No More Learning

Alp Arslān, on embracing Islām, adopted the name of Muḥammad,
instead of Isrā'īl by which he had formerly been known. Alp Arslān
signifies in Turkish "courageous lion”; the title 'Izz ad-Dīn was con-
ferred on him by the Caliph Qā’im. Alp Arslān ruled over vast
territory. His dominions stretched from the Oxus to the Tigris. Not
content to rule over the lands acquired by his predecessors, he added
to his empire many conquests, the fruits of his military prowess and good
fortune. As overlord his commands were accepted without hesitation,
for he united under his sway all the possessions of the Seljūq princes and
exacted strict obedience from every vassal. The first of his military
exploits was the campaign in Persia. In 1064 he subdued an incipient
but formidable rebellion in Khwārazm, and left his son Malik Shāh to
rule over the province. Shortly after, he summoned all his provincial
governors to a general assembly, at which he caused his son Malik Shāh
to be adopted as his successor and to receive an oath of allegiance from
all present.
The next exploit of the Sultan was his victory over the Emperor
Romanus Diogenes (1071). The Byzantines had gradually been encroach-
ing on the Muslim frontiers. Alp Arslān marched westwards to meet the
enemy and fought with Romanus, who had a great numerical pre-
ponderance, at Manzikert. The Byzantines sustained a crushing defeat
and the Emperor was taken captive. Alp Arslān treated his royal prisoner


## p. 307 (#349) ############################################

Malik Shāh
307
with kindness, though at first he ordered rings to be placed in his ears as a
token of servitude. After a short period Romanus was released on pro-
mising to pay tribute and to give his daughter in marriage to the Sultan.
To this victory is due the establishment of the Seljūg dynasty of Rūm;
while, in the loss of provinces which provided the best recruits for its
armies, the Byzantine Empire experienced a calamity from which it
never recovered.
Finally, in 1072 Alp Arslān undertook a campaign against the
Turkomans in Turkestan, the ancient seat of the Seljūqs, in order to
establish his rule there. It was in this campaign that he met his end.
An angry dispute took place between the Sultan and Yusuf Barzami,
the chieftain of a fortress captured by the Seljūqs. Stung by the taunts
of the Sultan, Yusuf threw himself forward and slew him in the
presence
of all the guards and bystanders, whose intervention came too late to
save Alp Arslān.
Malik Shāh succeeded his murdered father. He was known by the
titles Jalāl-ad-Dīn and Mu'izz-ad-Dunyà-wa’d-Dīn. He ascended the
throne, which he occupied for twenty years, when he was eighteen, being
born in 1053 and dying in 1091. The great Vizier Niğām-al-Mulk
remained in power and for long maintained his influence. As soon as
Alp Arslān died Malik Shāh was recognised by the Caliph as his successor,
and invested with the title of 'Amir-al-Mu'minin (Commander of the
Faithful), hitherto jealously preserved by the Caliphs for themselves.
Malik Shāh had left Khurāsān on his way to 'Iraq when he was met by
the tidings that his uncle Qāwurd had raised a revolt against him and was
on his way from Kirmān. Malik Shāh promptly set out to meet him,
routed his army, and took Qāwurd captive. As his own troops shewed
signs of disaffection and preference for Qāwurd, Malik Shāh, on the
advice of his Vizier, had him put to death in prison, either by poison or
by strangling. The execution was announced to the populace as a suicide,
and the troops returned to their loyalty. Soon after this Malik Shāh sent
his cousin Sulaimān ibn Qutalmish on an expedition into Syria, and
Antioch was captured. Subsequently (1078) the Sultan himself captured
Samarqand. This expedition was marked by an incident which shews how
greatly Nizām-al-Mulk was imbued with the imperial idea. After Malik
Shāh had been ferried over the Oxus, the native ferrymen received drafts
on Antioch in payment of their services. When they complained to the
Sultan, who asked the Vizier why this had been done, the latter explained
that he had taken this course in order to afford an object-lesson in the
greatness and unity of the Sultan's realms. At this time Malik Shāh
espoused Turkān Khātūn, daughter of Țamghāj Khān. She became,
later on, an implacable foe to the Vizier.
Thus Malik Shāh extended his dominions to the north and west. He
rode his horse into the sea at Laodicea in Syria, and gave thanks to God
for his wide domain. It is related that, during one of his progresses
CH. X.
20-2


## p. 308 (#350) ############################################

308
Intrigues of the Turkān Khātān
לל
in the north, he was, while hunting, taken prisoner by the Byzantine
Emperor, by whom however he remained unrecognised. Malik Shāh con-
trived to send word to Nizām-al-Mulk, who adroitly managed to rescue
the Sultan without revealing his master's rank. Soon afterwards the tide
turned and the Byzantine Emperor was a captive in the Muslim camp.
When brought into the presence of Malik Shāh he remembered his late
encounter and made a memorable reply, when the Sultan asked him how
he wished to be treated. “If you are the King of the Turks,” returned
the Emperor, “send me back; if you are a merchant, sell me; if you are
a butcher, slay me. ” The Sultan generously set him at liberty. Peace
was made and lasted until the death of the Byzantine Emperor, when,
after hostilities, Malik Shāh made Sulaimān ibn Qutalmish ruler over
the newly conquered territory.
Malik Shāh appointed a commission of eight astronomers, among
whom was Omar Khayyām, to regulate the calendar, and a new era was in-
troduced and named Ta'rīkh Jalālī, or Era of Jalāl, after the title of Malik
Shāh. Similarly the astronomical tables drawn up by Omar were called
Zījī-Malikshāhī in honour of the Sultan. Malik Shāh was noted for the
excellent administration of justice that prevailed in his reign, for his
internal reforms, for his public works such as canals and hostels and
buildings, for the efficiency in which he maintained his army, and for his
piety and philanthropy. To his nobles he made liberal grants of estates.
He undertook the pilgrimage to Mecca, and his wells and caravanserais
for pilgrims are abiding memorials of his good works. He made even
his pleasures productive of charity, for whenever he engaged in the chase,
to which he was passionately addicted, he made it a rule to give a dinner
to a poor man for every
that fell to him.
Towards the end of his reign Nizām-al-Mulk began to decline in
favour. This was due to the intrigues of the Turkān Khātūn, who de-
sired to secure the succession for her son Mahmūd, while the Vizier
favoured the eldest son Barkiyārug, who was not only entitled to be re-
cognised as heir apparent on the ground of birth but, moreover, was far
better fitted to rule. The constant efforts of the Khātūn, coupled with
the fact that Nizām-al-Mulk bad placed all his twelve sons in high
offices in the State, for which indeed they were well qualified, had their
effect on the Sultan. He dismissed the aged Vizier who had served both
him and his father before him, and installed in his stead a creature of the
Khātūn, Tāj-al-Mulk Abu'l-Ghanā’im. Shortly afterwards Malik Shāh
went on a visit to the Caliph, and Nižām-al-Mulk followed his court at a
distance. At Nihāwand, Nizām-al-Mulk was set upon and murdered by
one of the Assassins, instigated by Tāj-al-Mulk. The late Vizier lingered
long enough to send a message to the Sultan, urging his own loyalty in
the past and offering that of his son for the future. He was buried at
Ispahan. He may probably be considered as the most brilliant man of
head of
game
his age.


## p. 309 (#351) ############################################

Barkiyāruq: Civil wars
309
Shortly afterwards the Sultan himself died, at Baghdad. He was one
of the greatest of the Seljūgs, and the policy by which he placed his
kinsmen over conquered territories is in keeping with his private liberality.
He was succeeded, after a civil war, by his son Barkiyāruq.
This Sultan received the name of Qāsim at circumcision, and the title
of Rukn-ad-Daulah-wa'd-Dīn (Column of the State and the Faith) from
the Caliph Muqtadi. He was born in 1081, succeeded to the throne at the
age of thirteen in 1094, and died in 1106. During his reign he experienced
a series of vicissitudes of fortune, being sometimes at the height of power
and once at least in imminent danger of execution, when a captive in his
rival's hands. The unexpected death of his father at Baghdad and the pre-
sence of his enemies at the Caliph's court were serious obstacles to his
accession. His chief partisan, Nizām-al-Mulk, had been murdered; his
stepmother the Khātūn was importuning the Caliph to alter the succession
in favour of her son Mahmūd; the newly-appointed Vizier was a supporter
of the Khātūn; Barkiyāruq himself was away in Ispahan, and the Caliph
was wavering in his decision. Finally, Muqtadi was won over by the
Khātān and declared Mahmūd, then aged four, successor to Malik Shāh.
At the same time Barkiyāruq proclaimed himself at Ispahan. Within a
week, the envoys of the Khātün arrived in order to seize Barkiyāruq, who
was, however, saved by the sons of Nizām-al-Mulk. The sons of the late
Vizier were, like their father, pledged to Barkiyāruq's cause, and their own
safety was bound up with his. They escaped with the lad to Gumushtagin,
one of the Atābegs appointed by Malik Shāh, who offered generous pro-
tection and help. At Rai he was crowned by the governor, Abū-Muslim,
and 20,000 troops were enrolled to protect him. Turkān Khātün had by
this time seized Ispahan and she, with Mahmūd, was besieged by Barki-
yāruq. After some time peace was made. The Khātūn and her son were
to be left in possession of Ispahan on giving up half of the treasure (one
million dinars) left by Malik Shāh. Barkiyāruq retired to Hamadān.
Within a few months, however, war again broke out. Hamadān was then
ruled by Ismāʻīl, the maternal uncle of Barkiyāruq, and the Khātün
opened negotiations with him, proposing to marry him if he would over-
come her stepson. The governor agreed and marched against Barkiyāruq,
by whom, however, he was defeated and slain. Nevertheless the Sultan
had no respite from his enemies, for another uncle, Tutush, the son of
Alp Arslān, rose against him and pressed him hard (1094). Barkiyāruq
had the Turkān Khātun executed, but eventually was forced to surrender
to his uncle and to Maḥmūd his step-brother. At this stage his life was
in great peril. Maḥmūd, who had received Barkiyāruy with every ap-
pearance of friendship, soon had him imprisoned. His life hung by a
thread. Finally, Maḥmūd gave orders to put out his eyes, in order to
render him permanently incapable of ruling. This command would have
been carried out but for the sudden illness of Mahmūd, who caught the
smallpox. Thereupon the sentence was suspended while the issue of the
co. X.


## p. 310 (#352) ############################################

310
Muḥammad
llness was in doubt. In point of fact Maḥmūd died and Barkiyāruq was
restored to the throne, only to be attacked by the same malady. The
Sultan, however, recovered and at once proceeded to restore his authority.
He made Mu'ayyid-al-Mulk, a son of Nizām-al-Mulk, Vizier, and led
an army against his uncle Tutush, who was beaten and slain (1095).
Barkiyāruq was attacked by one of the Assassins, but the wound was not
fatal, and the Sultan led an expedition to Khurāsān, where his uncle
Arslān Arghūn was in revolt. The latter was murdered by a slave, and
the Sultan, victorious over the enemy, placed his brother Sanjar in
authority over Khurāsān.
The next struggle that awaited Barkiyāruq arose from the intrigues
of Mu'ayyid-al-Mulk. The latter, who had been replaced in office by his
brother Fakhr-al-Mulk, prevailed on one of the late Turkān Khātūn's
most powerful supporters, the Isfahsālār Unrū Bulkà, to rebel. The plot
came to nothing as Unrū Bulkà met his death at the hands of an Assassin
emissary. Mu'ayyid-al-Mulk fled to Barkiyāruq's brother Muḥammad, and
renewed his intrigues there. Finally, in 1098 war broke out between the
two brothers. Barkiyāruq was weakened by a serious outbreak among
his troops and had to flee to Rai with a small retinue, while Muḥammad
and Mu'ayyid-al-Mulk reached Hamadān, where Muḥammad was acknow-
ledged as king. Barkiyāruq was driven into exile, but at length succeeded
in raising a force and captured Muḥammad and Mu'ayyid-al-Mulk. The
latter actually proposed that Barkiyāruq should accept a fine and rein-
state him in his office, and at first the Sultan consented; but, when he heard
that this leniency was the subject of ridicule among his domestics, he slew
the traitor with his own hand. Peace was made with Muḥammad and the
empire divided. Muḥammad received Syria, Babylonia, Media, Armenia,
and Georgia, while Barkiyāruq retained the remaining territories.
In 1104 Barkiyāruq was travelling to Baghdad in order to confer with
Ayāz, whom Malik Shāh had previously appointed governor of Khuzistān.
Ayāz had helped Barkiyāruq during his misfortunes and he was now
supreme at Baghdad, the Caliph having lost all power. On the way Bar-
kiyāruq was taken ill and died. He declared his son Malik Shāh as his
successor and left him under the guardianship of Ayāz and Sadaqah. As
soon as the death of Barkiyāruq became known, Muḥammad, who now
became the chief among the Seljūq princes, seized Malik Shāh and deprived
him of his dominions.
Muḥammad, son of Malik Shāh, was born in 1082 and died in 1119.
His undisputed reign really began with the death of Barkiyāruq in 1104
and with the seizure of his nephew Malik Shāh at Baghdad. Ayāz and
Sadaqah, the adherents of Barkiyāruq and his successor, met their death
and their armies surrendered to the new Sultan. Muhammad received the
support of the Caliph Mustazhir, who granted him the titles of Ghiyāth-
ad-Dunyà-wa’d-Din and 'Amir-al-Mu'minin. The Sultan was noted for his
orthodoxy. He reduced the castle of Dizkūh near Ispahan. The Malāḥidah


## p. 311 (#353) ############################################

Sanjar, the last Great Seljūq
311
(Assassins) had seized this fortress, which had been built in order to
overawe Ispahan, and having established themselves in safety began to
make extensive propaganda for their heretical doctrines, gaining many
adherents to their cause. The outrages of the Assassins were fearful ;
Sa'd-al-Mulk, the minister, was among the disaffected, and so deeply
had their intrigues permeated the government that it took Muḥammad
seven years to reduce the sect. During this period he was in great danger
of death, as the Vizier conspired with the Sultan's surgeon and pre-
vailed on him to use a poisoned lancet. The plot was discovered and the
guilty persons punished. It is said that Muhammad sent an expedition
into India to destroy idols. His religious zeal was great. He is also
accused of having been unduly economical, even to the point of avarice,
but on the whole he was a prudent and beneficent prince. Before his
death he designated his son Mahmud as his successor, but the power
passed to his brother Sanjar.
Sanjar was the last Sultan of a united Seljūq Empire; after his death
the various provincial kings and rulers ceased to acknowledge a central
authority. His reign was marked by brilliant conquests and ignominious
defeats. Although he extended the boundaries of his dominions, his ad-
ministration was ill-adapted to conserve their solidarity. Yet the break
up of the imperial power must not be entirely attributed to him; for
this result other causes also are responsible.
Sanjar's other titles were Mu'izz-ad-Dunyà-wa'd-Din and ’Amir-al-
Mu'minin. He was born in 1086 (according to Bundārī in 1079) and he
died in 1156. For twenty years previous to his accession he had been
king in Khurāsān, to which office he had been appointed by Barkiyāruq,
and he ruled the whole of the Seljūq Empire for forty years. He was the
last of the sons of Malik Shāh, son of Alp Arslān. His conquests were
numerous. He waged a successful war with his nephew Mahmūd, the son
of the late Sultan, in 'Irāq Ajamī, and wrested the succession from him.
Maḥmūd was overcome and offered submission. Sanjar received him with
kindness and invested him with the government of the province, on the
condition that Maḥmūd should recognise his suzerainty. The visible
signs of submission were the insertion of Sanjar's name in the Khutbah
before that of Maḥmūd, the maintenance of Sanjar's officials in the posts
to which they had been appointed, and the abolition of the trumpets that
hera! ded the entry and departure of Maḥmūd from his palace. Maḥmūd
accepted the terms eagerly and thenceforward devoted his life to the
chase, of which he was passionately fond.
In 1130 Aḥmad Khān, the governor of Samarqand, refused tribute.
Sanjar crossed the Oxus, invaded Mā-warā-an-Nahr (Transoxiana), and
besieged Samarqand. Aḥmad submitted and was removed from his post.
Sanjar also made himself supreme in Ghaznah, where he seated Bahrām
Shāh on the throne, as a tributary, in Sīstān, and in Khwārazm. His
nominal empire was much wider. It is said that “his name was recited
CH. X.


## p. 312 (#354) ############################################

312
Revolts of Atsiz of Khwārazm
in the Khutbah in the Mosque from Kashgar to Yaman, Mecca and Țā'if,
and from Mukrán and Ummán to Adharbayjàn and the frontiers of Rúm
and continued to be so recited until a year after his death: yet he was
simple and unostentatious in his dress and habits. . . . He was, moreover,
virtuous and pious, and in his day Khurásán was the goal of the learned
and the focus of culture and science. ”
The most eventful wars that occupied Sanjar were those against the
Khațà (heathen from Cathay) and the Ghuzz. In 1140 Sanjar set out from
Merv to Samarqand, and was met by the news that the Khațà had invaded
Transoxiana and defeated his army. Sanjar himself was routed and his
forces nearly annihilated. The Sultan fled to Balkh and rallied his
troops at Tirmidh, a strong fortress. Meanwhile Tāj-ad-Dīn, King of
Nimrūz, after a protracted resistance had been overcome and captured by
the Khațà. Sanjar was beset with other troubles also, chiefly due to the
rising of Atsiz, the third of the Khwārazm Shāhs. His grandfather
Anūshtigin, from Ghaznah, had been a Turkish slave, and finally was
advanced by Sultan Malik Shāh to be governor of Khwārazm. Anūsh-
tigin was succeeded in 1097 by his son Qutb-ad-Dīn Muḥammad, who
was known by the title of the Khwārazm Shāh and who was followed in
1127 by his son Atsiz. This Shāh greatly extended his dominions, partly
at the expense of Sanjar. The dynasty came to an end about a century
later when Shāh Muhammad and his son Jalal-ad-Dīn were overthrown
by the Mongols. At the time of Sanjar, Atsiz was sparing no effort to
obtain independence. He stood high in Sanjar's favour on account of
the services that he and his father had rendered. When Sanjar made
his expedition against Aḥmad Khān, Atsiz rescued him from a band of
conspirators who had seized his person while hunting. As a reward Sanjar
attached Atsiz to his person and loaded him with honours and marks of
distinction, till he roused the jealousy of the court. So strong did the
opposition of his enemies become that Atsiz had to ask leave to retire
to his governorship at Khwārazm, professing that disorders there required
bis
presence. Sanjar allowed him to depart most unwillingly, for he feared
that Atsiz would fall a victim to the hatred of his enemies. But the sub-
sequent conduct of Atsiz was quite unexpected. Instead of quelling the
disorders, he joined the malcontents and rebelled against Sanjar. In 1138
the Sultan took the field against Atsiz and his son Ilkilig, who were
routed, the latter being slain. Sanjar restored order and, having ap-
pointed Sulaimān his nephew to govern the province, returned to Merv.
Atsiz was roused to fresh endeavours in spite of the defeat which he
had sustained. Rallying his army and collecting fresh forces, he attacked
Sulaimān and forced him to abandon his post and flee to Sanjar, leaving
Khwārazm open to the mercy of Atsiz. Finally, in 1142 Sanjar led a
second expedition against this rebellious vassal and besieged him. Atsiz,
reduced to despair, sent envoys to Sanjar with presents and promises of
fidelity if spared. The Sultan, who was of a benevolent disposition, and,


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The Ghuzz: death of Sanjar
313
in addition, was sensible of the debt of gratitude which he owed Atsiz,
again accepted his submission and left him in possession of his office.
But again was his generosity ill requited. On all sides reports reached
Sanjar that Atsiz was fomenting disloyalty and preparing trouble. In
order to find out the truth he sent a notable poet, 'Adib şābir of Tirmidh,
to make enquiries in Khwārazm. He found that Atsiz was despatching a
band of assassins to kill Sanjar. He succeeded in sending warning, for
which act he paid with his life, and the plot was detected at Merv; the
traitors were executed. So, in the end, Sanjar had to march against Atsiz
for the third time(1147),and again exercised his forbearance and generosity
when Atsiz was nearly in his power. Hereafter Atsiz remained loyal,
though practically independent. He extended his empire as far as Jand
on the Jaxartes, and died in 1156.
In 1149 Sanjar recovered the credit which his defeat by the Khațà had
lost him. He gained a great victory over Husain ibn Hasan Jahānsūz,
Sultan of Ghūr, who had invaded Khurāsān. Husain was joined by Falak-
ad-Dīn 'Ali Chatrī, Sanjar's chamberlain; both were taken captive and
the latter executed. Ultimately, Husain was sent back to his post by
Sanjar as a vassal.
In 1153 came the invasion of the Ghuzz Turkomans. An interesting
account, to which allusion has been made above, is that of Benjamin of
Tudela, almost a contemporary visitor to the East.
These tribes were
goaded into rebellion by the exactions of one of Sanjar's officers. When
the Sultan marched against them, they were seized with fear and offered to
submit. Unfortunately Sanjar was persuaded to refuse terms and give
battle, in which he was utterly defeated and captured. The Ghuzz came
to Merv, plundered it, and killed many of the inhabitants. Then they
marched to Nīshāpūr, where they massacred a large number of persons in
the
mosque.
The chief mosque was burned and the learned men put to
death. All over Khurāsān the Ghuzz ranged, killing and burning where-
ever they went. Herat alone was able to repulse their attack. Famine
and plague followed them to add to the misery of the land. For two
years Sanjar was a prisoner, and was then rescued by some friends. He
reached the Oxus, where boats had been prepared, and returned to Merv,
but he died soon after reaching his capital, of horror and grief (1156).
Sanjar was the last of the Seljūqs to enjoy supreme imperial power.
For a considerable time previously the various provincial governors had
acquired practical independence, and if, after the time of Sanjar, the reins
of central authority were loosened, this change was effected by no violent
rupture. It was the outcome, first of the steady rise on the part of the
vassals and viceroys to autonomy, and, secondly, the necessary consequence
of the Atābeg system. A certain ambiguity in the method of succession
frequently caused strife between uncle and nephew for the right of inheri-
tance. Often, as for example in the case of Nizām-al-Mulk, the office of
Vizier was practically hereditary. Hence the Vizier developed into the
сн. х.


## p. 314 (#356) ############################################

314
The Atabegs and local Seljūg dynasties
position of tutor or guardian to the royal heir, thereby acquiring much
influence and consolidating his position for the next reign. The name
Atăbeg or Atabey (“Father Bey") denotes this office. In many cases the
Atābeg forcibly secured the succession and displaced the prince. The
reason for their employment and power—which is comparable to that of
the Egyptian Mamlūks—was the desire of the kings to possess, as their
ministers, such officials as could be trusted implicitly, for reasons not
only of loyalty, a quality not invariably present, but also of self-interest.
So slaves and subordinates were raised to high positions, in lieu of the
nobility. The Seljūq public life was a carrière ouverte aux talents. A
Vizier chosen from the grandees might have so much influence through
descent, wealth, or family as to make his allegiance to the king a matter
of choice. In the case of a slave or subordinate, loyalty was a matter of
necessity, for such an official could not possibly stand on his own merits.
If, on the other hand, the subordinate supplanted his master, as was often
the case, this was due to the lack of discrimination displayed by the
latter in the choice of his instruments. Frequently also an official who
had been kept in check by a strong Sultan succeeded, if the Sultan's
successor were weak, in becoming more powerful than his master and
ultimately in displacing him. The Atābeg system was only possible when
the head of the State was a strong man. By the end of Sanjar's reign
the weakness of this policy became manifest. From this time onward the
history of the Seljūqs becomes that of the groups into which the empire
was now split: four of these groups need attention.
(I) In Kirmān a line of twelve rulers (including contemporary rivals)
held
sway from 1041 to 1187. This province, which lies on the eastern side
of the Persian Gulf, was one of the first occupied by the Seljūqs. 'Imād-
ad-Dīn Qāwurd, who was the son of Chaghrī Beg and thus great-grandson
to Seljūq, was the first ruler, and from him the dynasty descended. Qāwurd
carried on war with Malik Shāh, at whose hands he met his death (1073).
For a century the province was tolerably peaceful until the death of
ľughril Shāh in 1167, when his three sons, Bahrām, Arslān, and Tūrān
brought havoc to the land by their disputes and warfare. Muḥammad II
was the last of his line; the invading hosts of Ghuzz Turkomans and the
Khwārazm Shāhs displaced the Seljūq rulers in Kirmān.
(II) The Seljūqs of Syria are chiefly important for their relations
with the Crusaders, on which subject more will be said later. The period
of their independence was from 1094 to 1117. Tutush, the first of this
branch, was the son of Alp Arslān, the second Great Seljūq. He died in
1094 at Rai, being defeated by his nephew Barkiyāruq. His two sons
Ridwān and Duqāq ruled at Aleppo and Damascus respectively. They
were succeeded by Ridwān's sons Alp Arslān Akhras (1113) and Sultan
Shāh (1114). After this the dynasty was broken up and the rule passed
into the hands of the Būrids and the Urtugids. The former dynasty
were Atābegs of Damascus and were descended from Țughtigin, a slave


## p. 315 (#357) ############################################

The Seljūqs of Rūm
315
of Tutush, who rose to power and was appointed Atābeg of Duqaq.
From Būrī, the eldest son and successor of Tughtigīn, the line takes its
name. Eventually the Būrids were supplanted by the Zangids. Of the
Urtuqids more will be said hereafter.
(III) The Seljūqs of 'Irāq and Kurdistān consisted of a dynasty of
nine rulers, and were descended from Muḥammad ibn Malik Shāh. Four
of Muḥammad's five sons, four of his grandsons, and one great-grandson,
formed this line of rulers, beginning with Maḥmūd in 1117, and ending
with Țughril II in 1194, after which the Khwārazm Shāhs became supreme.
(IV) The Seljūqs of Rūm or Asia Minor are perhaps the most im-
portant to the Western historian, on account of their relations with the
Crusaders and the Eastern Emperors, and their influence on the Ottoman
Empire. The first of these rulers was Sulaimān ibn Qutalmish, a son of
Arslān ibn Seljūq. This branch of the Seljūq family is thus distinct from
the Great Seljūqs, the Seljūqs of 'Irāq, Syria, and Kirmān. From the
time of Sulaimān I (1077) until the period of the Ottoman Turks (1300)
seventeen monarchs ruled, subject at certain periods to the dominion of
the Mongols. The second of this line, Qilij Arslān ibn Sulaimān (1092–
1106), made Nicaea his capital, and defeated the earliest crusaders under
Walter the Penniless (1096). In the next year he was twice defeated by
Godfrey of Bouillon, and Nicaea was captured. Iconium then became the
Seljūq capital. In 1107 he marched to the help of Mosul, which was
besieged by a rebel ; after raising the siege he met with an accident
while crossing the Khabur and was drowned. But the dynasty was con-
solidated by his successors and played an important part in the Crusades,
for, in addition to the bravery of their forces, the Seljūqs possessed
sufficient political skill to take advantage of the mutual animosity ex-
isting between the Greeks and the Crusaders and to utilise it for their
own purposes. They also succeeded in supplanting the Dānishmand, a
minor Seljūq dynasty of obscure origin. It is said that the founder,
Mahomet ibn Gumishtigīn, was a schoolmaster, as the title Dānishmand
denotes, but everything connected with this line, which ruled from about
1105–1165, is doubtful. Their territory lay in Cappadocia and included
the cities of Sīwās (Sebastea), Qaişarīyah (Caesarea), and Malațīyah (Meli-
tene). Mahomet defeated and captured Bohemond in 1099, as the
latter was marching to help Gabriel of Melitene against him. When
Bohemond ransomed himself and became tributary to Mahomet, the
two rulers formed an alliance against Qilij Arslān and Alexius, the
Emperor of Constantinople, one of the instances which shew that political
considerations were more important than religious differences, not only
among the Crusaders but also among the Muslims.
Besides the Seljūqs proper, mention must be made of their officers, the
Atābegs, whose functions have been described. The power wielded by
these vassals was very great, and in the course of the twelfth and thirteenth
centuries many established themselves in virtual independence. The most
CH. X.


## p. 316 (#358) ############################################

316
Coming of the Crusaders
powerful of these were the Zangids or descendants of Zangī, and the
Khwārazm Shāhs. They deserve attention for their relations with the
Crusaders, but details of their history, apart from this connexion, cannot
be given here.
It now remains to deal with the relations between the Seljūqs and
the Crusaders. In no small degree the origin of the Holy Wars was due
to the expansion of the Seljūq Empire, for as long as the Arabs held
Jerusalem the Christian pilgrims from Europe could pass unmolested.
The Christians were, to all intents, left undisturbed and the pilgrimages
continued as before. The outbreak of persecution (1010) under the insane
Egyptian Caliph, Hākim, was temporary and transitory, and but for
the coming of the Seljüqs popular indignation in Europe would have
slumbered and the Crusades might never have taken place.
The first of the Syrian Seljūqs, Tutush the son of Alp Arslān, who
ruled at Damascus, captured Jerusalem and appointed as its governor
Urtug ibn Aksab, who had been one of his subordinate officers. Urtuq
was the founder of the Urtuqid dynasty. His sons Sukmān and Il-Ghāzi
succeeded him. The Seljūq. power, which had been growing rapidly until
the Caliph was completely in their hands, was somewhat weakened. After
the death of Malik Shāh the Great Seljūq in 1092, in the dissension
which ens
nsued, Afdal, the Vizier of the Egyptian Fățimid Caliph, was
enabled to capture Jerusalem from Sukmān (1096), who retired to Edessa
while his brother returned to 'Irāq. During the Seljūq domination,
the Christians, both native and foreign, had suffered greatly, and the
reports of their ill-treatment and of the difficulties placed in the way
of pilgrimages, kindled the zeal which so largely stimulated the Crusades.
When however the first band of Christian warriors reached Asia Minor
after leaving Constantinople, they were completely routed by Qilij Arslan
on the road to Nicaea (1096). It has already been described how the
Seljūqs pushed forward, step by step, until their expansion brought
them into conflict with the Byzantine Empire. It was only the enmity
between East and West and the scandalous behaviour of the Crusaders
that hindered a combined attack on the Seljūqs. Although the Seljüqs
and the Emperor were mutually hostile, and for the best of reasons,
there was less ill-feeling between them than between the Christian hosts,
which, nominally allies, in reality regarded each other with scarcely con-
cealed suspicion. When Godfrey of Bouillon reached Constantinople in
1096, he found a cold welcome at the court; no sooner had he crossed
the Bosphorus than the feuds developed into open antagonism. When
Nicaea was invested (1097) and it was found that no hope remained for
the city, the garrison succeeded in surrendering to Alexius rather than to
the Crusaders, and thus avoided a massacre. Qilij Arslān retired to rouse
the Seljūq princes to their danger.
At the capture of Antioch, interest is centred on Qawwām-ad-Daulah
Karbuqā or Kerbogha, Prince of Mosul, who, in 1096, had wrested Mosul


## p. 317 (#359) ############################################

Conclusion
317
from the ‘Uqailids and founded a Seljūq principate there. He and Qilij
Arslān were the most noteworthy of the earlier opponents of the Crusaders.
The line of Urtuq ibn Aksab produced many heroes beginning with his
sons Sukmān and Il-Ghāzī; the former, who founded the Kaifā branch
of the Urtuqids (1101-1231), was famous for his wars with Baldwin and
Joscelin. This branch became subject to Saladin and was ultimately
merged in the Ayyübid Empire. Il-Ghāzī was made governor of Baghdad
by the Great Seljūq Muḥammad in 1101, and captured Aleppo in 1117.
His descendants were the Urtugids of Māridin (1108-1312).
Several of the officers of the Great Seljūq Malik Shāh rose to fame
during the Crusades. Of these the most important were Tutush and
'Imād-ad-Dīn Zangi. The latter was made governor of 'Irāg, and after
conquering his Muslim neighbours became a dreaded foe to the Christians.
He found the Muslims dispirited and completely prostrate. At his death
he had changed their despair to triumph. He took Aleppo in 1128,
Hamāh in 1129, and then began his wars against the Franks. In 1130
he took the important fortress of Atharib, and in 1144 achieved
his greatest glory by capturing Edessa. He followed this up by taking
many important towns in Northern Mesopotamia, but in 1146 he was
murdered. He had turned the tide of victory against the Franks, and
his capture of Edessa called forth the Second Crusade. His son Nūr-ad-
Din succeeded to his Syrian dominions and was also prominent in the
battles against the Crusaders. Among his officers was Ayyūb (Job),
whose son Şalāḥ-ad-Dīn (Saladin) became the great protagonist of the
Crescent against the Cross.
The Seljūq power began and ended gradually. Seven Great Seljūqs
are usually reckoned as constituting the dynasty, ruling over a united
empire in Persia, Transoxiana, Mesopotamia, and Syria; after Sanjar
disintegration set in, but although the empire was split into small parts
the separate kingdoms preserved in many cases their power and authority.
The empire of the Khwārazm Shāhs encroached on the east and gradu-
ally absorbed the Seljūq territory. The centre was divided among the
Atābegs, whose various destinies cannot be treated here, and in the west
the Seljūqs of Rūmn remained in power until the rise of the Ottomans.
CH, X.


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318
CHAPTER XI.
THE EARLIER COMNENI.
ISAAC I (1057-1059). ALEXIUS I (1081-1118).
Among the great families of the aristocracy whose names recur on
every page of Byzantine history in the eleventh century, that of the
Comneni was destined to be the most illustrious. In all probability we
should reject the comparatively recent hypothesis connecting the family
with an ancient Roman house which had followed Constantine to By-
zantium, and abide by the testimony of the Byzantine chroniclers who
represent the Comneni as coming originally from the little village of
Comne, in the valley of the Tunja, close to Hadrianople. At a later
time large possessions acquired in Asia Minor in the Castamon district
secured to the Comneni an important place among the nobility of Asia
Minor.
The name Comnenus makes its first appearance in the writings of the
Byzantine historians during the reign of Basil II (976–1025). Two
personages bearing the name are mentioned by the chroniclers, Nicephorus,
governor of Vaspurakan (i. e. district of Van), and Manuel. The latter,
the servant and friend of Basil II, is often spoken of under the name of
Eroticus. He left two sons, Isaac and John, the former of whom was
to lay the foundations of the future greatness of his house.
In order to understand the causes of the military revolution which
in 1057 raised Isaac Comnenus to the Byzantine throne, it is necessary
to go back to the events which followed the death of Basil II. His
successor Constantine VIII (1025–1028) dismissed the greater number
of the imperial officials, and put the administration in the hands of a new
set of functionaries, chosen from among the companions of his debauches,
freedmen, eunuchs, and foreigners. Thenceforward the whole business of
governing was in the hands of the palace officials, who retained a position
of preponderating importance up to the end of the eleventh century.
Two classes were equally hateful to the new staff of administrators, the
heads of the aristocratic families and the military leaders, whose ambition
they feared, and both found themselves entirely excluded from the
government. The ministers were enabled the more easily to carry out
this definitely anti-militarist policy, as for a considerable time the Empire
had had no attacks to fear from its neighbours. Besides, when the latter


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End of the Macedonian dynasty
319
grew too presumptuous, the central authority always preferred to buy a
peace rather than encounter the risks of a war which might enable some
military leader to increase his prestige and popularity.
The generals, drawn for the most part from the nobility of Asia
Minor, whose power had been markedly increased by the war with the
Muslims, endured for many years the ill-will shewn them by the imperial
court. The reason for their patience may be found in the fact that
legitimist ideas were rapidly making way in the public mind. The people
of Constantinople were deeply attached to the Macedonian family; because
she was the legitimate heiress the Empress Zoë was suffered to place the
supreme power in the hands of her three husbands successively-Romanus
Argyrus (1028–1034), Michael IV the Paphlagonian (1034-1041), Con-
stantine IX Monomachus (1042-1054)--and in those of her adopted
son Michael V Calaphates (1041–1042). When the last attempted a
sudden overthrow of the aged Empress by force, and sent her into exile
in one of the Princes Islands, after having caused her to take the veil,
rebellion thundered through the streets of the capital, nor were the
people pacified until the legitimate heiress was recalled. The state of
feeling which this reveals made it particularly difficult for the military
chiefs to attempt a revolt.
During the brief reign of Zoë's sister, Theodora (1054–1056), the
influence of the palace functionaries grew even greater, and with it
their fear that the army would become too powerful. While engaged on
an expedition, Isaac Comnenus received letters from the Court ordering
him to halt and recommending him to be on his guard against the
arrogance of a victorious army. The future Emperor, then Domestic of
the Scholae of the East (i. e. Commander-in-Chief of the troops in Asia),
found himself deprived of this post by the suspicious advisers of the
Empress.
The Macedonian dynasty came to an end with Theodora. Michael
Stratioticus, her successor, was appointed heir by the Empress on her
death-bed. Before being chosen, he was obliged to bind himself by a
solemn oath to do nothing against the will and counsel of the ministers
and other advisers of the Empress.
The new Emperor, who was much advanced in years, was not long in
making himself unpopular by the unfortunate measures which he adopted,
and also in raising up powerful enemies for himself, chief among whom
must be placed the Patriarch, Michael Cerularius. The Patriarch, whose
prestige had been enormously increased by the events of 1054, had only
sought in the breach with Rome the means of rendering the Church
independent. He now dreamed of placing the State under the yoke of
the Church. Around him, drawn together by common interests and
forming a powerful party, stood the clergy and the monks. Theodora
had already had reason to dread the secret influence of Cerularius. She
had not dared to attack him openly, but had attempted to destroy his
T
CH. XI.


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320
Revolt of Isaac Comnenus
popularity by throwing suspicion upon his orthodoxy, and by having some
of his most notorious partisans proceeded against for heresy. Michael VI
and his counsellors continued to exclude him from the business of the
state. The Patriarch did not forgive the Emperor for adopting this
attitude, and on a favourable opportunity shortly afterwards presenting
itself, he determined to make his power felt.
The number of the discontented was increased by the fact that men
of senatorial rank found themselves excluded from the greater and more
lucrative financial posts, which were thenceforward reserved for profes-
sional officials. But it was the openly anti-militarist position taken up
by the Emperor and his advisers which brought about the catastrophe
in which his power finally disappeared. Angry at having had no part
in the shower of favours which had followed the accession of the new
sovereign and sore at seeing the palace officials preferred to them in the
distribution of high commands, the leaders of the army, during the
Easter festival of 1057, tried the effect of making united representations
to the Emperor. Chief among them were Catacalon Cecaumenus, the
Duke of Antioch, Isaac Comnenus, Constantine and John Ducas, and
Michael Burtzes. Admitted by the Emperor to an audience, the generals
made their wishes known. The Emperor refused all their requests
and violently denounced Catacalon Cecaumenus. The latter's comrades
having attempted to raise their voices in his defence, the Emperor silenced
them with an intemperance of language in which he spared nobody.
The chief officers of the Byzantine army went out from the interview
with bitterly wounded feelings. Nevertheless, before proceeding to an
open breach, they tried the effect of an application to the Patriarch's
vicar, Leo Paraspondylus, the chief counsellor of Michael VI. This
step had no better success than the former. On this fresh failure the
generals decided upon enforcing their demands by violence and over-
throwing the Emperor. Supported in secret by Michael Cerularius, who
thought the opportunity favourable for attempting to carry out his
ambitious projects, the military leaders met in the church of St Sophia,
and, after the crown had been offered in vain to Catacalon, the choice
of the assembly fell upon Isaac Comnenus. As soon as the final arrange-
ments had been made, the conspirators left Constantinople and crossed
over into Asia Minor. The arrest and execution of one of their number,
Nicephorus Bryennius, after he had been suddenly deprived of his com-
mand in Cappadocia, accelerated the course of events. Hastily, and in
fear lest their conspiracy had been discovered, the plotters gathered their
contingents together and joined Isaac Comnenus, who had fled for refuge
to his estates in Paphlagonia. On 8 June 1057 on the plain of Gunaria
Isaac Comnenus was proclaimed Emperor, and soon after, the rebel forces
having been increased by the arrival of Catacalon and his troops, the
usurper set out on his march towards the Bosphorus. He captured
Nicaea without much difficulty, and his authority was promptly recog-


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Fall of Michael VI
321
nised throughout the eastern part of the Empire. The pretender made
steady progress, the discipline and order which he always maintained
among his troops winning him many supporters. The soldiers, though in
revolt, never behaved like revolutionaries, and, as it has been said with
perfect justice, the proclamation of the new Emperor was generally
regarded not as a usurpation but as the setting up of a genuine imperial
government basing itself upon the support of the army in contra-
distinction to the civil elements of the capital.
To make head against the rebels, Michael VI hastily collected all the
troops at his disposal in the European provinces of the Empire, and
despatched them to Asia Minor under the command of the eunuch
Theodore and Aaron the Bulgarian. On 20 August 1057 at Hades,
not far from Nicaea, the imperial troops were defeated by those of Isaac
Comnenus. The news of the disaster soon reached the Sacred Palace,
where it spread terror. Michael VI, panic-stricken, exacted from the
Senators a written promise never to recognise Isaac Comnenus as Emperor.
At the same time he himself opened negotiations with him.
The history of the negotiations is chiefly known to us through the
deliberately obscure account left by one of the ambassadors, Michael
Psellus. One thing alone seems certain, that from the very beginning
of the transaction Michael VI was betrayed. The imperial ambassadors,
who reached Nicomedia, where Isaac Comnenus then was, on 24 August,
were charged to offer him the title of Caesar with the promise of suc-
ceeding to the throne. The better to hoodwink his opponent and give
time for his own partisans to take action in Constantinople, Isaac spun
out the negotiations tediously, and then pretended to accept the pro-
posals of Michael VI, to whom the ambassadors returned to give an
account of their mission. During their stay at Constantinople they
came to an understanding with the partisans of the pretender, among
the most important of whom were the Patriarch and a certain number of
great personages. When Psellus and his colleagues again set out bearing
fresh proposals from their master, the conspiracy had been fully organized.
On 30 August an outbreak took place at Constantinople. The ringleaders
complained of the conduct of Michael VI who, after having forced
them to take the oath not to acknowledge Isaac Comnenus, had turned
them into perjurers by his own offer in the negotiations. They seized
the Patriarch, who in reality was in sympathy with the leaders of the
movement, and demanded that he should reclaim the written oaths
which the Emperor had exacted from the Senators. Then soon after, by
the advice of Cerularius, the rioters burst out in acclamation of Isaac
Comnenus. In a few hours they were masters of the capital. The
Patriarch sent orders to the Emperor to cut off his hair and put on.
the monastic habit. Michael VI made no resistance, and thus, thanks to
the intervention of Cerularius, who had undertaken the direction of the
movement, the capital acknowledged Isaac Comnenus.
C. MED. H.