Language, and its origin among a people uneducated in thoughts and concepts, is at the root of this'scientific superstition, and Nietzsche traces its evolution from the primeval and savage desire always to find a " doer " behind every deed : to find some one who is
responsible
and who, being known, thus modifies the unfamiliarity of the deed which requires explaining.
Nietzsche - Works - v15 - Will to Power - b
.
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THE COMPLETE WORKS OF
FRIEDRICH
Tlu First Complete and Authorised English Tramlaiion
EDITED BY
DR. OSCAR LEVY
. 0 , {I
. '''
NIETZSCHE
? VOLUME IFT EEN
THE WILL TO POWER Rooxs THREE AND FOUR
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FRIEDRICH NIETZSCI-IE THE
WILL TO POWER
AN ATTEMPTED TRANSVALUATION OF ALL VALUES
TRANSLATED BY ANTHONY M. LUDOVICI
VOL. II Booxs III AND IV
? NEW YORK
THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
1924.
? ? _. _. . . . . . - __r m" ~-~. . --. ,- --_. . _
'e.
? ? First publirlud Reprintad . lerintel .
. .
. .
. . 1924
(All rig/It: nun/ed)
Printed in Great Bn'im'n 6y Tm: snmnuncn PRESS, EDINBURGH
19w 2914
? ? ? In compliance with current
copyright law, the University of Minnesota Bindery produced this facsimile on permanent-durable paper to replace the irreparany deteriorated original volume owned by the University of Minnesota Library. 1996
? ? ? ? \
CONTENTS OF VOL. II.
PAGE TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE - - - ~ vii
THIRD BOOK. THE PRINCIPLES OF A NEW VALUATION.
? I. THE WILL TO POWER IN SCIENCE--
(a) The Method of Investigation -
(b) The Starting-Point of Epistemology
(a) The Belief in the " Ego. " Subject
(a') Biology of the Instinct of Knowledge. Per
spectivity- - - - -
-20 - 26
- 38
(e) The Origin of Reason and Logic -
-
- - - - -
(f) Consciousness - - (g) Judgment. True--False -
-
(/1) Against Causality - - - (z') The Thing-in-ltself and Appearance (k) The Metaphysical Need - - (l) The Biological Value of Knowledge
(m)Science - - - -
- 53 - 62
- 74 - 96 - 99
-
II. THE WILL TO POWER 1N NATURE----
1. The Mechanical Interpretation of the World
109
' 2. The Will to Power as Life--
(a) The Organic Process - - -
(6)Man - - - - - -132
- 123 3. Theory of the Will to Power and of Valuations - 161
-
- -
-
43
- - 3 - - 5
- - 12
? ? ? vi CONTENTS OF VOL. 11.
PAGE [11. THE WILL T0 POWER AS EXEMPLIFIED IN
"(8' SOCIETY AND IN THE INDIVIDUAL--
1. Society and the State - - - -
---
FOURTH BOOK. DISCIPLINE AND BREEDING. I. THE ORDER or RANK--
- 366
-
. L V1 2. The Individual
IV. THE WILL TO POWER IN ART
-----
183 214
239
1. The Doctrine of the Order of Rank
2. The Strong and the Weak- 3. TheNobleMan - - - -
4. The Lords of the Earth - - - 5. TheGreatMan - - - -
6. The Highest Man as Lawgiver of the Future
II. DIONYSUS - - - - - III. ETERNAL RECURRENCE - - -
295
-- ---
298 - 350 - 360
? 373 - 388 - 422
? ? ? EDITOR'S FOREWORD
THE two volumes of The Will to Power have been revised afresh by their translator. He, the most gifted and conscientious of my collaborators, would have added his corrections to the second edition of these books, had it not been that five years of war and war-service prevented him from accomplishing a task which he always judged necessary. The changes made are numerous and
well able to throw light upon many a dark passage, but the actual faults of translation were few in number, so that the first and second editions are by no means invalidated by this third one.
. OSCAR LEVY. i PARIS, 1st March 1924.
? ? ? ? n
TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE.
FOR the history of the text constituting this volume would refer readers to my preface to be Will to
Power, Books and II. , where they will also find a brief explanation of the actual title of the com plete work.
In the two books before us Nietzsche boldly carries his principle still further into the various
? of human life, and does not shrink from showing its application even to science, to
art, and to metaphysics.
Throughout Part of the Third Book we find
him going to great pains to impress the fact upon us that science as arbitrary as art in its mode of
departments
and that the knowledge of the scientist but the outcome of his inexorable will to power
interpreting facts in the terms of the self-pre servative conditions of the particular order of human
to which he belongs. In Aphorisms
and which are typical of almost all the thought expressed in Part Nietzsche says distinctly:
"The object not to know,' but to schematise,-- to impose as much regularity and form upon chaos as our practical needs require. "
Unfamiliarity, constant change, and the inability to reckon with possibilities, are sources of great
procedure, v
beings
515
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? viii TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE.
danger: hence, everything marl be explained, as similated, and rendered capable of calculation, if Nature is to be mastered and controlled.
Schemes for interpreting earthly phenomena must be devised which, though they do not require to be absolute or irrefutable, must yet favour the maintenance of the kind of men that devises them. Interpretation thus becomes all important, and facts sink down to the rank of raw material which must first be given some shape (some sense--
always anthropocentric) before they can become serviceable.
Even the development of reason and logic Nietzsche consistently shows to be but a spiritual development of the physiological function of diges tion which compels an organism to make things " like " (to " assimilate ") before it can absorb them (Aph. 510). And seeing that he denies that
hunger can be a first motive (Aphs. 651-656), and proceeds to show that it is the amoeba's will to power which makes it extend its pseudopodia in search of what it can appropriate, and that, once the appropriated matter is enveloped, it is a process of making similar which constitutes the process of absorption, reason itself is by inference acknow ledged to be merely a form of the same funda mental will.
An interesting and certainly inevitable outcome of Nietzsche's argument appears in Aph. 516, where he declares that even our inability to deny and affirm one and the same thing is not in the least "necessary," but only a sign of inabilizjl.
The whole argument of Part 1. tends to draw
? ? ? ? TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE ix
science ever nearer and nearer to art (except, of course, in those cases in which science happens to consist merely of an ascertainment of facts), and to prove that the one like the other is no more than a means of gaining some foothold upon the slippery soil of a world that is for ever in flux.
In the rush and pell-mell of Becoming, some milestones must be fixed for the purposes of human orientation. In the torrent of evolutionary changes pillars must be made to stand, to which man can for a space hold tight and collect his senses. Science, like art, accomplishes this for us, and it is our will to power which " creates the impression of Being out of Becoming " (Aph. 517).
According to this standpoint, then, consciousness is also but a weapon in the service of the will to power, and it extends or contracts according to our needs (Aph. 524). It might disappear al together (Aph. 52 3), or, on the other hand, it might increase and make our life more complicated than it already is. But we should guard against making it the Absolute behind Becoming, simply because it happens to be the highest and most recent evolu
? form (Aph. 709). If we had done this with each newly acquired characteristic, sight itself, which is a relatively recent development, would
also have required to have been deified.
Pantheism, Theism, Unitarianism--in fact all religions in which a conscious god is worshipped,
are thus aptly classed by Nietzsche as the result of man's desire to elevate that which is but a new and wonderful instrument of his will to power, to the chief place in the imaginary world beyond
tionary
? ? ? X TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE.
(eternal soul), and to make it even the deity itself
(God Omniscient).
With, the question of Truth we find Nietzsche
quite as ready to uphold his thesis as with all other questions. He frankly declares that " the criterion of truth lies in the enhancement of the feeling of power " (Aph. 534), and thus stands in diametrical opposition to Spencer, who makes constraint or inability the criterion of truth. (See Principles of Psychology, new edition, chapter ix. . . . "the unconceivableness of its negation is the ultimate
'
we shall find that it is actually substantiated by experience; for the activity of our senses certainly convinces us more or less according to the degree to which it is provoked. Thus, if we walked for long round a completely dark room, and everything yielded, however slightly, to our touch, we should remain quite unconvinced that we were in a room at all, more particularly if--to suppose a still more impossible case--the floor yielded too. What provokes great activity in the bulbs of our
fingers, then, likewise generates the sensation of i truth.
From this Nietzsche proceeds to argue that what provokes the strongest sentiments in ourselves is also true to us, and, from the standpoint of thought, "that which gives thought the greatest sensation
test of the truth of a proposition. ")
However paradoxical Nietzsche's view may seem,
? of strength " (Aph.
The provocation of intense emotion, and there
fore the provocation of that state in which the body is above the normal in power, thus becomes
533).
? ? ? TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. xi
the index to truth; and it is a very remarkable thing that two prominent English thinkers should, at the very end of their careers, have practically admitted this, despite the fact that all their philo sophical productions had been based upon a com
different belief. I refer, of course, to Spencer and Buckle, who both upheld the view that in a system of thought the emotional factor is of the highest importance.
It follows from all this, that lies and false doctrines may quite conceivably prove to be even more preservative to species than truth itself, and although this is a view we have already encountered in the opening aphorisms of Beyond Good and Evil, in Aph. 538 of this volume we find it further elucidated by Nietzsche's useful demon stration of the fact that "the easier way of think ing always triumphs over the more difficult way "; and that logic, inasmuch as it facilitated classifica--
tion and orderly ' thought, ultimately " got to act like truth. "
Before leaving Part with which would be impossible to deal in full, word or two ought to be said in regard to Nietzsche's views concerning the belief in " cause and effect. " In the Genealogy of Moral; (Ist Essay, Aph. 3), we have already read forecast of our author's more elaborate opinions on this question, and the aphorism in question might be read with advantage in conjunc
tion with the discussion on the subject found in this
pletely
? book (Aphs.
The whole of Nietzsche's criticism, however, re
545-552).
solves itself into this, that the doctrine of causality
? ? a
I
I. , a.
it
? xii TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE.
begins with an unnecessary duplication of all that happens.
Language, and its origin among a people uneducated in thoughts and concepts, is at the root of this'scientific superstition, and Nietzsche traces its evolution from the primeval and savage desire always to find a " doer " behind every deed : to find some one who is responsible and who, being known, thus modifies the unfamiliarity of the deed which requires explaining. "The so-called instinct of causality [of which Kant speaks with so much as
'
In Aph. 585 (A), we have a very coherent and therefore valuable exposition of much that may still seem Obscure in Nietzsche's standpoint, and we might almost regard this aphorism as the key to the epistemology of the" Will to Power. When we find the " will to truth defined merely as " the longing for a stable world," we are in possession of the very leitmotiv of Nietzsche's thOught through out Part and most Of what follows clearly but an elaboration of this thought.
In Part II. Nietzsche reveals himself as utterly opposed to all mechanistic and materialistic inter pretations of the Universe. He exalts the spirit and repudiates the idea that mere pressure from without--naked environment--is to be held re sponsible (and often guilty! ) for all that material istic science would lay at its door. Darwin again comes in for a good deal of sharp criticism; and, to those who are familiar with the nature of Nietzsche's disagreement with this naturalist, such aphorisms as Nos. 643, 647, 649, 651, 684, 685,
surance] unfamiliar. "
is nothing more than the fear of the
? ? ? I. ,
is
? TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. \ xiii
will be of special interest. There one question of great moment, which all Nietzsche's perfectly sincere and profoundly serious deprecation of the Darwinian standpoint ought to bring home to all Englishmen who have perhaps too eagerly endorsed the conclusions of their own British school of organic
evolution, and that is, to what extent were Malthus, and afterwards his disciple Darwin, perhaps influ enced in their analysis of nature by preconceived notions drawn from the state of high pressure which prevailed in the thickly-populated and industrial
country in which they both lived?
It difficult to defend Darwin from the funda
mental attack which Nietzsche directs at the very root of his teaching, and which turns upon the question of the motive of all Life's struggle. To assume that the motive always " struggle for existence" presupposes the constant presence of
two conditions--want and over-population,--an assumption which absolutely non-proven; and likewise lends peculiarly ignoble and cowardly
colouring to the whole of organic life, which not only remains unsubstantiated in fact, but which the "struggle for power " completely escapes.
In Part III. , which, throughout, pretty plain sailing, Aphorisrn 786 contains perhaps the most important statements. Here morality shown to be merely an instrument, but this time instrument of the gregarious will to power. In the last paragraph of this aphorism Nietzsche shows himself quite antagonistic to Determinism,
because of its intimate relation to, and its origin
in, mechanistic interpretation of the
? Universe.
the
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it
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? TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE
xiv
But we should always remember that, inasmuch as Nietzsche would distribute beliefs, just as others distribute bounties--that is to say, according to the needs of those whom he has in view, we must never take for granted that a belief which he deprecates
for one class of man
to him, to be denied another class.
ought necessarily, according .
Hard as it undoubtedly is to bear this in mind, we should remember that his appeal is almost without interruption made to higher men, and that doctrines and creeds which he condemns for them he would necessarily exalt in the case of people who were differently situated and otherwise con stituted. Christianity is a case in point (see Will to Power, vol. i. Aph. I 32).
We now come to Part IV. , which is possibly the most important part of all, seeing that it treats of those questions which may be regarded as Nietzsche's most constant concern from the time when he wrote his first book.
The world as we now see and know with all that contains which beautiful, indifferent, or ugly, from human standpoint, according to Nietzsche, the creation of our own valuing minds. Perhaps only few people have had hand in shaping this world of values. Maybe their number could be counted on the fingers of two hands; but
still, what Nietzsche insists upon that huinan in its origin. Our whole outlook, everything that gives us joy or pain, must at one time or other have been valued for us, and in persisting in these valuations we, as the acclimatised herd, are indebted
to our artists, to our higher men, to all those in
? ? ? is,
is,
it a is
it,
a a
it
is
? TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. xv
history, who at some time or other have dared to stand up and to declare emphatically that this was ugly and that that was beautiful, and to fight, and if necessary to die, for their opinion.
Religion, morality, and philosophy, while they all aim at so-called universal Truth, tend to de preciate the value of life in the eyes of exceptional men. Though they establish the "beautiful" for the general stock, and in that way enhance the value of life for that stock, they contradict higher men's values, and, by so doing, destroy their in nocent faith in the world. For the problem here is
not, what value is true ? --but, what value is most conducive to the highest form of human life on earth P
Nietzsche would fain throw all the burden of valuing upon the Dionysian artist--him who speaks about this world out of the love and plenitude of power that is in his own breast, him who, from the very health that is within him, cannot look out up on life without transfiguring hallowing bless ing and making appear better, bigger, and more beautiful. And, in this view, Nietzsche quite consistent; for, we must accept his con clusion that our values are determined for us by our higher men, then becomes of the highest importance that these valuers should be so con stituted that their values may be boon and not
bane to the rest of humanity.
Alasl only too often, and especially in the
nineteenth century, have men who lacked this Dionysian spirit stood up and valued the world; and against these that Nietzsche protests.
? ? ? it is
it,
It
is
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if
it,
it,
? xvi TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE.
is the bad air they have spread which he would
fain dispel.
As to what art means to the artist himself,
apart from its actual effect on the world, Nietzsche would say that it is a manner of discharging his will to power. The artist tries to stamp his opinion of what is desirable, and of what is beautiful or ugly, upon his contemporaries and the future; it is in this valuing thathis impulse to prevail finds its highest expression. Hence the instinctive economy of artists in sex matters--that is to say, in precisely that quarter whither other men go when their impulse to prevail urges them to action. Nietzsche did not of course deny the sensual nature of artists (Aph. 815); all he wished to make plain ' was this, that an artist who was not moderate, in erotz'cis, while engaged upon his task, was open to the strongest suspicion.
In the Fourth Book Nietzsche is really at his very best. Here, while discussing questions such as " The Order of Rank," he is so thoroughly in his exclusive sphere, that practically every line, even if it were isolated and taken bodily from the context, would bear the unmistakable character of its author. The thought expressed in Aphorism 871 reveals a standpoint as new as it is necessary. 50 used have we become to the practice of writing and legislating for a mass, that we have forgotten the rule that prevails even in our own navy--
that the speed of a fleet is measured by its slowest vessel.
On the same principle, seeing that all our philo sophies and moralities have hitherto been directed
? ? ? ? TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. XVII
at a mass and at mob, we find that their eleva tion must of necessity be decided by the lowest of mankind. Thus all passions are banned, be cause base men do not know how to enlist them in their service. Men who are masters of them selves and of others, men who understand the
and privilege of passion, become the most despised of creatures in such systems of
thought, because they are confounded with the vicious and licentious; and the speed of man kind's elevation thus gets to be determined by humanity's slowest vessels.
Aphorisms 881, 882, 886 fully elucidate the above considerations, while in 912, 916, 94 and
management
? - -.
we have plans of a constructive teaching which the remainder of Part elaborates.
And now, following Nietzsche carefully through Part II. (Dionysus), what the inevitable con clusion of all we have read? This analysis of the world's collective values and their ascription to certain " will to power " may now seem to many but an exhaustive attempt at new system of nomenclature, and little else. As matter of fact very much more than this. By means of Nietzsche wishes to show mankind how much has lain, and how much still lies, in man's power. By laying his finger on everything and declaring to man that was human will that created Nietzsche wished to give man the courage of this will, and clean conscience in exercising it. For
was precisely this very will to power which had been most hated and most maligned by everybody up to Nietzsche's time.
951
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? xviii TRAN SLATOR'S PREFACE.
Long enough, prompted by the fear of attribut ing any one of his happiest thoughts to this hated fundamental will, had man ascribed all his valua tions and all his most sublime inspirations to something outside himself,--whether this some thing were a God, a principle, or the concept Truth. But Nietzsche's desire was to show man how human, all too human, have been the values that have appeared heretofore; he wished to prove, that to the rare sculptors of values, the world, despite its past, is still an open field of yielding clay, and in pointing to what the will to power has done until now, Nietzsche suggests to these com ing sculptors what might still be done, provided they fear nothing, and have that innocence and that profound faith in the fundamental will which others hitherto have had in God, Natural Laws, Truth, and other euphemistic fictions.
The doctrine of Eternal Recurrence, to which Nietzsche attached so much importance that it may be regarded almost as the inspiration which led to his great work, Thas Spake Zarathustra, ought to be understood in the light of a purely disciplinary and chastening creed. In one of his posthumous works we find Nietzsche saying: " The
question which thou shalt have to answer before every deed that thou doest :--is this such a deed as I am prepared to perform an incalculable number of times,--is the best ballast. " Thus it is obvious that, feeling the need of something
in his teaching which would replace the meta physics of former beliefs, he applied the doctrine of Eternal Recurrence to this end. Seeing, how
? ? ? ? TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. xix
ever, that even among Nietzscheans themselves there is considerable doubt concerning the actual value of the doctrine as a ruling belief, it does not seem necessary to enter here into the scientific justification which he claims for it. Suffice it to say that, as knowledge stands at present, the state ment that the world will recur eternally in small things as in great, is still a somewhat daring con jecture--a conjecture, however, which would have been entirely warrantable if its disciplinary value had been commensurate with its daring.
ANTHONY M. LUDOVICI.
? ? ? ? ? THIRD BOOK.
THE PRINCIPLES OF A NEW VALUATION.
von. 11.
A
? ? ? _
regarded
I.
THE WILL TO POWER IN SCIENCE.
THE METHOD OF INVESTIGATION.
466.
(11)
? THE distinguishing feature of our nineteenth century is not the triumph of science, but the triumph of the scientific method over science.
467.
The history of scientific methods was
by Auguste Comte almost as philosophy itself.
- 468.
The great Methodologrlrts: Aristotle, Bacon, Descartes, Auguste Comte.
469.
The most valuable knowledge is always dis covered last: but the most valuable knowledge consists of methods.
? ? ? 4
THE WILL TO POWER.
All methods, all the hypotheses on which the science of our day depends, were treated with the profoundest contempt for centuries: on their account a man used to be banished from the society of respectable people--he was held to be an "enemy of God," a reviler of the highest ideal, a madman.
We had the whole pat/10s of mankind against us,---our notion of what " truth " ought to be, of what the service of truth ought to be, our objectivity, our method, our calm, cautious and distrustful manner were altogether despicable. .
At bottom, that which has kept men back most, is an aesthetic taste: they believed in the pictu resque effect of truth; what they demanded of the scientist was, that he should make a strong appeal to their imagination.
From the above, it would almost seem as if the very reverse had been achieved, as if a sudden jump had been made: as a matter of fact, the schooling which the moral hyperboles afforded, gradually prepared the way for that milder form which at last became incarnate in the
? 0f pat/10s
scientific man. . . .
Consu'entiausness in small things, the self-control of the religious man, was a preparatory school for
the scientific character, as was also, in a pre-eminent sense, the attitude of mind which makes a man take problems seriously, irrespective of what personal advantage he may derive from them. . . .
very
? ? ? THE WILL TO POWER IN SCIENCE.
5 (6) THE STARTING-POINT OF EPISTEMOLOGY.
47o
Profound disinclination to halt once and for all at any collective view of the world. The charm of the opposite point of view: the refusal to re linquish the stimulus residing in the enigmatical.
471
The hypothesis that, at bottom, things proceed in such moral fashion that lzuman reason must be rag/It, a mere piece of good-natured and
? trustfulness, the result of the belief in Divine truthfulness--God regarded as the
Creator of all things--These concepts are our in heritance from former existence in Beyond.
472
The contradiction of the so-called " facts of consciousness. " Observation thousand times more difficult, error perhaps the absolute con dition of observation.
473
The intellect cannot criticise itself, simply be cause can be compared with no other kind of intellect, and also because its ability to know would only reveal itself in the presence of "actual reality that to say, because, in order to criticise the intellect, we should have to be higher
simple-minded
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creatures with " absolute knowledge. " This would
the existence of something, a "thing in-itself," apart from all the perspective kinds of observation and sense-spiritual perception. But the psychological origin of the belief in things, forbids our speaking of "things in themselves. "
474
The idea that a sort of adequate relation exists between subject and object, that the object is some thing which when seen from inside would be a subject, is a well-meant invention which, I believe, has seen its best days. The measure of that which we are conscious of, is perforce entirely dependent upon the coarse utility of the function of consciousness: how could this little garret prospect of consciousness, warrant our asserting
anything in regard to " subject " and "object," which would bear any relation to reality!
as
Criticism of modern philosophy: erroneous starting-point, as if there were such things as "facts of consciousness "--and no phenomena/ism in introspection.
47 6
presuppose
? " Consciousness "--to what extent is the idea which is thought of, the idea of will, or the idea of a feeling (which is known by us alone), quite
superficial P Our inner world is also" appearance "
|
? ? ? THE WILL TO POWER IN SCIENCE.
7
477
I am convinced of the phenomenalism of the inner world also: everything that reaches our consciousness is utterly and completely adjusted, simplified, schematised, interpreted,--the aclual process of inner " perception," the relalion of causes between thoughts, feelings, desires, between subject and object, is absolutely concealed from us, and may be purely imaginary. This "inner world of
is treated with precisely the same forms and procedures as the " outer " world. We
never come across a single " fact ": pleasure and pain are more recently evolved intellectual
of an immediate causal relation between thoughts, as Logic does, is the result of the coarsest and most clumsy observation. There are all sorts of passions that may intervene between two thoughts : but the interaction is too rapid--that is why we fail to recognise them, that is why we actually deny their existence. . .
Q . y" ;\6. ' 'vli'. ,. ei,mfiu-
vii:
V,C
\f,. '.
THE COMPLETE WORKS OF
FRIEDRICH
Tlu First Complete and Authorised English Tramlaiion
EDITED BY
DR. OSCAR LEVY
. 0 , {I
. '''
NIETZSCHE
? VOLUME IFT EEN
THE WILL TO POWER Rooxs THREE AND FOUR
? ? -
i
F
I'.
\
'I ,
? ? 0f the Third Impression making Four Thousand Five Hundred Copies this is
Na. . . . 3121. . .
? ? ? I
FRIEDRICH NIETZSCI-IE THE
WILL TO POWER
AN ATTEMPTED TRANSVALUATION OF ALL VALUES
TRANSLATED BY ANTHONY M. LUDOVICI
VOL. II Booxs III AND IV
? NEW YORK
THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
1924.
? ? _. _. . . . . . - __r m" ~-~. . --. ,- --_. . _
'e.
? ? First publirlud Reprintad . lerintel .
. .
. .
. . 1924
(All rig/It: nun/ed)
Printed in Great Bn'im'n 6y Tm: snmnuncn PRESS, EDINBURGH
19w 2914
? ? ? In compliance with current
copyright law, the University of Minnesota Bindery produced this facsimile on permanent-durable paper to replace the irreparany deteriorated original volume owned by the University of Minnesota Library. 1996
? ? ? ? \
CONTENTS OF VOL. II.
PAGE TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE - - - ~ vii
THIRD BOOK. THE PRINCIPLES OF A NEW VALUATION.
? I. THE WILL TO POWER IN SCIENCE--
(a) The Method of Investigation -
(b) The Starting-Point of Epistemology
(a) The Belief in the " Ego. " Subject
(a') Biology of the Instinct of Knowledge. Per
spectivity- - - - -
-20 - 26
- 38
(e) The Origin of Reason and Logic -
-
- - - - -
(f) Consciousness - - (g) Judgment. True--False -
-
(/1) Against Causality - - - (z') The Thing-in-ltself and Appearance (k) The Metaphysical Need - - (l) The Biological Value of Knowledge
(m)Science - - - -
- 53 - 62
- 74 - 96 - 99
-
II. THE WILL TO POWER 1N NATURE----
1. The Mechanical Interpretation of the World
109
' 2. The Will to Power as Life--
(a) The Organic Process - - -
(6)Man - - - - - -132
- 123 3. Theory of the Will to Power and of Valuations - 161
-
- -
-
43
- - 3 - - 5
- - 12
? ? ? vi CONTENTS OF VOL. 11.
PAGE [11. THE WILL T0 POWER AS EXEMPLIFIED IN
"(8' SOCIETY AND IN THE INDIVIDUAL--
1. Society and the State - - - -
---
FOURTH BOOK. DISCIPLINE AND BREEDING. I. THE ORDER or RANK--
- 366
-
. L V1 2. The Individual
IV. THE WILL TO POWER IN ART
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183 214
239
1. The Doctrine of the Order of Rank
2. The Strong and the Weak- 3. TheNobleMan - - - -
4. The Lords of the Earth - - - 5. TheGreatMan - - - -
6. The Highest Man as Lawgiver of the Future
II. DIONYSUS - - - - - III. ETERNAL RECURRENCE - - -
295
-- ---
298 - 350 - 360
? 373 - 388 - 422
? ? ? EDITOR'S FOREWORD
THE two volumes of The Will to Power have been revised afresh by their translator. He, the most gifted and conscientious of my collaborators, would have added his corrections to the second edition of these books, had it not been that five years of war and war-service prevented him from accomplishing a task which he always judged necessary. The changes made are numerous and
well able to throw light upon many a dark passage, but the actual faults of translation were few in number, so that the first and second editions are by no means invalidated by this third one.
. OSCAR LEVY. i PARIS, 1st March 1924.
? ? ? ? n
TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE.
FOR the history of the text constituting this volume would refer readers to my preface to be Will to
Power, Books and II. , where they will also find a brief explanation of the actual title of the com plete work.
In the two books before us Nietzsche boldly carries his principle still further into the various
? of human life, and does not shrink from showing its application even to science, to
art, and to metaphysics.
Throughout Part of the Third Book we find
him going to great pains to impress the fact upon us that science as arbitrary as art in its mode of
departments
and that the knowledge of the scientist but the outcome of his inexorable will to power
interpreting facts in the terms of the self-pre servative conditions of the particular order of human
to which he belongs. In Aphorisms
and which are typical of almost all the thought expressed in Part Nietzsche says distinctly:
"The object not to know,' but to schematise,-- to impose as much regularity and form upon chaos as our practical needs require. "
Unfamiliarity, constant change, and the inability to reckon with possibilities, are sources of great
procedure, v
beings
515
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danger: hence, everything marl be explained, as similated, and rendered capable of calculation, if Nature is to be mastered and controlled.
Schemes for interpreting earthly phenomena must be devised which, though they do not require to be absolute or irrefutable, must yet favour the maintenance of the kind of men that devises them. Interpretation thus becomes all important, and facts sink down to the rank of raw material which must first be given some shape (some sense--
always anthropocentric) before they can become serviceable.
Even the development of reason and logic Nietzsche consistently shows to be but a spiritual development of the physiological function of diges tion which compels an organism to make things " like " (to " assimilate ") before it can absorb them (Aph. 510). And seeing that he denies that
hunger can be a first motive (Aphs. 651-656), and proceeds to show that it is the amoeba's will to power which makes it extend its pseudopodia in search of what it can appropriate, and that, once the appropriated matter is enveloped, it is a process of making similar which constitutes the process of absorption, reason itself is by inference acknow ledged to be merely a form of the same funda mental will.
An interesting and certainly inevitable outcome of Nietzsche's argument appears in Aph. 516, where he declares that even our inability to deny and affirm one and the same thing is not in the least "necessary," but only a sign of inabilizjl.
The whole argument of Part 1. tends to draw
? ? ? ? TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE ix
science ever nearer and nearer to art (except, of course, in those cases in which science happens to consist merely of an ascertainment of facts), and to prove that the one like the other is no more than a means of gaining some foothold upon the slippery soil of a world that is for ever in flux.
In the rush and pell-mell of Becoming, some milestones must be fixed for the purposes of human orientation. In the torrent of evolutionary changes pillars must be made to stand, to which man can for a space hold tight and collect his senses. Science, like art, accomplishes this for us, and it is our will to power which " creates the impression of Being out of Becoming " (Aph. 517).
According to this standpoint, then, consciousness is also but a weapon in the service of the will to power, and it extends or contracts according to our needs (Aph. 524). It might disappear al together (Aph. 52 3), or, on the other hand, it might increase and make our life more complicated than it already is. But we should guard against making it the Absolute behind Becoming, simply because it happens to be the highest and most recent evolu
? form (Aph. 709). If we had done this with each newly acquired characteristic, sight itself, which is a relatively recent development, would
also have required to have been deified.
Pantheism, Theism, Unitarianism--in fact all religions in which a conscious god is worshipped,
are thus aptly classed by Nietzsche as the result of man's desire to elevate that which is but a new and wonderful instrument of his will to power, to the chief place in the imaginary world beyond
tionary
? ? ? X TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE.
(eternal soul), and to make it even the deity itself
(God Omniscient).
With, the question of Truth we find Nietzsche
quite as ready to uphold his thesis as with all other questions. He frankly declares that " the criterion of truth lies in the enhancement of the feeling of power " (Aph. 534), and thus stands in diametrical opposition to Spencer, who makes constraint or inability the criterion of truth. (See Principles of Psychology, new edition, chapter ix. . . . "the unconceivableness of its negation is the ultimate
'
we shall find that it is actually substantiated by experience; for the activity of our senses certainly convinces us more or less according to the degree to which it is provoked. Thus, if we walked for long round a completely dark room, and everything yielded, however slightly, to our touch, we should remain quite unconvinced that we were in a room at all, more particularly if--to suppose a still more impossible case--the floor yielded too. What provokes great activity in the bulbs of our
fingers, then, likewise generates the sensation of i truth.
From this Nietzsche proceeds to argue that what provokes the strongest sentiments in ourselves is also true to us, and, from the standpoint of thought, "that which gives thought the greatest sensation
test of the truth of a proposition. ")
However paradoxical Nietzsche's view may seem,
? of strength " (Aph.
The provocation of intense emotion, and there
fore the provocation of that state in which the body is above the normal in power, thus becomes
533).
? ? ? TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. xi
the index to truth; and it is a very remarkable thing that two prominent English thinkers should, at the very end of their careers, have practically admitted this, despite the fact that all their philo sophical productions had been based upon a com
different belief. I refer, of course, to Spencer and Buckle, who both upheld the view that in a system of thought the emotional factor is of the highest importance.
It follows from all this, that lies and false doctrines may quite conceivably prove to be even more preservative to species than truth itself, and although this is a view we have already encountered in the opening aphorisms of Beyond Good and Evil, in Aph. 538 of this volume we find it further elucidated by Nietzsche's useful demon stration of the fact that "the easier way of think ing always triumphs over the more difficult way "; and that logic, inasmuch as it facilitated classifica--
tion and orderly ' thought, ultimately " got to act like truth. "
Before leaving Part with which would be impossible to deal in full, word or two ought to be said in regard to Nietzsche's views concerning the belief in " cause and effect. " In the Genealogy of Moral; (Ist Essay, Aph. 3), we have already read forecast of our author's more elaborate opinions on this question, and the aphorism in question might be read with advantage in conjunc
tion with the discussion on the subject found in this
pletely
? book (Aphs.
The whole of Nietzsche's criticism, however, re
545-552).
solves itself into this, that the doctrine of causality
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? xii TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE.
begins with an unnecessary duplication of all that happens.
Language, and its origin among a people uneducated in thoughts and concepts, is at the root of this'scientific superstition, and Nietzsche traces its evolution from the primeval and savage desire always to find a " doer " behind every deed : to find some one who is responsible and who, being known, thus modifies the unfamiliarity of the deed which requires explaining. "The so-called instinct of causality [of which Kant speaks with so much as
'
In Aph. 585 (A), we have a very coherent and therefore valuable exposition of much that may still seem Obscure in Nietzsche's standpoint, and we might almost regard this aphorism as the key to the epistemology of the" Will to Power. When we find the " will to truth defined merely as " the longing for a stable world," we are in possession of the very leitmotiv of Nietzsche's thOught through out Part and most Of what follows clearly but an elaboration of this thought.
In Part II. Nietzsche reveals himself as utterly opposed to all mechanistic and materialistic inter pretations of the Universe. He exalts the spirit and repudiates the idea that mere pressure from without--naked environment--is to be held re sponsible (and often guilty! ) for all that material istic science would lay at its door. Darwin again comes in for a good deal of sharp criticism; and, to those who are familiar with the nature of Nietzsche's disagreement with this naturalist, such aphorisms as Nos. 643, 647, 649, 651, 684, 685,
surance] unfamiliar. "
is nothing more than the fear of the
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? TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. \ xiii
will be of special interest. There one question of great moment, which all Nietzsche's perfectly sincere and profoundly serious deprecation of the Darwinian standpoint ought to bring home to all Englishmen who have perhaps too eagerly endorsed the conclusions of their own British school of organic
evolution, and that is, to what extent were Malthus, and afterwards his disciple Darwin, perhaps influ enced in their analysis of nature by preconceived notions drawn from the state of high pressure which prevailed in the thickly-populated and industrial
country in which they both lived?
It difficult to defend Darwin from the funda
mental attack which Nietzsche directs at the very root of his teaching, and which turns upon the question of the motive of all Life's struggle. To assume that the motive always " struggle for existence" presupposes the constant presence of
two conditions--want and over-population,--an assumption which absolutely non-proven; and likewise lends peculiarly ignoble and cowardly
colouring to the whole of organic life, which not only remains unsubstantiated in fact, but which the "struggle for power " completely escapes.
In Part III. , which, throughout, pretty plain sailing, Aphorisrn 786 contains perhaps the most important statements. Here morality shown to be merely an instrument, but this time instrument of the gregarious will to power. In the last paragraph of this aphorism Nietzsche shows himself quite antagonistic to Determinism,
because of its intimate relation to, and its origin
in, mechanistic interpretation of the
? Universe.
the
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? TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE
xiv
But we should always remember that, inasmuch as Nietzsche would distribute beliefs, just as others distribute bounties--that is to say, according to the needs of those whom he has in view, we must never take for granted that a belief which he deprecates
for one class of man
to him, to be denied another class.
ought necessarily, according .
Hard as it undoubtedly is to bear this in mind, we should remember that his appeal is almost without interruption made to higher men, and that doctrines and creeds which he condemns for them he would necessarily exalt in the case of people who were differently situated and otherwise con stituted. Christianity is a case in point (see Will to Power, vol. i. Aph. I 32).
We now come to Part IV. , which is possibly the most important part of all, seeing that it treats of those questions which may be regarded as Nietzsche's most constant concern from the time when he wrote his first book.
The world as we now see and know with all that contains which beautiful, indifferent, or ugly, from human standpoint, according to Nietzsche, the creation of our own valuing minds. Perhaps only few people have had hand in shaping this world of values. Maybe their number could be counted on the fingers of two hands; but
still, what Nietzsche insists upon that huinan in its origin. Our whole outlook, everything that gives us joy or pain, must at one time or other have been valued for us, and in persisting in these valuations we, as the acclimatised herd, are indebted
to our artists, to our higher men, to all those in
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? TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. xv
history, who at some time or other have dared to stand up and to declare emphatically that this was ugly and that that was beautiful, and to fight, and if necessary to die, for their opinion.
Religion, morality, and philosophy, while they all aim at so-called universal Truth, tend to de preciate the value of life in the eyes of exceptional men. Though they establish the "beautiful" for the general stock, and in that way enhance the value of life for that stock, they contradict higher men's values, and, by so doing, destroy their in nocent faith in the world. For the problem here is
not, what value is true ? --but, what value is most conducive to the highest form of human life on earth P
Nietzsche would fain throw all the burden of valuing upon the Dionysian artist--him who speaks about this world out of the love and plenitude of power that is in his own breast, him who, from the very health that is within him, cannot look out up on life without transfiguring hallowing bless ing and making appear better, bigger, and more beautiful. And, in this view, Nietzsche quite consistent; for, we must accept his con clusion that our values are determined for us by our higher men, then becomes of the highest importance that these valuers should be so con stituted that their values may be boon and not
bane to the rest of humanity.
Alasl only too often, and especially in the
nineteenth century, have men who lacked this Dionysian spirit stood up and valued the world; and against these that Nietzsche protests.
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? xvi TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE.
is the bad air they have spread which he would
fain dispel.
As to what art means to the artist himself,
apart from its actual effect on the world, Nietzsche would say that it is a manner of discharging his will to power. The artist tries to stamp his opinion of what is desirable, and of what is beautiful or ugly, upon his contemporaries and the future; it is in this valuing thathis impulse to prevail finds its highest expression. Hence the instinctive economy of artists in sex matters--that is to say, in precisely that quarter whither other men go when their impulse to prevail urges them to action. Nietzsche did not of course deny the sensual nature of artists (Aph. 815); all he wished to make plain ' was this, that an artist who was not moderate, in erotz'cis, while engaged upon his task, was open to the strongest suspicion.
In the Fourth Book Nietzsche is really at his very best. Here, while discussing questions such as " The Order of Rank," he is so thoroughly in his exclusive sphere, that practically every line, even if it were isolated and taken bodily from the context, would bear the unmistakable character of its author. The thought expressed in Aphorism 871 reveals a standpoint as new as it is necessary. 50 used have we become to the practice of writing and legislating for a mass, that we have forgotten the rule that prevails even in our own navy--
that the speed of a fleet is measured by its slowest vessel.
On the same principle, seeing that all our philo sophies and moralities have hitherto been directed
? ? ? ? TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. XVII
at a mass and at mob, we find that their eleva tion must of necessity be decided by the lowest of mankind. Thus all passions are banned, be cause base men do not know how to enlist them in their service. Men who are masters of them selves and of others, men who understand the
and privilege of passion, become the most despised of creatures in such systems of
thought, because they are confounded with the vicious and licentious; and the speed of man kind's elevation thus gets to be determined by humanity's slowest vessels.
Aphorisms 881, 882, 886 fully elucidate the above considerations, while in 912, 916, 94 and
management
? - -.
we have plans of a constructive teaching which the remainder of Part elaborates.
And now, following Nietzsche carefully through Part II. (Dionysus), what the inevitable con clusion of all we have read? This analysis of the world's collective values and their ascription to certain " will to power " may now seem to many but an exhaustive attempt at new system of nomenclature, and little else. As matter of fact very much more than this. By means of Nietzsche wishes to show mankind how much has lain, and how much still lies, in man's power. By laying his finger on everything and declaring to man that was human will that created Nietzsche wished to give man the courage of this will, and clean conscience in exercising it. For
was precisely this very will to power which had been most hated and most maligned by everybody up to Nietzsche's time.
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Long enough, prompted by the fear of attribut ing any one of his happiest thoughts to this hated fundamental will, had man ascribed all his valua tions and all his most sublime inspirations to something outside himself,--whether this some thing were a God, a principle, or the concept Truth. But Nietzsche's desire was to show man how human, all too human, have been the values that have appeared heretofore; he wished to prove, that to the rare sculptors of values, the world, despite its past, is still an open field of yielding clay, and in pointing to what the will to power has done until now, Nietzsche suggests to these com ing sculptors what might still be done, provided they fear nothing, and have that innocence and that profound faith in the fundamental will which others hitherto have had in God, Natural Laws, Truth, and other euphemistic fictions.
The doctrine of Eternal Recurrence, to which Nietzsche attached so much importance that it may be regarded almost as the inspiration which led to his great work, Thas Spake Zarathustra, ought to be understood in the light of a purely disciplinary and chastening creed. In one of his posthumous works we find Nietzsche saying: " The
question which thou shalt have to answer before every deed that thou doest :--is this such a deed as I am prepared to perform an incalculable number of times,--is the best ballast. " Thus it is obvious that, feeling the need of something
in his teaching which would replace the meta physics of former beliefs, he applied the doctrine of Eternal Recurrence to this end. Seeing, how
? ? ? ? TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. xix
ever, that even among Nietzscheans themselves there is considerable doubt concerning the actual value of the doctrine as a ruling belief, it does not seem necessary to enter here into the scientific justification which he claims for it. Suffice it to say that, as knowledge stands at present, the state ment that the world will recur eternally in small things as in great, is still a somewhat daring con jecture--a conjecture, however, which would have been entirely warrantable if its disciplinary value had been commensurate with its daring.
ANTHONY M. LUDOVICI.
? ? ? ? ? THIRD BOOK.
THE PRINCIPLES OF A NEW VALUATION.
von. 11.
A
? ? ? _
regarded
I.
THE WILL TO POWER IN SCIENCE.
THE METHOD OF INVESTIGATION.
466.
(11)
? THE distinguishing feature of our nineteenth century is not the triumph of science, but the triumph of the scientific method over science.
467.
The history of scientific methods was
by Auguste Comte almost as philosophy itself.
- 468.
The great Methodologrlrts: Aristotle, Bacon, Descartes, Auguste Comte.
469.
The most valuable knowledge is always dis covered last: but the most valuable knowledge consists of methods.
? ? ? 4
THE WILL TO POWER.
All methods, all the hypotheses on which the science of our day depends, were treated with the profoundest contempt for centuries: on their account a man used to be banished from the society of respectable people--he was held to be an "enemy of God," a reviler of the highest ideal, a madman.
We had the whole pat/10s of mankind against us,---our notion of what " truth " ought to be, of what the service of truth ought to be, our objectivity, our method, our calm, cautious and distrustful manner were altogether despicable. .
At bottom, that which has kept men back most, is an aesthetic taste: they believed in the pictu resque effect of truth; what they demanded of the scientist was, that he should make a strong appeal to their imagination.
From the above, it would almost seem as if the very reverse had been achieved, as if a sudden jump had been made: as a matter of fact, the schooling which the moral hyperboles afforded, gradually prepared the way for that milder form which at last became incarnate in the
? 0f pat/10s
scientific man. . . .
Consu'entiausness in small things, the self-control of the religious man, was a preparatory school for
the scientific character, as was also, in a pre-eminent sense, the attitude of mind which makes a man take problems seriously, irrespective of what personal advantage he may derive from them. . . .
very
? ? ? THE WILL TO POWER IN SCIENCE.
5 (6) THE STARTING-POINT OF EPISTEMOLOGY.
47o
Profound disinclination to halt once and for all at any collective view of the world. The charm of the opposite point of view: the refusal to re linquish the stimulus residing in the enigmatical.
471
The hypothesis that, at bottom, things proceed in such moral fashion that lzuman reason must be rag/It, a mere piece of good-natured and
? trustfulness, the result of the belief in Divine truthfulness--God regarded as the
Creator of all things--These concepts are our in heritance from former existence in Beyond.
472
The contradiction of the so-called " facts of consciousness. " Observation thousand times more difficult, error perhaps the absolute con dition of observation.
473
The intellect cannot criticise itself, simply be cause can be compared with no other kind of intellect, and also because its ability to know would only reveal itself in the presence of "actual reality that to say, because, in order to criticise the intellect, we should have to be higher
simple-minded
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creatures with " absolute knowledge. " This would
the existence of something, a "thing in-itself," apart from all the perspective kinds of observation and sense-spiritual perception. But the psychological origin of the belief in things, forbids our speaking of "things in themselves. "
474
The idea that a sort of adequate relation exists between subject and object, that the object is some thing which when seen from inside would be a subject, is a well-meant invention which, I believe, has seen its best days. The measure of that which we are conscious of, is perforce entirely dependent upon the coarse utility of the function of consciousness: how could this little garret prospect of consciousness, warrant our asserting
anything in regard to " subject " and "object," which would bear any relation to reality!
as
Criticism of modern philosophy: erroneous starting-point, as if there were such things as "facts of consciousness "--and no phenomena/ism in introspection.
47 6
presuppose
? " Consciousness "--to what extent is the idea which is thought of, the idea of will, or the idea of a feeling (which is known by us alone), quite
superficial P Our inner world is also" appearance "
|
? ? ? THE WILL TO POWER IN SCIENCE.
7
477
I am convinced of the phenomenalism of the inner world also: everything that reaches our consciousness is utterly and completely adjusted, simplified, schematised, interpreted,--the aclual process of inner " perception," the relalion of causes between thoughts, feelings, desires, between subject and object, is absolutely concealed from us, and may be purely imaginary. This "inner world of
is treated with precisely the same forms and procedures as the " outer " world. We
never come across a single " fact ": pleasure and pain are more recently evolved intellectual
of an immediate causal relation between thoughts, as Logic does, is the result of the coarsest and most clumsy observation. There are all sorts of passions that may intervene between two thoughts : but the interaction is too rapid--that is why we fail to recognise them, that is why we actually deny their existence. . .
