dered his own brother at the same period, under left completely unfettered by his acquittal upon
circumstances of peculiar atrocity, but there is pro- trial for extortion, a result secured, it was alleged,
bably some confusion here between the brother and by the liberal bribes administered to the accuser as
the brother-in. -law, for Sallust, when enumerating well as to the jury. From this time he seems to have
the crimes of Catiline, would scarcely have failed determined to proceed more systematically ; to en-
to add such a monstrous deed as this to the black list a more numerous body of supporters; to extend
into poverty,
## p. 630 (#650) ############################################
630
CATILINA.
CATILINA.
moment
ers.
:
the sphere of operations, and to organize a more or on the credit of his friends ; magazines of arms
comprehensive and sweeping scheme of destruction and other warlike stores were secretly formed ; troops
Accordingly, about the beginning of June, B. C. 64, were levied in various parts of Italy, especially in
probably soon after the successful termination of the neighbourhood of Faesulae, under the superin-
his second trial, when called to account for the tendence of C. Manlius, an experienced commander,
blood which he had shed during the proscription of one of the veteran centurions of Sulla (Dion Cass.
Sulla (Dion Cass. xxxvii. 10), he began, while xxxvii. 30), and numerous adherents were enrolled
canvassing rigorously for the consulship, to sound from the most desperate classes, including not a few
the dispositions of various persons, by pointing women of ruined reputation ; attempts also were
out the probable success of a great revolu- made in various quarters to gain over the slaves ;
tionary movement, and the bright prospect of and it was determined, when the critica
power and profit opened up to its promot- should arrive for an open demonstration, to set fire
After having thus ascertained the temper to the city in many different places at the same
of different individuals, he called together those instant, and to slaughter the well-disposed portion
who from their necessities, their characters, and of the population in the tumult. Meanwhile, in
their sentiments, were likely to be most eager and the midst of these extensive preparations, Catiline
most resolute in the undertaking. The meeting, again (63) stood candidate for the consulship, and
according to Sallust, was attended by eleven sena- used every effort to get rid of Cicero, who met him
tors, by four members of the equestrian order, at every turn and thwarted all his best-contrived
and by several men of rank and influence from machinations. Nor was this wonderful, for he was
the provincial towns. The most conspicuous were countermined from a quarter whence he apprehend-
P. Cornelius Lentulus Sura, who had been consuled no danger. One of the most high-born, aban-
in B. c. 71, but having been passed over by the doned, but at the same time, weak and vacillating,
censors had lost his seat in the senate, which he among the conspirators, was a certain Q. Curius,
was now seeking to recover by standing a second who had been expelled from the senate by the cen-
time for the praetorship (Dion Cass. xxxvii. 30); sors on account of the infamy of his life. This
C. Cornelius Cethegus, distinguished throughout man had long consorted with a noble mistress named
by his impatience, headstrong impetuosity, and Fulvia, who appears to have acquired complete con-
sanguinary violence (Sall. Cat. 43 ; Cic. pro Sull. troul over his mind, and to have been made the de-
19); P. Autronius spoken of above ; L. Cassius positary of all his secrets. Fulvia, alarmed by the
Longinus, at this time a competitor for the consul- intelligence obtained from her lover, divulged what
ship, dull and heavy, but bloodthirsty withal (Cic. she had learned to several of her acquaintances and,
in Cat. iii. 4-6 ; Pro Sulla, 13); L. Vargunteius, through them, opened a correspondence with Cicero,
who had been one of the colleagues of Cicero in to whom she regularly communicated all the parti-
the quaestorship, and had subsequently been con- culars she could collect, and at length persuaded
demned for bribery (Pro Sull. 5, 6, 18); L. Cal Curius himself to turn traitor and betray his com-
purnius Bestia, tribune elect ; Publius and Servius rades. Thus the consul was at once put in pos-
Sulla, nephews of the dictator; M. Porcius Laeca session of every circumstance as soon as it occurred,
(Cic. in Cat. i. 4, ii. 6, Pro Sull. 2, 18); Q. and was enabled to keep vigilant watch over the
Annius; Q. Curius ; M. Fulvius Nobilior ; L. conduct of every individual from whom danger
Statilius ; P. Gabinius Capito ; C. Cornelius. In was to be apprehended. By imparting to a certain
addition to these, a great body of the younger no- extent his fears and suspicions to the senators and
Lility were known to be favourably inclined although monied men, he excited a general feeling of distrust
they had not openly committed themselves, and now, and suspicion towards Catiline, and bound firmly
as on the former occasion, rumour included Crassus together, by the tie of common interest, all who
and Caesar, although the report does not appear to having property to lose looked forward with dread
have gained general belief. [Comp. p. 541, b. ) to confusion and anarchy; Antonius, whose good
At this assembly Catiline, after expatiating upon faith was more than doubtful, he gained over by at
a number of topics calculated to rouse the indigna- once resigning to him the province of Macedonia,
tion and stimulate the cupidity of his audience, while he otected his own person by a numerous
proceeded to develop his objects and resources. He body of friends and dependants who surrounded
proposed that all debts should be cancelled, that the him whenever be appeared in public. These pre-
most wealthy citizens should be proscribed, and that liminary measures being completed, he now ventured
all offices of honour and emolument should be di- to speak more openly; prevailed upon the senate to
vided among the associates, while for support he defer the consular elections in order that the state
counted upon Piso in Hither Spain, P. Sittius of public affairs might be fully investigated; and at
Nucerinus with the army in Mauritania, and at length, on the 21st of October, openly denounced
home confidently anticipated the co-operation of C. Catiline, charged him broadly with treason, pre-
Antonius, whom be expected to be chosen consulalong dicted that in six days from that time Manlius
with himself for the following year, having formed would take the field in open war, and that the 28th
a coalition with him for the purpose of excluding was the period fixed for the murder of the leading
Cicero. The votes of the people, however, in some men in the commonwealth. Such was the conster-
measure deranged these calculations. Cicero and nation produced by these disclosures that many of
C. Antonius were returned, the former nearly unani- tiose who considered themselves peculiarly obnox-
mously, the latter by a small majority over Catiline. ious instantly fled from Rome, and the senate being
This disappointment, while it increased if possible now thoroughly roused, passed the decretum ulti-
the bitterness of his animosity towards the dominant mum, in virtue of which the consuls were invested
party among the aristocracy and the independent for the time being with absolute power, both civil
portion of the middle ranks, rendered him more and military. Thus supported, Cicero took such
vigorous in the prosecution of his designs. Large precautions that the Comitia passed off without any
suns of money were raised upon his own security, 1 outbreak or even attempt at violence, although an
## p. 631 (#651) ############################################
CATILINA.
631
CATILINA.
i
Attack upon the magistrates had been meditated. support at the head of a powerful army, set forth
Catiline was again rejected ; was forth with im- in the dead of night '(8th—9th November),
peached of scdition, under the Plautian law, by L. and after remaining for a few days with his ad-
Aemilius Paullus ; was forced to abandon the ex- herents in the neighbourhood of Arretium, where
pectation he had entertained of surprising the strong he assumed the fasces and other ensigns of lawful
fortress of Praeneste, which would have formed an military command, proceeded to the camp of Man-
admirable base for his warlike operations ; and lius, having previously addressed letters to the
found himself every hour more and more closely most distinguished consulars and others, solemnly
confined and pressed by the net in which he was protesting his innocence, and declaring that unable
entangled through the activity of Cicero. Driven to resist the cabal formed among his enemies he had
to despair by this accumulation of disappointments determined to retire to Marseilles that he might
and dangers he resolved at once to bring matters to preserve his country from agitation and disturb-
a crisis, and no longer to waste time by persevering ance.
in a course of policy in which he had been so re- On the 9th, when the flight of Catiline was
peatedly foiled. Accordingly, while he still en- known, Cicero delivered his second speech, which
deavoured to keep up appearances by loud protesta- was addressed to the people in the forum, the
tions of innocence, and by offering to place himself senate proceeded to declare Catiline and Manlius
under the controul and surveillance of M. Lepidus, public enemies, despatched officers of high stand-
of Q. Metellus, the praetor, or of M. Marcellus, in ing to Etruria, Picenum, Campania, Apulia, and
whose house he actually took up his abode, or even the different districts from which danger was ap-
of Cicero himself ; on the night of the 6th of No- prehended, directed the consuls to hold a levy
vember he met the ringleaders at the dwelling of with all speed, decreed that Antonius should go
M. Porcius Laeca, and after complaining of their forth to the war, and that Cicero should remain to
backwardness and inactivity, informed them that he guard the city ; offering at the same time an
bad despatched Manlius to Etruria, Septimius of amnesty to all who should quit the rebels, and free
Camers, to Picenum, C. Julius, to Apulia, and pardon and great rewards to any who should give
others of less note to different parts of Italy to such information as might lead to the discovery
raise open war, and to organize a general revolt of and conviction of the conspirators within the walls.
the slave population. He added that he was desi- It is a remarkable fact, and one which indicates
rous to place himself at the head of his troops, but most strongly the disaffection of the lower classes
that it was absolutely necessary in the first place to to the existing order of things, that not one man
remove Cicero, whose vigilance was most injurious could be found to take advantage of this proclama-
to their cause. Upon this L. Vargunteius, a sena- tion, and that not a single soldier deserted from
tor, and C. Cornelius, a knight, undertook to repair the rebel standard. This circumstance threatened
at an early hour the following morning to the house to prove a source of most serious embarrassment.
of the consul, to make their way into his chamber Although the existence of the conspiracy and the
as if for the purpose of paying their respects, and names of the leading conspirators were known, not
then to stab him on the spot. The whole of these only to the magistrates, but to the public at large,
proceedings were instantly reported to their intended yet there was no legal evidence against any indi-
victim; the assassins, when they presented them- vidual, for Curius, while he faithfully supplied
selves, were refused admission, and certain intelli- secret intelligence, could not come forward openly
gence having been now received that the rebellion without blasting himself for ever, and at the same
had actually broken out on the 27th of October in time depriving the government of its most power-
Etruria, Cicero, on the 8th of November, went ful auxiliary. But such steadfastness of purpose
down to the senate which, for greater security, had did not extend to certain foreigners belonging to a
been summoned to meet in the temple of Jupiter race proverbial in ancient times for the lightness
Stator, and there delivered his celebrated oration, of their faith. There was at Rome at this period
Quousque tandem abutére, Catilina, patientia a party of Allobroges, deputies despatched by their
nostra ? " which paralysed the traitor, not so much by nation to seek relief from certain real or alleged
the vehemence of the invective, as by the intimate grievances. Their suit, however, had not pros-
acquaintance which it displayed with all his most pered, and their complaints of the cupidity of the
hidden contrivances. Catiline, who upon his en- magistrates and of the indifference of the senate
trance had been avoided by all, and was sitting alone were open and loud. Lentulus, conceiving that
upon a bench from which every one had shrunk, rose their discontent might be made available for his
to reply with downcast countenance, and in humble own purposes, opened a negotiation through the
accents implored the fathers not to listen to the ma- medium of P. Umbrenus, a freedman, who, in the
lignant calumnies of an upstart foreigner against course of mercantile transactions, had become ac-
the noblest blood in Rome ; but scarcely bad he quainted with most of the Gaulish chiefs, and
commenced when his words were drowned by the who now assuming a tone of warm sympathy with
shouts of “enemy” and “parricide” which burst their wrongs, undertook to point out an easy
from the whole assembly, and he rushed forth with method by which they might obtain ample re-
threats and curses on his lips. On his return home dress. Finding that these mysterious hints were
perce! ving that there was now no hope of destroy- greedily caught up, he gradually disclosed the
ing his hated foe, and that the strict watch kept nature of the plot, and invited them to co-operate
throughout the city rendered tumult and fire raising by stimulating their countrymen to insurrection.
difficult if not impossible for the present ; he re- The men for a long while hesitated, but prudence
solved to strike some decisive blow before troops prevailed. After calculating and balancing the
could be levied to oppose him, and accordingly chances, they resolved to secure a certain and im-
leaving the chief controul of affairs at Rome in the mediate recompense, rather than to speculate upon
hands of Lentulus and Cethegus, with the promise doubtful and distant advantages. Accordingly, they
At the same tiine to march with all speed to their revealed all to Q. Fabius Sanga, the patron of their
## p. 632 (#652) ############################################
632
CATILINA.
CATILINA.
ftate, who in his turn acquainted Cicero, and by | thither by the praetors. On the selſsime night
the instructions of the latter enjoined the ambassa- the high-born patrician Lentulus, a member of the
dors to affect great zcal in the undertaking, and noble Cornelia gens, was strangled in that loath-
if possible to gain possession of some tangible do- some dungeon by the common executioner, and
cumentary proof. The Gauls played well the part the rest of his associates shared his fate. The
assigned to them. A written agreement, signed legality of this proceeding, which was afterwards
by Lentulus, Cethegus, and Statilius, was placed so fiercely impugned, is discussed in the life of
in their hands, and they quitted Rome soon after Cicero.
midnight on the 3rd of December, accompanied by While these things were going on at Rome,
T. Volturcius, of Crotona, who was charged with Catiline had gradually collected a force amounting
despatches for Catiline, it being arranged that the to two legions, although not above one-fourth part
Allobroges were to visit his camp on their way of the whole, or about 5000 men, were fully
homewards for the double purpose of receiving his equipped, the rest being armed with pikes, clubs,
orders and obtaining a ratification of the pledges and other rude wenpons which chance presented.
given by his agents. The whole cavalcade was On the approach of Antonius, Catiline fearing to
surrounded and seized as it was crossing the Mil- encounter regular troops with this motley crowd,
vian bridge, by two of the praetors who had been threw himself into the mountains and by con-
stationed in ambush to intercept them. The stantly shifting his ground and moving rapidly
Gauls quietly surrendered ; Volturcius, after har in different directions, contrived to avoid a colli-
ing rainly endeavoured to resist, was overpowered sion, while at the same time he exercised and
and forced to yield.
disciplined his followers, whose numbers daily
Cicero, when informed of the complete success increased, although he now refused to enrol
of his plan instantly summoned Lentulus, Cethe slaves, multitudes of whom flocked to his banner,
gus, Statilius, and Gabinius to his presence. Len- deeming that it might prove injurious to his pros-
iulus being praetor, the consul led him by the pects were he to identify their interests with what
hand to the fane of Concord where the senate was he termed the cause of Roman freedom. But when
already met ; the rest of the accused followed the news arrived of the disclosures that had taken
closely guarded. The praetor Flaccus was also in place in the city, of the complete suppression of
attendance, bearing the portfolio with the papers the plot, and of the execution of the leading con-
still sealed. Volturcius finding escape impossible, spirators, many who had joined his standard, from
agreed, upon his own personal safety being in the love of excitement and the bope of plunder,
sured, to make a full confession.
His statements gradually slunk away. Those who remained firm
were confirmed by the Allobroges, and the chain he led into the territory of Pistoria with the design
of testimony was rendered complete and conclu- of crossing the Apennines and taking refuge in
sive, by the signatures in the handwriting of the Gaul. But this movement was anticipated by the
ringleaders, which they were unable to deny. vigilance of Metellus Celer, who guarded Picenum
The guilt of Lentulus, Cethegus, and seven others with three legions, and had marched straight to
being thus established beyond a doubt, Lentulus the foot of the hills that he might intercept the in-
was forced to abdicate his office, and then along surgents on their descent.
with the rest was consigned to the charge of cer- Catiline, therefore, at the beginning of the year
lain individuals of high station who became res- 62, finding that escape was cut off in front, while
ponsible for their appearance.
Antonius was pressing on his rear, turned fiercely
These circumstances as they had occurred hav- on his pursuers and determined as a last resource
ing been fully detailed by Cicero in his third ora- to bazard an engagement, trusting that, if success-
tion delivered in the forum, a strong reaction took ful, all Etruria would be thrown open for the
place among the populace, who all now joined in maintenance of his soldiers, and that he would be
execrating Catiline and demanding vengeance, able to keep his ground in the disaffected districts
from the well-founded conviction, that although until some diversion in his favour should be made
they might have derived profit from riot or even in the metropolis. The battle, in which the legions
from civil war, yet the general conflagration, of the republic were commanded by M. Petreius,
which had always formed a leading feature in in consequence of the real or pretended illness of
the schemes of the conspirators, ºmust bave the proconsul Antonius, was obstinate and bloody.
brought ruin upon the humblest mechanics as The rebels fought with the fury of despair, and
well as upon the wealthiest of the aristocracy: long kept at bay the veterans by whom they were
On the other hand, a rigorous effort was made by assailed. Catiline, in this his last field, nobly dis-
the clients of Lentulus to excite the dregs of the charged the duties of a skilful general and a gal-
multitude to attempt his rescue. The danger ap- lant soldier ; his eye and his hand were every-
pearing imminent, the senate was called together where ; he brought up columns to support those
on the nones (5) of December, the day so fre who were most hotly pressed ; withdrew the
quently referred to by Cicero in after times with wounded and the weary, and supplied their place
triumphant pride, and the question was put, what with the sound and fresh ; flew from rank to rank
was their pleasure with regard to those who were encouraging the combatants, and strove by re-
now in custody. After an animated debate, of peated feats of daring valour to turn the fortune of
which the leading arguments are strongly and the day. But at length, perceiving that all was
pointedly expressed in the two celebrated orations lost, he charged headlong where the foes were
assigned by Sallust to Caesar and to Cato, a decree thickest, and fell sword in hand fighting with re-
was passed, that the last punishment should be in- solute courage, worthy of a better cause and a
ficted according to ancient usage upon the con-
His body was found after the strug-
victed traitors. Thereupon the consul led away gle was over far in advance of his own ranks in
Lentulus to the subterranean prison on the slope the midst of a heap of his enemies ; he was yet
of the capitol, and the others were conducted | breathing, and his features in the agonies of death
better man.
;
## p. 633 (#653) ############################################
CATILINA.
633
CATILINA.
still wore their habitual expression of reckless destroying the liberties of his country may have
daring. His adherents, to the number of 3000, entered his thoughts it is impossible to discover,
imitated the example of their leader. Each but we can readily believe that the career of Sulla
perished at his post, and not one freeborn citizen was ever present to his imagination, that his grand
was taken alive either in the fight or in the pur- aim was to become what the dictator had been,
suit. The victory cost the consular army dear, and that, provided this end was accomplished, he
for all the bravest were slain or grievously felt little scrupulous about the means employed.
wounded.
And, in truth, when he looked abroad, the moment
Although we possess only a one-sided history secmed most propitious for the advancement of a
of this famous consi
; althoug much that has man of daring and powerful intellect uncontrolled
been recorded seems so marvellous and incredible, by principle. The leading statesmen were divided
that many have regarded the whole narrative as into factions which eyed each other with the bitter
little better than a fabric of misrepresentation and jealousy engendered during the convulsions in
falsehood, built up by violent political animosity, which they had played an active part some twenty
and resting on a very slender basis of truth; years before. The younger nobility, as a class,
although it cannot be denied that some of the par- were thoroughly demoralized, for the most part
ticulars, set down by Dion Cassius (xxxvii. 30) bankrupts in fortune as well as in fame, eager for
and alluded to by others (e. g. Sall. Cat. 32) of any change which might relieve them from their
the revolting rites by which the compact between embarrassments, while it held out the promise of
the associates was ratified, are evidently vulgar unrestrained licence. The rabble were restless and
exaggerations ; although little reliance can be discontented, filled with enry and hatred against
placed on the self-panegyrics of Cicero, who would the rich and powerful, ever ready to follow at the
studiously seek to magnify the danger in order to bidding of any seditious demagogue. Thus, at
enhance the merits of his own exertions ; yet home, the dominant party in the senate and the
upon a careful and dispassionate investigation, we equites or capitalists alone felt a deep interest in
shall discover no reasonable ground for entertain the stability of the government. Moreover, a
ing any doubts with regard to the general accuracy wide-spread feeling of disaffection extended over
of the facts as presented to us by Sallust, whose the whole of Italy. Many of the veterans of
account is throughout clear and consistent, and is Sulla, accustomed to riotous living and profuse ex-
corroborated in all the most important details by penditure, had already squandered their boards,
the information transmitted from other sources and looked forward with anxiety to the renewal of
Nor, upon a close examination into the circum- these scenes of blood which they had found by ex-
stances of the individuals concerned, of the times, perience so profitable; while the multitudes whose
and of the state of public feeling and public morals, estates had been confiscated, whose relations had
shall we bave much difficulty in forming a distinct been proscribed, and who themselves were suffer-
idea of the character of Catiline himself, of the ing under civil disabilities in consequence of their
motives by which he was stimulated, and of the connexion with those who had thus perished, were
calculations by which he was encouraged to anti- eagerly watching for any movement which might
cipate success.
give them a chance of becoming oppressors, robbers,
Trained in the wars of Sulla, he was made fami- and murderers in their turn.
liar from his earliest youth with civil strife, Never was the executive weaker. The senate
acquired an indifference to human suffering, and and magistrates were wasting their energies in
imbibed an utter contempt for the constitutional petty disputes, indifferent to the great interests of
forms and government of his country, which had the commonwealth ; Pompey, at the head of all
been so freely neglected or violated by his patron. the best troops of the republic, was prosecuting a
The wealth quickly acquired was recklessly squan- long-protracted and doubtful war in the East; there
dered in the indulgence of coarse sensuality; and, was no army in Italy, where all was hushed in a
although his shattered fortunes may have been to treacherous calm. If then, Catiline, surrounded as
a certain extent repaired by a wealthy marriage, he was by a large body of retainers all devotedly
and by the plunder of a province, yet the relief attached to his person, and detached from society
was but temporary; his pleasures were too costly; at large by the crimes which he had suggested or
a considerable portion of his ill-gotten gains would promoted, had succeeded in striking his first great
be expended in bribing the different juries wbo blow, had he assassinated the consuls and the most
pronounced his innocence, and his necessities soon able of the senators, the chances were, that the
became pressing. The remorse too produced by waverers among the higher ranks would have at
his frightful vices and crimes—remorse which was once espoused his cause, that the populace would
betrayed by the haggard cheek, the bloodshot eye, have been intimidated or gained over, and that
the wild glance, and the unsteady step, so graphi- thousands of ruined and desperate men would have
cally depicted by the historian-must have given rushed from all quarters to his support, enabling
rise to a frame of mind which would eagerly desire him to bid defiance to any force which could have
to escape from reflection, and seek relief in fierce been brought to bear upon the city until the return
excitement. On the other hand, the consciousness of Pompey from the East. But Pompey might
of those great mental and physical powers, from never return, or might not return victorious, or, at
which even his most bitter enemies could not with all events, a long period must elapse, and ample
hold a tribute of admiration, combined with the time would be given for negotiations or resistance.
exiensive popularity which he had acquired among Such were the probabilities which led on Catiline
the young by his agreeable address, varied accom- to hazard all upon one great throw ;- but the For-
plishinents, and unwearied zeal in ministering to tune of Rome prerailed, the gambler was ruined,
their pleasures, must have tended to augment his and the state saved.
natural self-confidence, to foster his pride, and to (Sall. Catilin. ; Dion Cass. xxxvi. 27, xxxvii.
sijinulate his ambition. How soon the idea of 10, 29-42; Liv. Epit. 101, 102; Cic. in Cutilin.
í
## p. 634 (#654) ############################################
634
CATIUS.
CATO.
as
i. ü. iii. iv. , pro Sulla, pro Murenu, 25, 26, in Pison. after the death of Catius; and therefore it is
2, pro Flacc. 40, pro Planc. 37, ad Alt. i. 19, ii. 1, probable that Horace may intend under this
xii. 21, xvi. 14, ad Fam. i. 9; Sueton. Jul. 14; nickname to designate some of the gourmands of
Plut. Cic. 10-22, Cat. Min. 23. Muretus, ad Cic. the court.
(W. R. )
Cat. i. l, has collected from ancient authorities the CATO, DIONY'SIUS. We possess a small
names of forty persons connected with the conspi- volume which commonly bears the title “ Dionysii
racy. Dion Cassius is very confused in his chroCatonis Disticha de Moribus ad Filium. ” . It
nology. His account would lead us to suppose, commences with a preface addressed by the au-
that the first efforts of Catiline were confined in a thor to his son, pointing out how prone men are
great measure to the destruction of Cicero and
to go astray for want of proper counsel, and invit-
those senators who sup the Tullian law ing his earnest attention to the instructive lessons
against bribery, which he believed to be levelled about to be inculcated. Next come fifty-six pro-
against himself individually, and that he did not verb-like injunctions, very briefly expressed, such
form the project of a general revolution until after parentem aman diligentiam adhibe," "jus-
his second defeat, at the election in 63. But this jurandum serva," and the like, which are followed
is manifestly impossible; for in that case the whole by the main body of the work, consisting of a se
of the extensive preparations for the plot must have ries of sententious moral precepts, one hundred and
been devised and completed within the space of a forty-four in number, each apophthegm being enun-
few days. )
[W. R. ] ciated in two dactylic hexameters. The collection
L. CATI'LIUS SEVE'RUS. [SEVERUS. ) is divided into four books; to the second, third,
CATIVOLCUS, king of half of the country of and fourth of these are attached short metrical
the Eburones, a people between the Meuse and prefaces, and the whole is wound up by a couplet
the Rhine, united with Ambiorix, the other king, containing a sort of apology for the form in which
in the insurrection against the Romans in B. c. 54; the materials are presented to the reader.
but when Caesar in the next year proceeded to It is amusing to take a survey of the extraordi-
devastate the territories of the Eburones, Catirol- nary number of contiicting opinions which have
cus, who was advanced in age and unable to endure been entertained by scholars of eminence with re-
the labours of war and flight, poisoned himself, gard to the real author of this work, the period
after imprecating curses upon Ambiorix. (Caes. when it was composed, its intrinsic merits, and
B. G. v. 24, vi. 31. )
indeed every circumstance in any way connected
CA'TIUS, a Roman divinity, who was invoked with it directly or indirectly. It has been assigned
under the name of divus Cutius pater to grant pru- with perfect confidence to Seneca, to Ausonius, to
dence and thoughtfulness to children at the time Serenus Samonicus, to Boethius, to an Octavius, to
when their consciousness was beginning to awaken. a Probus, and to a variety of unknown personages.
(Augustin. De Civit. Dei, iv. 21. ) (L. S. ) The language has been pronounced worthy of the
CA'TIUS. 1. Q. Catius, plebeian aedile B. c. purest era of Latin composition, and declared to be
210 with L. Porcius Licinus, celebrated the games a specimen of the worst epoch of barbarism. The
with great magnificence, and with the money adages themselves have been extolled by some as
arising from fines erected some brazen statues near the dignified exposition of high philosophy; by
the temple of Ceres. He served as legate in the others they have been contemptuously characterised
army of the consul C. Claudius Nero in the cam- as, with few exceptions, a farrago of vapid trash.
paign against Hasdrubal in B. c. 207, and was one One critic, at least, has discovered that the writer
of the envoys sent to Delphi two years afterwards was undoubtedly a Christian, and has traced nearly
to present to the temple some offerings from the the whole of the distichs to the Bible ; while others
booty obtained on the conquest of Hasdrubal. find the clearest proofs of a mind thoroughly im-
(Liv. xxvii. 6, 43, xxviii. 45. )
bued with Pagan creeds and rites. In so far as
2. C. Catius, a Vestinian, tribune of the sol- the literary merits of the production are concerned,
diers in the anny of Antony, B. C. 43. (Cic. ad if we distrust our own judgment, we can feel little
Fum. 3. 23. )
hesitation in believing that what such men as
CA'TIUS, an Epicurean philosopher, was a na- Erasmus, Joseph Scaliger, Laurentius Valla, and
tive of Gallia Transpadana (Insuber), and composed Pithou concurred in admiring warmly and prais-
a treatise in four books on the nature of things and ing loudly, cannot, although its merits may have
on the chief good (de Rerum Natura et de summo been exaggerated, be altogether worthless; and
Bono). Cicero, in a letter written B. C. 45 (ad Fam. any scholar, who examines the book with an im-
xv. 16), speaks of him as having died recently, and partial eye, will readily perceive that, making al-
jests with his correspondent about the “spectra lowance for the numerous and palpable corruptions,
Catiana,” that is, the crowia or material images the style is not unworthy of the Silver Age. As
which were supposed by the disciples of the garden to the other matters under discussion, it will be
to present themselves to the mind, and thus to call sufficient to state what facts we can actually prove.
up the idea of absent objects. Quintilian (x. 1. The very circumstance that every one of the sup-
$ 124) characterises him briefly as “in Epicureis positions alluded to above has been ingeniously
levis quidem sed non injucundus auctor. " The old maintained and ingeniously refuted, would in ii.
commentators on Horace all assert, that the Catius self lead us to conclude, that the evidence which
addressed in the fourth satire of the second book, admits of such opposite interpretations must be
and who is there introduced as delivering a grave both scanty and indistinct.
and sententious lecture on various topics connected The work is first mentioned in an epistle ad-
with the pleasures of the table, is Catius the Epi- dressed by Vindicianus, Comes Archiatrorum, to
curean, author of the work whose title we have Valentinian, in which he states that a certain sick
given above. It appears certain, however, from man used often to repeat the words of Cato-
the words of Cicero, that the satire in questions Corporis exigua (leg. auxiliuin) medico committo
could not have been written until several years fideli”-
## p. 635 (#655) ############################################
CATO.
635
CATO.
a line which is found in ii. D. 22; the next allu- false quantity in the first syllable of Macer, con-
sion is in Isidorus, who quotes Cato as an autho- tains a most gross blunder, such as no one but an
rity for the rarc word officiperdu (see iv. D. 42); illiterate monk was likely to commit,-for the
and the third in order of time is in Alcuin, con- Punic wars are spoken of as the subject of Lucan's
temporary with Charlemagne, who cites one of the poem.
Distichs (ii. D. 31) as the words of the "philoso- This Catechism of Morals, as it has been called,
pher Cato. " In our own early literature it is fre- seems to have been held in great estimation in the
quently quoted by Chaucer. It is clear, therefore, middle ages, and to bave been extensively employ-
that these saws were familiarly known in the mid- ed as a school-book. This will account for the
dle of the fourth century, and recognized from vast number of early editions, more than thirty
that time forward as the composition of some belonging the fifteenth century, which have
Cato. So, in like manner, all the MSS. agree in proved a source of the greatest interest to bibliogra-
presenting that name; while for the addition of phers. One of these, on vellum, of which only a
Dionysius we are indebted to a single codex once single copy is known to exist, is in the Spenser
in the possession of Simeon Bos, which was collection, and is believed by Dibdin to be older
inspected by Scaliger and Vinet, and pronounced than the Gottenburg Bible of 1465. The title in
by them of great antiquity. We must remark, the earlier impressions is frequently Cato Morali-
however, that the combination Dionysius Cato is satus, Cato Moralissimus, Cato Carmen de Moribus,
exceedingly suspicious. Dionysius was a name and so forth.
frequently borne by slaves of Greek extraction ; The best edition is that of Otto Arntzenius, 8vo.
but when combined with a Roman name, accord- | Amsterdam, 1754, which contains an ample collec-
ing to the fashion among libertini, it was added tion of commentaries; the Greek paraphrases by
as a cognomen to the gentile appellation of the Maximus Planudes and Joseph Scaliger; the dis-
patron. Thus, C. Julius Dionysius appears in sertations of Boxhorn, written with as much extra-
an inscription as a freedman of Augustub; so we vagant bitterness as if the author of the Distichs
find P. Aelius Dionysius, and many others; but it had been a personal enemy; the learned but ram-
does not occur prefixed to a Roman cognomen, as bling and almost interminable reply of Cannegieter;
in the present case. Names purely Greek, such and two essays by Withof. These, together with
as Dionysius Socrates, Dionysius Philocalus, and the preliminary notices, contain everything that is
the like, do not of course bear upon the question. worth knowing:
No one now imagines that either of the Catos One of the oldest specimens of English typogra-
celebrated in history has any connexion with this phy is a translation of Cato by Caxton through the
metrical systeni of ethics. Aulus Gellius (xi. 2), medium of an earlier French version : The BOOKE
it is true, gives some fragments of a Carmen de CALLYD CATHOX, Translated oute of Frenche into
Noribus in prose by the elder; and Pliny (H. N. Englyssh by William Carton in thabby of West-
xxix. 6) has preserved a passage from the precepts mystre the yere of our lorde mcccclxxxiij and the
delivered by the same sage to his son; but these fyrst of the regne of K'yng Rychard the thyrde
were both works of a totally different description, xxiij day of Decemure. From the preface to this
and no hint has been given by the ancients that curious volume we learn, that the same task had
anything such as we are now discussing ever pro- previously been accomplished in verse.
“ Here
ceeded from Cato of Utica.
beginneth the prologue or proheme of the book
In truth, we know nothing about this Cato or called Caton, which book hath been translated out
Dionysius Cato, if he is to be so called ; and, as of Latin into English, by Maister Benet Burgh,
we have no means of discovering anything with late Archdeacon of Colchester, and high canon of
regard to him, it may be as well to confess our ig- St. Stephen at Westminster; which full craftily
norance once for all.
hath made it, in ballad royal for the erudition of
Perhaps we ought to notice the opinion enter- my Lord Bousher, son and heir at that time to my
tained by several persons, that Cuto is not intended lord the Earl of Essex. ” The Cato we have been
to represent the name of the author, but is merely discussing is frequently termed by the first English
to be regarded as the significant title of the work, printers Cato Magnus, in contradistinction to Cato
just as we have the Brutus, and the Laelius, and Parvus, which was a sort of supplement to the for
the Cato Major of Cicero, and the treatise men- mer, composed originally by Daniel Church (Eccle-
tioned by Aulus Gellius, called Cato, aut de Liberis siensis), a domestic in the court of Henry the Se-
educandis.
cond, about 1180, and also translated by Burgh.
Lastly, it has been inferred, from the introduc- The two tracts were very frequently bound up to-
tion to book second, in which mention is made of gether. (See Ames, Typographical Antiquities, vol.
Virgil and Lucan, that we have here certain proof i.
