Congress seem
resolved
that an Envoy be sent in the way
you wish, and this was yesterday determined in the house.
you wish, and this was yesterday determined in the house.
Hamilton - 1834 - Life on Hamilton - v1
The inhabitants are from all quarters
of the globe, and as various in their opinions, projects, and
schemes, as their manners and habits are from their early
education. Those in office, from a vanity to be thought
powerful, join in the measure of imposing upon the public
respecting the strength and resources of these southern
states; and while congress, and the minister of France, are
kept under this fatal delusion, I fear little support will be
given to this department. The inhabitants are numerous;
but they would be rather formidable abroad than at home.
They are scattered over such a vast extent of country, that
it is difficult to collect, and still more difficult to subsist
them. There is a great spirit of enterprise among the back
people, and those that come out as volunteers are not a lit-
tle formidable to the enemy. There are, also, some parti-
cular corps, under Sumpter, Marion, and Clarke, that are
bold and daring; the rest of the militia are better calcula-
ted to destroy provisions than oppose the enemy.
At Philadelphia, and all my journey through the country,
I endeavoured to impress upon those in power, the necessi-
ty of sending clothing, and supplies of every kind, immedi-
ately to this army. But poverty was urged as a plea, in bar
to every application. They all promised fair, but I fear
will do but little: ability is wanting with some, and incli-
nation with others.
Public credit is so totally lost, that private people will not
give their aid, though they see themselves involved in one
common ruin. It is my opinion, that General Washington's
influence will do more than all the assemblies upon the con-
tinent. I always thought him exceeding popular; but in
many places he is little less than adored, and universally
admired. His influence in this country might possibly
effect something great. However, I found myself exceed-
ingly well received, but more from being the friend of the
General, than from my own merit.
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? HAMILTON. 313
This country wants for its defence a small, but well ap-
pointed army, organized so as to move with great celerity.
It should consist of about five thousand infantry, and from
eight hundred to a thousand horse. The enemy cannot
maintain a large force in this quarter, neither can we. The
resources of the country are too small to subsist a large
body of troops at any one point; and to draw supplies from
a distance through such long tracts of barren land, will be
next to impossible, unless the business can be aided by a
water transportation, and in either case, it will be accompa-
nied with an amazing expense. Could we get a superiority
of horse, we could soon render it difficult for Lord Corn-
wallis to hold his position so far in the country. Nor should
I be under any apprehension with a much inferior force to
his, of taking post near him, if I had but such a body of
horse. But the enemy's horse is so much superior to ours,
that we cannot move a detachment towards them, without
hazarding its ruin.
When I came to the army, I found it in a most wretched
condition. The officers had lost all confidence in the Gene-
ral, and the troops all their discipline. The troops had not
only lost their discipline, but they were so addicted to
plundering, that they were a terror to the country. The
General and I met at least upon very civil terms; and he
expressed the greatest happiness at my being appointed to
succeed him.
General Smallwood and he were not upon good terms;
the former suspected the latter of having an intention to
supplant him, but many think without reason. Others
again, are of opinion, his suspicions were well founded, and
that Smallwood was not a little mortified at my being appoint-
ed to this department, and got outrageous when he heard
Baron Steuben was coming also. How the matter was, I
know not; certain it is, he is gone home, having refused to
act under Baron Steuben, and declares he will not serve at
voi. . i. 40
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? 314 THE LIFE OF
all, unless congress will give him a commission, dated at
least two years before his appointment. This, I think, can
never happen, notwithstanding his private merit, and the
claim of the state. The battle of Camden here is repre-
sented widely different from what it is to the northward.
Colonel Williams thinks that none of the general officers
were entitled to any extraordinary merit. The action was
short, and succeeded by a flight, wherein every body took
care of himself, as well officers as soldiers. Not an offi-
cer, except Major Anderson, and one or two captains, that
brought off the field of battle a single soldier. The Colo-
nel also says, that General Gates would have shared little
more disgrace, than is the common lot of the unfortunate,
notwithstanding he was early off, if he had only halted at
the Waxhaws or Charlotte; -- the first about sixty, and the
last about eighty miles from the field of battle. What lit-
tle incidents either give or destroy reputation? How many
long hours a man may labour with an honest zeal in his
country's service, and be disgraced for the most trifling er-
ror either in conduct or opinion? Hume very justly ob-
serves, no man will have reputation, unless he is use-
ful to society, be his merit or abilities what they may.
Therefore, it is necessary for a man to be fortunate, as well
as wise and just. The greater part of the loss of the Mary-
land line, in the action of Camden, happened after they be-
gan to retreat: indeed, this was the case with all the troops.
What gave Smallwood such great reputation, was his halt
at Salisbury, which was nothing but accident. You know
there are great parties prevailing in the Maryland line, and
perhaps his merit is not a little diminished on that account.
I think him a brave and good officer, but too slow to effect
any thing great in a department like this, where embarrass-
ments are without number; and where nothing can be ef-
fected without the greatest promptitude and decision. This
army is in such a wretched condition, that I hardly know
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? HAMILTON. 315
what to do with it. The officers have got such a habit of
negligence, and the soldiers so loose and disorderly, that it
is next to impossible to give it a military complexion.
Without clothing, I am sure I shall never do it. I call no
councils of war, and I communicate my intentions to very
few. The army was posted at Charlotte when I came up
with it, and in a council, it had been determined. to winter
there; but the difficulty of procuring subsistence, and other
reasons, induced me not only to take a new position, but to
make an entire new disposition. All this I effected by a
single order, having first made the necessary inquiry re-
specting the new positions, by sending a man to examine the
grounds and other requisites. If I cannot inspire the army
with confidence, and respect by an independent conduct, I
foresee it will be impossible to instil discipline and order
among the troops. General Leslie has arrived, and joined
Lord Cornwallis, whose force now is more than three times
larger than ours; and we are subsisting ourselves by our
own industry, and I am not without hopes of forming some-
thing like a magazine. I am labouring also to get clothing
from every quarter; Baron Steuben is in Virginia, and is
indefatigable in equipping and forwarding the troops from
that state. I left General Gates in Maryland for the same
purpose; but I have got nothing from there yet, nor do I
expect much for months to come. The North Carolina
state have such a high opinion of the militia, that I don't
expect they will ever attempt to raise a single continental
soldier; notwithstanding the most sensible among them
will acknowledge the folly of employing militia.
But I must have tired your patience, and therefore will
make a full stop concerning matters in this department,
and inquire how you go on to the northward. Have you
got married 1 If you have, please to present my compli-
ments to Mrs. Hamilton; if not, to Miss Schuyler, and to
the General and family in either case.
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? 3J6 THE LIFE OF
I beg my compliments to General Washington's family,
to General Knox and his family, and all other of my ac-
quaintances.
I shall be exceedingly obliged to you if you will commu-
nicate to me, with great freedom, every thing worthy of
note that is said or respects this department.
While the important question of a successor to Gates
was under consideration, a project was in agitation, partly
the result of discontent with the feeble measures of con-
gress, but principally induced by the apprehensions which
the defeat at Camden had produced, for the appointment
of " a Supreme Dictator and Vice Dictators in each state,
with all the powers conferred by the Roman people. "
The difficulty of supplying the armies, and the necessity
of some general concert, had led to the determination of
holding a convention at Hartford, to be composed of the
five New-England states and the state of New-York; by
which latter state, Judge Hobart, Egbert Benson, then at-
torney general, and General Schuyler, were selected as com-
missioners. It was, for a time, contemplated by the legisla-
ture, to give them instructions "to propose that a dictator
should be appointed, for which a majority in the more popu-
lar branch were believed to be favourable. '' "This mad pro-
ject," as Hamilton designated it, was communicated to him
by General Schuyler, in a letter of the sixteenth of Septem-
tember, 1780. As soon as Hamilton heard of it, it met
with his instant disapprobation, and he discouraged it in
the most earnest manner. General Schuyler, upon whom
this duty would have been imposed, relinquished his purpose
of attending at Hartford, where the consultations were con-
fined to the consideration of measures for supplying the
army, which is stated to have resulted in the project of a
national impost. Thus do we observe Hamilton, while
urging the establishment of an efficient government, con-
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? HAMILTON. 317
fining his views to the distribution of its powers in various
well-defined departments, securing to each its necessary
action and reciprocal dependence, the whole emanating
from, and resting upon, a free and deliberate popular will.
This project of a dictator was regarded by him as "a
temporary effusion," but as a strong example of the rea-
diness with which " the human passions flow from one ex-
treme to the other. " It had a decisive influence on his
determination to endeavour to give such stability to go-
vernment as would protect the people from the danger
which sudden emergencies might produce, of conferring
extraordinary powers on its head, and of rendering neces-
sary and palatable, expedients which would lead from tem-
porary to permanent usurpations. *
About the time of General Greene's departure for the
south, a plan of an attack upon the British troops, then on
Staten Island, was in contemplation, which had originated
with Hamilton, and in which it was arranged that La Fay-
ette was to command. In a letter from him to Colonel
Hamilton, calculations of the means necessary to ensure
success are presented, and at the same time a project of a
different nature is adverted to, in which Hamilton was to
have a share. After some consideration, it was determined
that the intended attempt on Staten Island should be a feint,
and that while the British forces were drawn off into New-
Jersey, a descent should be made upon New-York. Ha-
milton, tired of inactivity, and anxious to signalize himself,
became intent on obtaining a separate command, in which
he hoped to succeed, aided by the influence of the Marquis.
In order to give a more full exposition of his wishes, he ad-
dressed to General Washington the following letter.
* This scheme of a dictator, never ripened into a deliberate and extensive
plan. It was strongly opposed by Governor Clinton, to whose exertions, on
this occasion, great respect is due.
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? 318 THE LIFE OF
HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.
November 22d, 1780.
DEAR SIR,
Some time last fall, when I spoke to your excellency about
going to the southward, I explained to you candidly my
feelings with respect to military reputation, and how much
it was my object to act a conspicuous part in some enter-
prise, that might perhaps raise my character as a soldier
above mediocrity. You were so good as to say, you would
be glad to furnish me with an occasion. When the expe-
dition to Staten Island was afoot, a favourable one seemed
to offer. There was a battalion without a field officer, the
command of which, I thought, as it was accidental, might
be given to me without inconvenience. I made an appli-
cation for it through the Marquis, who informed me of your
refusal on two principles, -- one, that the giving me a whole
battalion might be a subject of dissatisfaction; the other,
that if any accident should happen to me in the present state
of your family, you would be embarrassed for the necessa-
ry assistance.
The project you now have in contemplation affords an-
other opportunity. I have a variety of reasons, that press
me to desire ardently to have it in my power to improve it.
I take the liberty to observe, that the command may now
be proportioned to my rank, and that the second objection
ceases to operate, as during the period of establishing our
winter quarters, there will be a suspension of material busi-
ness; besides which, my peculiar situation will, in any case,
call me away from the army in a few days, and Mr. Har-
rison may be expected back early next month. My com-
mand may consist of one hundred and fifty or two hundred
men, composed of fifty men of Major Gibbes' corps, fifty
from Colonel Meigs' regiment, and fifty or an hundred more
from the light infantry, -- Major Gibbes to be my major.
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? HAMILTON. 310
The hundred men from here may move on Friday morning
towards , which will strengthen the appearances for
Staten Island, to form a junction on the other side of the
Passaic.
I suggest this mode, to avoid the complaints that might
arise from composing my party wholly of the light infantry,
which might give umbrage to the officers of that corps, who
on this plan can have no just subject for it.
The primary idea may be, if circumstances permit, to at-
tempt with my detachment Byard's Hill. Should we ar-
rive early enough to undertake it, I should prefer it to any
thing else, both for the brilliancy of the attempt in itself, and
the decisive consequences of which its success would be pro-
ductive. If we arrive too late to make this eligible, (as
there is reason to apprehend,) my corps may form the van
of one of the other attacks, and Byard's Hill will be a pre-
text for my being employed in the affair, on a supposition of
my knowing the ground, which is partly true. I natter
myself, also, that my military character stands so well in
the army, as to reconcile the officers in general to the mea-
sure. All circumstances considered, I venture to say any
exceptions which might be taken," would be unreasonable.
I take this method of making the request to avoid the
embarrassment of a personal explanation. I shall only add,
that however much I have the matter at heart, I wish your
excellency entirely to consult your own inclination, and not
from a disposition to oblige me, to do any thing that may be
disagreeable to you. It will, nevertheless, make me singu-
larly happy if your wishes correspond with mine.
This negotiation was entrusted to La Fayette, whose de-
sire to advance the views of his friend, are thus strongly
expressed in the following letters.
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? 320 THE I. T P K OF
LA FAYETTE TO HAMILTON.
Pararaus, November 28, 1780.
DEAR HAMILTON,
Here I arrived last night, and am going to set out for
Philadelphia. Gouvion goes straight to New-Windsor, and
by him I write to the General. I speak of Hand and Smith,
whom I recommend, and add, -- If, however, you was to
cast your eye on a man who, I think, would suit better than
any other in the world, Hamilton is, I confess, the officer
whom I would like best to see in my *****. Then I go
on with the idea, that at equal advantages, you deserve from
him the preference; that your advantages are the greatest;
I speak of a co-operation; of your being in the family; and
conclude, that on every public and private account, I advise
him to take you.
I know the General's friendship and gratitude for you,
my dear Hamilton; both are greater than you perhaps ima-
gine. I am sure he needs only to be told that something
will suit you, and when he thinks he can do it, he certainly
will. Before this campaign I was your friend, and very
intimate friend, agreeable to the ideas of the world; since
my second voyage, my sentiment has increased to such a
point, the world knows nothing about. To show both, from
want and from scorn of expressions, I shall only tell you --
adieu.
Yours,
La Fayette.
LA PAYETTE TO HAMILTON.
Philadelphia, December 9th, 1780.
DEAR HAMILTON,
On my arrival at Paramus, I wrote a letter to the Gene-
ral, which Colonel Gouvion was to deliver to himself at
New-Windsor; so that more expedition had been made than
you had thought. But the General having unfortunately
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? HAMILTON. 321
altered his mind, and taken the road to Morristown, another
misfortune threw Hand in his way, and remembering your
advices on the occasion, he hastened to make him the pro-
position, and in consequence of it wrote his letter to con-
gress. From Paramus I went myself to the Lots, and from
thence to Morristown, where I met the General, and know-
ing that my letter could not reach him under some days, I
became regardless of your wishes, and made a verbal ap-
plication in my own name, and about the same time that had
been settled between us. I can't express to you, my dear
friend, how sorry and disappointed I felt, when I knew from
him, the General, that (greatly in consequence of your ad-
vice,) he had settled the whole matter with Hand, and writ-
ten for him to congress. I confess, I became warmer on
the occasion than you would perhaps have wished me to
be, and I wanted the General to allow my sending an ex-
press, who would have overtaken the letter, as it was in the
hands of General St. Clair; but the General did not think
it to be a convenient measure, and, I confess, I may have
been a little blinded on its propriety. I took care not to
compromise you in this affair, when the General expressed
a desire to serve you, and in a manner you would have been
satisfied with. -- Now for the voyage to France.
Congress seem resolved that an Envoy be sent in the way
you wish, and this was yesterday determined in the house.
Next Monday the gentleman will be elected. I have already
spoken to many members ; -- I know of a number of voices
that will be for you. This day and that of to-morrow will
be by me employed in paying visits. As soon as the busi-
ness is fixed upon, I shall send you an express. I think
you ought to hold yourself in readiness, and in case you are
called for, come with all possible speed; for you must go
immediately, that you may have returned before the begin-
ning of operations. If you go, my dear sir, I shall give you
all public or private knowledge about Europe I am possess-
VOL. I. . 41
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? 322 THE LIFE OF
ed of. Besides many private letters, that may introduce
you to my friends, I intend giving you the key of the cabi-
net, as well as of the societies which influence them. In a
word, my good friend, any thing in my power shall be en-
tirely yours.
The earnest desire, evinced by this letter, that Hamilton
should proceed to the Court of France, was a common sen-
timent among the foreign officers, with whom he was the
medium of communication, and who anticipated, with the
most sanguine hopes, the benefits of his appointment.
During the progress of these interesting occurrences,
Hamilton formed an engagement with the second daughter
of General Schuyler, to whom he was married on the four-
teenth of December, 1780, at the residence of her father in
Albany, and thus became permanently established in the
state of New-York.
.
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-
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? HAMILTON. 323
CHAPTER XIII.
[1781. ]
The privations endured by the army had, at the com-
mencement of this year, produced a general and serious
discontent, which first showed itself in a mutiny of the
Pennsylvania line, stationed at Morristown. Disregarding
the efforts of their officers, and insensible even to the popu-
larity of their commander, General Wayne, they abandon-
ed their quarters, and marched to the vicinity of Trenton,
determined to exact relief from the civil authorities, who
were obliged to comply with their demands. Within a
short time after, a similar spirit manifested itself in a part
of the Jersey line; on the intelligence of which General
Washington wrote* to congress, stating his determination
"to quiet them by force," and Hamilton, by his instruc-
tions, directed Colonel Barber " to compel them to uncon-
ditional submission," by whose prompt and vigorous mea-
sures they were restored to obedience.
The mutineers were invited,byevery inducement that Sir
Henry Clinton could offer, to join him; but the soldiers, with
indignant patriotism, rejected the temptation, and seized
and delivered up his emissaries, who were executed on the
succeeding day. Congress, cherishing this patriotic feel-
ing, on the representation of Washington, sent them three
month's pay in specie. This small aid, though inadequate
to their wants, restored them to the belief that the poverty,
and not the remissness of the government, had produced
their sufferings.
On the sixteenth of January, Colonel Hamilton, whose
* January 23, 1781.
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? 324 THE LIFE OF
correspondence with General Schuyler became frequent,
wrote to him, informing him of these events, and declining
a very liberal offer of pecuniary aid. On the twenty-fifth
he received the following reply:
DEAR SIR,
Yesterday I received your favour of the sixteenth in-
stant. It affords me pleasure to learn that the Pennsylva-
nia line is reduced to order; but we, in this quarter, are
on the point of experiencing a similar commotion. The
two regiments threaten to march to head quarters, unless
some money is paid them; the certificates for the depre-
ciation expedited, and in future to be supplied with provi-
sions.
Yesterday about three thousand bushels of wheat, six
hundred pound's worth of beef, and three or four thousand
dollars, were subscribed. I am in hopes we shall procure
what will afford each man about ten dollars, and I have
some hopes that this, with a little management, will render
them tolerably quiet. *
You cannot, my dear sir, be more happy at the connex-
ion you have made with my family, than I am. Until the
child of a parent has made a judicious choice, his heart is
in continual anxiety; but this anxiety was removed on the
moment I discovered it was you on whom she had placed
her affections. I am pleased with every instance of deli-
cacy in those who are so dear to me; and I think I read
your soul on the occasion you mention. I shall, therefore,
* Governor Trumbull stated that the Connecticut soldiers, whose terms of
enlistment had expired, had repaired, in large numbers, to the seaports, in or-
der to engage themselves in privateering; that an embargo had been laid for
the purpose of filling their battalion; and unless Massachusetts and Rhode-
Island acted in concert, her soldiers would repair to their ports with the same
intent; and therefore Connecticut requested those states to lay and continue
embargoes for the same purpose.
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? HAMILTON. 325
only entreat you to consider me as one who wishes, in
every way, to promote your happiness; and I shall never
give or lend but with a view to such ends. Entreat the
General and his lady to accept my best wishes. Do not
forget to remember me to Harrison and Tilghman.
Adieu, dear sir,
Most affectionately,
Yours, &c.
Ph. Schuyler.
Col. Hamilton.
In the preceding year, Hamilton, seeing the constant
danger of the dissolution of the army for want of supplies,
projected a plan for that purpose, which he anxiously press-
ed upon congress. The recent occurrences had increased
his solicitude to have it brought forward, and he again re-
called the attention of General Schuyler to this subject, in
reference to which he received a letter of the fifth of Feb-
ruary, 1781.
"The reward refused by the Pennsylvania line, evinces
a becoming sense of propriety and gallantry. What might
not our soldiery be brought to, if properly fed, paid, and
clothed?
"The plan you mention for supplying the armies in Ame-
rica, I should be exceedingly happy to see attempted; but
I fear congress will not venture on it, although they should
be convinced of its eligibility. In the course of the last year,
I proposed it repeatedly to individual members, who gene-
rally approved, and once or twice took occasion to mention
it in congress.
"I am persuaded, if it was adopted, that a saving, at pre-
sent almost inconceivable, would be induced, and an order
and economy in the public expenditures, whilst ft would
reconcile the minds of men to bear the public burthens with
alacrity, would effectually eradicate the fears which too ge-
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? 320 THE LIFE OF
nerally prevail, that we shall sink under the enormous weight
of our expenses. I have been a committee of the senate to
prepare a letter to congress. It will go by this conveyance.
I shall not detail the subject of it, as a copy of it is directed
to be sent to the General. 1 have written for some refuse
clothing for the Indians. Permit me to entreat your in-
terposition, to procure some carriages for the transporta-
tion of them. Very affectionately, and very proudly,
"Your obedient, humble servant,
"Ph. Schuyler. "
Colonel Hamilton.
These instances of insubordination hastened the depart-
ure of the special envoy, whom congress had chosen to
proceed to France. The interesting letter of Colonel Lau-
rens to Hamilton of the eighteenth December, 1779, will be
recollected; in which the appointment of the latter, as se-
cretary to the minister at Versailles, is mentioned as having
been strongly urged by him. Within a short time after its
date, intelligence was received, that his father, Henry Lau-
rens, who had been appointed a commissioner to negotiate
a treaty with the United Provinces, had been captured on
his voyage, and was immured in the Tower.
This wanton act of severity had excited no less sensa-
tion in Europe than in America, and brought out, in a
bolder light, the character of this distinguished personage,
recently the President of the American Congress, now a
prisoner of state.
The appointment of an envoy had been deferred until the
latter part of the preceding year. The necessity of a loan,
which had been so strongly urged by Hamilton, had led him
to advise another visit to France by La Fayette, whose in-
fluence had been increased by a recent change in the minis-
try, and the idea was entertained, that Hamilton might be
associated with him, in this interesting mission. But the
prospect of active service in the south, had greater charms
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? HAMILTON. S27
for the Marquis, and it was determined, that a member of
Washington's family should be appointed in his stead.
The choice was between the two friends, Laurens and
Hamilton. The idea of the mission having originated with
Hamilton, induced Laurens to defer to him an appointment,
which the dull prospects of the army, his sense of the im-
portance of an energetic negotiation, and the high distinc-
tion, rendered an object of desire. On the other hand, the
news of the capture of his father, would naturally inspire
his son with a wish to seize this opportunity of obtaining his
release. Hamilton immediately relinquished his preten-
sions; but the warmth of Laurens' friendship triumphed
over his filial feelings, and he urged the consent of Hamil-
ton, with an avowal, that he would prefer confiding to him
the fate of his father. A scene of generous contention en-
sued, mutually honourable, and characteristic. Hamilton
prevailed; and on the eleventh of December, Laurens,
having signified his assent to congress, was unanimously
elected.
The importance of giving a correct view of the state of
affairs at this juncture, suggested to Hamilton the idea of a
special letter of instructions, in addition to that which had
been given to the envoy by congress, being addressed to him
by General Washington, which, in the opinion of La Fay-
ette, it was supposed would add additional weight to his
representations. This important duty was delegated to
Hamilton by Washington, and will be read with interest, as
containing a full exposition of the resources and situation of
the country at that critical juncture.
WASHINGTON TO LAURENS.
"In compliance with your request, I shall commit to
writing the result of our conferences on the present state of
American affairs; in which I have given you my opinion
with that freedom and explicitness, which the objects of
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? THE LIFE OP
your commission, my entire confidence in you, and the exi-
gency of our affairs demand.
"1st. To me it appears evident, that, considering the dif-
fused population of these states, the consequent difficulty of
drawing together their resources, the composition and tem-
per of a part of their inhabitants, the want of a sufficient
stock of national wealth, as a basis for revenue, and the al-
most total extinction of commerce, the efforts that we have
been compelled to make for carrying on the war, have ex-
ceeded the natural abilities of this country, and, by degrees,
brought us to a crisis that makes the most efficacious and
immediate succour from abroad indispensable to our safety.
"2d. That notwithstanding, from the confusion insepara-
ble from a revolution; from our having governments to
frame, and every species of civil and military institutions to
create; from that inexperience in affairs necessarily inci-
dent to a nation in its commencement, some errors may
have been committed in the administration of our finances,
to which a part of our embarrassments may be attributed;
yet they are principally to be ascribed to an essential de-
fect of means, the want of a sufficient stock of wealth, as
mentioned in the first article, which want, continuing to
operate, will make it impossible, by any interior exertions,
to extricate ourselves from those embarrassments, restore
the public credit, and furnish the requisite funds for carry-
ing on the war.
"3d. That experience has demonstrated it to be impossi-
ble long to support a paper credit without funds for its re-
demption; that the depreciation of our currency was in
the main a necessary effect of the want of those funds;
and that its restoration is impossible for the same reason,
to which the general diffidence which has taken place
among the people is an additional, and, in the present state
of things, an insuperable obstacle.
"4th. That the mode which for want of money has been
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? IIAMILTON. 329
substituted for supplying the army, by assessing a portion
of the productions of the earth, has hitherto been found to be
ineffectual; has frequently left the army to experience the
most calamitous distress, and from its novelty and incom-
patibility with ancient habits is regarded by the people as
burthensome and oppressive; has excited serious discon-
tents, and in some states there appear alarming symptoms
of opposition. That this mode has, besides, many particu-
lar inconveniences, which contribute to make it inadequate
to our exigencies, and ineligible but as an auxiliary.
"5th. That the resource of domestic loans is inconsidera-
ble; because there are, properly speaking, few moneyed
men in this country, and the few there are, can employ
their money to more advantage otherwise; besides which,
the instability of our currency, and the want of funds, have
impaired the public credit. That from the best estimates
of the annual expense of the war, and the annual revenues
which these states are capable of producing, there is a large
balance to be made up by public credit.
"6th. That the patience of the army, from an almost un-
interrupted series of complicated distress, is now nearly
exhausted; their discontents are matured to an extremity
which has recently had the most disagreeable consequen-
ces, and demonstrates the absolute necessity of speedy re-
lief. You are too well acquainted with all their sufferings,
for want of clothing, for want of subsistence, for want of
pay.
"7th. That the people begin to be dissatisfied with the
present system for the support of the war; and there is
cause to apprehend that evils actually felt in the prosecu-
tion of it, may weaken those sentiments which began it,
founded, not on immediate sufferings, but on a speculative
apprehension of evils to arise in future from the depriva-
tion of our liberties. There is danger that a commercial
and free people, little accustomed to heavy burdens, press-
vol. i. 42
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? 330 T II E LIFE OF
ed by impositions of a new and odious kind, may not make
a proper allowance for the necessity of the conjuncture,
and may imagine they have only exchanged one tyranny
for another.
"8th. That from all the foregoing considerations results,
first, the absolute necessity of an immediate, ample, and
efficacious succour of money, considerable enough to be a
foundation for permanent arrangements of finance; to re-
store the public credit, and give new life and activity to
our future operations. Secondly, the vast importance of a
decided effort of the allied arms upon this country the en-
suing campaign, to give a fatal blow to the power of the
enemy, and secure the great objects of the war, -- the liber-
ty and independence of these states. Without the first, we
may make a feeble and expiring effort the next campaign,
which would, in all probability, be the period of our oppo-
sition. With it, we should be in a condition to continue
the war as long as the obstinacy of the enemy might re-
quire. The first is essential to the last: both combined,
would at once bring the contest to a glorious issue ; put
the objects of the alliance out of the reach of contingen-
cies; crown the obligations which America already feels
to the magnanimity and generosity of her allies, and per-
petuate the union by those ties of gratitude and affection,
as well as mutual advantage, which alone can render it so-
lid and indissoluble.
"9th. That next to a loan of money, a constant naval su-
periority on these coasts, is the object which most interests
us. This would instantly reduce the enemy to a difficult
defensive, and by depriving them of all prospect of extend-
ing their acquisitions, would take away the motives for
prosecuting the war. Indeed, it is not easy to conceive,
how they could subsist a large force in this country, if we
had the command of the seas to interrupt the regular trans-
mission of supplies from Europe. This superiority (with
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? HAMILTON. 331
an aid of money) would enable us to convert the operations
of the war into a vigorous offensive. I say nothing of the
advantages to our trade, nor how infinitely it would facili-
tate our supplies. In short, it seems to be a deciding point.
It appears, too, to be the interest of our allies, abstract-
ed from the immediate benefits to this country, to transfer
the whole naval war to America. The number of ports
friendly to them and hostile to the British; the materials
this country affords for repairing the disabled ships; the
large quantities of provisions towards the subsistence of
the fleet; are circumstances which would give a palpable
advantage to our allies in a naval contest in these seas.
"That notwithstanding the embarrassments under which
we labour, and the inquietudes prevailing among the peo-
ple, there is still a fund of inclination and resources in this
country, equal to great and continued exertions; provided
we have it in our power to stop the progress of disgust, by
changing the present system, by restoring public credit,
and by giving activity to our measures; of all which, a
powerful succour of money might be the basis. The peo-
ple are dissatisfied; but it is with the feeble and oppressive
mode of conducting the war, not with the war itself. They
are not unwilling to contribute to its support, but they are
unwilling to do it in a way that renders private property
precarious, -- a necessary consequence of the fluctuation of
the national currency, and of the inability of government
to perform its engagements coercively made. A large ma-
jority are still firmly attached to its independence; abhor a
re-union with Great Britain; and are affectionate to the
alliance with France: but this disposition cannot supply the
place of the means essential in war, nor can we rely on its
continuance amid the perplexities, oppressions, and misfor-
tunes that attend the want of them.
"That no nation will have it more in its power to repay
what it may borrow than this. Our debts are small; the
?
of the globe, and as various in their opinions, projects, and
schemes, as their manners and habits are from their early
education. Those in office, from a vanity to be thought
powerful, join in the measure of imposing upon the public
respecting the strength and resources of these southern
states; and while congress, and the minister of France, are
kept under this fatal delusion, I fear little support will be
given to this department. The inhabitants are numerous;
but they would be rather formidable abroad than at home.
They are scattered over such a vast extent of country, that
it is difficult to collect, and still more difficult to subsist
them. There is a great spirit of enterprise among the back
people, and those that come out as volunteers are not a lit-
tle formidable to the enemy. There are, also, some parti-
cular corps, under Sumpter, Marion, and Clarke, that are
bold and daring; the rest of the militia are better calcula-
ted to destroy provisions than oppose the enemy.
At Philadelphia, and all my journey through the country,
I endeavoured to impress upon those in power, the necessi-
ty of sending clothing, and supplies of every kind, immedi-
ately to this army. But poverty was urged as a plea, in bar
to every application. They all promised fair, but I fear
will do but little: ability is wanting with some, and incli-
nation with others.
Public credit is so totally lost, that private people will not
give their aid, though they see themselves involved in one
common ruin. It is my opinion, that General Washington's
influence will do more than all the assemblies upon the con-
tinent. I always thought him exceeding popular; but in
many places he is little less than adored, and universally
admired. His influence in this country might possibly
effect something great. However, I found myself exceed-
ingly well received, but more from being the friend of the
General, than from my own merit.
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? HAMILTON. 313
This country wants for its defence a small, but well ap-
pointed army, organized so as to move with great celerity.
It should consist of about five thousand infantry, and from
eight hundred to a thousand horse. The enemy cannot
maintain a large force in this quarter, neither can we. The
resources of the country are too small to subsist a large
body of troops at any one point; and to draw supplies from
a distance through such long tracts of barren land, will be
next to impossible, unless the business can be aided by a
water transportation, and in either case, it will be accompa-
nied with an amazing expense. Could we get a superiority
of horse, we could soon render it difficult for Lord Corn-
wallis to hold his position so far in the country. Nor should
I be under any apprehension with a much inferior force to
his, of taking post near him, if I had but such a body of
horse. But the enemy's horse is so much superior to ours,
that we cannot move a detachment towards them, without
hazarding its ruin.
When I came to the army, I found it in a most wretched
condition. The officers had lost all confidence in the Gene-
ral, and the troops all their discipline. The troops had not
only lost their discipline, but they were so addicted to
plundering, that they were a terror to the country. The
General and I met at least upon very civil terms; and he
expressed the greatest happiness at my being appointed to
succeed him.
General Smallwood and he were not upon good terms;
the former suspected the latter of having an intention to
supplant him, but many think without reason. Others
again, are of opinion, his suspicions were well founded, and
that Smallwood was not a little mortified at my being appoint-
ed to this department, and got outrageous when he heard
Baron Steuben was coming also. How the matter was, I
know not; certain it is, he is gone home, having refused to
act under Baron Steuben, and declares he will not serve at
voi. . i. 40
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? 314 THE LIFE OF
all, unless congress will give him a commission, dated at
least two years before his appointment. This, I think, can
never happen, notwithstanding his private merit, and the
claim of the state. The battle of Camden here is repre-
sented widely different from what it is to the northward.
Colonel Williams thinks that none of the general officers
were entitled to any extraordinary merit. The action was
short, and succeeded by a flight, wherein every body took
care of himself, as well officers as soldiers. Not an offi-
cer, except Major Anderson, and one or two captains, that
brought off the field of battle a single soldier. The Colo-
nel also says, that General Gates would have shared little
more disgrace, than is the common lot of the unfortunate,
notwithstanding he was early off, if he had only halted at
the Waxhaws or Charlotte; -- the first about sixty, and the
last about eighty miles from the field of battle. What lit-
tle incidents either give or destroy reputation? How many
long hours a man may labour with an honest zeal in his
country's service, and be disgraced for the most trifling er-
ror either in conduct or opinion? Hume very justly ob-
serves, no man will have reputation, unless he is use-
ful to society, be his merit or abilities what they may.
Therefore, it is necessary for a man to be fortunate, as well
as wise and just. The greater part of the loss of the Mary-
land line, in the action of Camden, happened after they be-
gan to retreat: indeed, this was the case with all the troops.
What gave Smallwood such great reputation, was his halt
at Salisbury, which was nothing but accident. You know
there are great parties prevailing in the Maryland line, and
perhaps his merit is not a little diminished on that account.
I think him a brave and good officer, but too slow to effect
any thing great in a department like this, where embarrass-
ments are without number; and where nothing can be ef-
fected without the greatest promptitude and decision. This
army is in such a wretched condition, that I hardly know
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? HAMILTON. 315
what to do with it. The officers have got such a habit of
negligence, and the soldiers so loose and disorderly, that it
is next to impossible to give it a military complexion.
Without clothing, I am sure I shall never do it. I call no
councils of war, and I communicate my intentions to very
few. The army was posted at Charlotte when I came up
with it, and in a council, it had been determined. to winter
there; but the difficulty of procuring subsistence, and other
reasons, induced me not only to take a new position, but to
make an entire new disposition. All this I effected by a
single order, having first made the necessary inquiry re-
specting the new positions, by sending a man to examine the
grounds and other requisites. If I cannot inspire the army
with confidence, and respect by an independent conduct, I
foresee it will be impossible to instil discipline and order
among the troops. General Leslie has arrived, and joined
Lord Cornwallis, whose force now is more than three times
larger than ours; and we are subsisting ourselves by our
own industry, and I am not without hopes of forming some-
thing like a magazine. I am labouring also to get clothing
from every quarter; Baron Steuben is in Virginia, and is
indefatigable in equipping and forwarding the troops from
that state. I left General Gates in Maryland for the same
purpose; but I have got nothing from there yet, nor do I
expect much for months to come. The North Carolina
state have such a high opinion of the militia, that I don't
expect they will ever attempt to raise a single continental
soldier; notwithstanding the most sensible among them
will acknowledge the folly of employing militia.
But I must have tired your patience, and therefore will
make a full stop concerning matters in this department,
and inquire how you go on to the northward. Have you
got married 1 If you have, please to present my compli-
ments to Mrs. Hamilton; if not, to Miss Schuyler, and to
the General and family in either case.
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? 3J6 THE LIFE OF
I beg my compliments to General Washington's family,
to General Knox and his family, and all other of my ac-
quaintances.
I shall be exceedingly obliged to you if you will commu-
nicate to me, with great freedom, every thing worthy of
note that is said or respects this department.
While the important question of a successor to Gates
was under consideration, a project was in agitation, partly
the result of discontent with the feeble measures of con-
gress, but principally induced by the apprehensions which
the defeat at Camden had produced, for the appointment
of " a Supreme Dictator and Vice Dictators in each state,
with all the powers conferred by the Roman people. "
The difficulty of supplying the armies, and the necessity
of some general concert, had led to the determination of
holding a convention at Hartford, to be composed of the
five New-England states and the state of New-York; by
which latter state, Judge Hobart, Egbert Benson, then at-
torney general, and General Schuyler, were selected as com-
missioners. It was, for a time, contemplated by the legisla-
ture, to give them instructions "to propose that a dictator
should be appointed, for which a majority in the more popu-
lar branch were believed to be favourable. '' "This mad pro-
ject," as Hamilton designated it, was communicated to him
by General Schuyler, in a letter of the sixteenth of Septem-
tember, 1780. As soon as Hamilton heard of it, it met
with his instant disapprobation, and he discouraged it in
the most earnest manner. General Schuyler, upon whom
this duty would have been imposed, relinquished his purpose
of attending at Hartford, where the consultations were con-
fined to the consideration of measures for supplying the
army, which is stated to have resulted in the project of a
national impost. Thus do we observe Hamilton, while
urging the establishment of an efficient government, con-
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? HAMILTON. 317
fining his views to the distribution of its powers in various
well-defined departments, securing to each its necessary
action and reciprocal dependence, the whole emanating
from, and resting upon, a free and deliberate popular will.
This project of a dictator was regarded by him as "a
temporary effusion," but as a strong example of the rea-
diness with which " the human passions flow from one ex-
treme to the other. " It had a decisive influence on his
determination to endeavour to give such stability to go-
vernment as would protect the people from the danger
which sudden emergencies might produce, of conferring
extraordinary powers on its head, and of rendering neces-
sary and palatable, expedients which would lead from tem-
porary to permanent usurpations. *
About the time of General Greene's departure for the
south, a plan of an attack upon the British troops, then on
Staten Island, was in contemplation, which had originated
with Hamilton, and in which it was arranged that La Fay-
ette was to command. In a letter from him to Colonel
Hamilton, calculations of the means necessary to ensure
success are presented, and at the same time a project of a
different nature is adverted to, in which Hamilton was to
have a share. After some consideration, it was determined
that the intended attempt on Staten Island should be a feint,
and that while the British forces were drawn off into New-
Jersey, a descent should be made upon New-York. Ha-
milton, tired of inactivity, and anxious to signalize himself,
became intent on obtaining a separate command, in which
he hoped to succeed, aided by the influence of the Marquis.
In order to give a more full exposition of his wishes, he ad-
dressed to General Washington the following letter.
* This scheme of a dictator, never ripened into a deliberate and extensive
plan. It was strongly opposed by Governor Clinton, to whose exertions, on
this occasion, great respect is due.
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? 318 THE LIFE OF
HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.
November 22d, 1780.
DEAR SIR,
Some time last fall, when I spoke to your excellency about
going to the southward, I explained to you candidly my
feelings with respect to military reputation, and how much
it was my object to act a conspicuous part in some enter-
prise, that might perhaps raise my character as a soldier
above mediocrity. You were so good as to say, you would
be glad to furnish me with an occasion. When the expe-
dition to Staten Island was afoot, a favourable one seemed
to offer. There was a battalion without a field officer, the
command of which, I thought, as it was accidental, might
be given to me without inconvenience. I made an appli-
cation for it through the Marquis, who informed me of your
refusal on two principles, -- one, that the giving me a whole
battalion might be a subject of dissatisfaction; the other,
that if any accident should happen to me in the present state
of your family, you would be embarrassed for the necessa-
ry assistance.
The project you now have in contemplation affords an-
other opportunity. I have a variety of reasons, that press
me to desire ardently to have it in my power to improve it.
I take the liberty to observe, that the command may now
be proportioned to my rank, and that the second objection
ceases to operate, as during the period of establishing our
winter quarters, there will be a suspension of material busi-
ness; besides which, my peculiar situation will, in any case,
call me away from the army in a few days, and Mr. Har-
rison may be expected back early next month. My com-
mand may consist of one hundred and fifty or two hundred
men, composed of fifty men of Major Gibbes' corps, fifty
from Colonel Meigs' regiment, and fifty or an hundred more
from the light infantry, -- Major Gibbes to be my major.
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? HAMILTON. 310
The hundred men from here may move on Friday morning
towards , which will strengthen the appearances for
Staten Island, to form a junction on the other side of the
Passaic.
I suggest this mode, to avoid the complaints that might
arise from composing my party wholly of the light infantry,
which might give umbrage to the officers of that corps, who
on this plan can have no just subject for it.
The primary idea may be, if circumstances permit, to at-
tempt with my detachment Byard's Hill. Should we ar-
rive early enough to undertake it, I should prefer it to any
thing else, both for the brilliancy of the attempt in itself, and
the decisive consequences of which its success would be pro-
ductive. If we arrive too late to make this eligible, (as
there is reason to apprehend,) my corps may form the van
of one of the other attacks, and Byard's Hill will be a pre-
text for my being employed in the affair, on a supposition of
my knowing the ground, which is partly true. I natter
myself, also, that my military character stands so well in
the army, as to reconcile the officers in general to the mea-
sure. All circumstances considered, I venture to say any
exceptions which might be taken," would be unreasonable.
I take this method of making the request to avoid the
embarrassment of a personal explanation. I shall only add,
that however much I have the matter at heart, I wish your
excellency entirely to consult your own inclination, and not
from a disposition to oblige me, to do any thing that may be
disagreeable to you. It will, nevertheless, make me singu-
larly happy if your wishes correspond with mine.
This negotiation was entrusted to La Fayette, whose de-
sire to advance the views of his friend, are thus strongly
expressed in the following letters.
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? 320 THE I. T P K OF
LA FAYETTE TO HAMILTON.
Pararaus, November 28, 1780.
DEAR HAMILTON,
Here I arrived last night, and am going to set out for
Philadelphia. Gouvion goes straight to New-Windsor, and
by him I write to the General. I speak of Hand and Smith,
whom I recommend, and add, -- If, however, you was to
cast your eye on a man who, I think, would suit better than
any other in the world, Hamilton is, I confess, the officer
whom I would like best to see in my *****. Then I go
on with the idea, that at equal advantages, you deserve from
him the preference; that your advantages are the greatest;
I speak of a co-operation; of your being in the family; and
conclude, that on every public and private account, I advise
him to take you.
I know the General's friendship and gratitude for you,
my dear Hamilton; both are greater than you perhaps ima-
gine. I am sure he needs only to be told that something
will suit you, and when he thinks he can do it, he certainly
will. Before this campaign I was your friend, and very
intimate friend, agreeable to the ideas of the world; since
my second voyage, my sentiment has increased to such a
point, the world knows nothing about. To show both, from
want and from scorn of expressions, I shall only tell you --
adieu.
Yours,
La Fayette.
LA PAYETTE TO HAMILTON.
Philadelphia, December 9th, 1780.
DEAR HAMILTON,
On my arrival at Paramus, I wrote a letter to the Gene-
ral, which Colonel Gouvion was to deliver to himself at
New-Windsor; so that more expedition had been made than
you had thought. But the General having unfortunately
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? HAMILTON. 321
altered his mind, and taken the road to Morristown, another
misfortune threw Hand in his way, and remembering your
advices on the occasion, he hastened to make him the pro-
position, and in consequence of it wrote his letter to con-
gress. From Paramus I went myself to the Lots, and from
thence to Morristown, where I met the General, and know-
ing that my letter could not reach him under some days, I
became regardless of your wishes, and made a verbal ap-
plication in my own name, and about the same time that had
been settled between us. I can't express to you, my dear
friend, how sorry and disappointed I felt, when I knew from
him, the General, that (greatly in consequence of your ad-
vice,) he had settled the whole matter with Hand, and writ-
ten for him to congress. I confess, I became warmer on
the occasion than you would perhaps have wished me to
be, and I wanted the General to allow my sending an ex-
press, who would have overtaken the letter, as it was in the
hands of General St. Clair; but the General did not think
it to be a convenient measure, and, I confess, I may have
been a little blinded on its propriety. I took care not to
compromise you in this affair, when the General expressed
a desire to serve you, and in a manner you would have been
satisfied with. -- Now for the voyage to France.
Congress seem resolved that an Envoy be sent in the way
you wish, and this was yesterday determined in the house.
Next Monday the gentleman will be elected. I have already
spoken to many members ; -- I know of a number of voices
that will be for you. This day and that of to-morrow will
be by me employed in paying visits. As soon as the busi-
ness is fixed upon, I shall send you an express. I think
you ought to hold yourself in readiness, and in case you are
called for, come with all possible speed; for you must go
immediately, that you may have returned before the begin-
ning of operations. If you go, my dear sir, I shall give you
all public or private knowledge about Europe I am possess-
VOL. I. . 41
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? 322 THE LIFE OF
ed of. Besides many private letters, that may introduce
you to my friends, I intend giving you the key of the cabi-
net, as well as of the societies which influence them. In a
word, my good friend, any thing in my power shall be en-
tirely yours.
The earnest desire, evinced by this letter, that Hamilton
should proceed to the Court of France, was a common sen-
timent among the foreign officers, with whom he was the
medium of communication, and who anticipated, with the
most sanguine hopes, the benefits of his appointment.
During the progress of these interesting occurrences,
Hamilton formed an engagement with the second daughter
of General Schuyler, to whom he was married on the four-
teenth of December, 1780, at the residence of her father in
Albany, and thus became permanently established in the
state of New-York.
.
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? HAMILTON. 323
CHAPTER XIII.
[1781. ]
The privations endured by the army had, at the com-
mencement of this year, produced a general and serious
discontent, which first showed itself in a mutiny of the
Pennsylvania line, stationed at Morristown. Disregarding
the efforts of their officers, and insensible even to the popu-
larity of their commander, General Wayne, they abandon-
ed their quarters, and marched to the vicinity of Trenton,
determined to exact relief from the civil authorities, who
were obliged to comply with their demands. Within a
short time after, a similar spirit manifested itself in a part
of the Jersey line; on the intelligence of which General
Washington wrote* to congress, stating his determination
"to quiet them by force," and Hamilton, by his instruc-
tions, directed Colonel Barber " to compel them to uncon-
ditional submission," by whose prompt and vigorous mea-
sures they were restored to obedience.
The mutineers were invited,byevery inducement that Sir
Henry Clinton could offer, to join him; but the soldiers, with
indignant patriotism, rejected the temptation, and seized
and delivered up his emissaries, who were executed on the
succeeding day. Congress, cherishing this patriotic feel-
ing, on the representation of Washington, sent them three
month's pay in specie. This small aid, though inadequate
to their wants, restored them to the belief that the poverty,
and not the remissness of the government, had produced
their sufferings.
On the sixteenth of January, Colonel Hamilton, whose
* January 23, 1781.
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? 324 THE LIFE OF
correspondence with General Schuyler became frequent,
wrote to him, informing him of these events, and declining
a very liberal offer of pecuniary aid. On the twenty-fifth
he received the following reply:
DEAR SIR,
Yesterday I received your favour of the sixteenth in-
stant. It affords me pleasure to learn that the Pennsylva-
nia line is reduced to order; but we, in this quarter, are
on the point of experiencing a similar commotion. The
two regiments threaten to march to head quarters, unless
some money is paid them; the certificates for the depre-
ciation expedited, and in future to be supplied with provi-
sions.
Yesterday about three thousand bushels of wheat, six
hundred pound's worth of beef, and three or four thousand
dollars, were subscribed. I am in hopes we shall procure
what will afford each man about ten dollars, and I have
some hopes that this, with a little management, will render
them tolerably quiet. *
You cannot, my dear sir, be more happy at the connex-
ion you have made with my family, than I am. Until the
child of a parent has made a judicious choice, his heart is
in continual anxiety; but this anxiety was removed on the
moment I discovered it was you on whom she had placed
her affections. I am pleased with every instance of deli-
cacy in those who are so dear to me; and I think I read
your soul on the occasion you mention. I shall, therefore,
* Governor Trumbull stated that the Connecticut soldiers, whose terms of
enlistment had expired, had repaired, in large numbers, to the seaports, in or-
der to engage themselves in privateering; that an embargo had been laid for
the purpose of filling their battalion; and unless Massachusetts and Rhode-
Island acted in concert, her soldiers would repair to their ports with the same
intent; and therefore Connecticut requested those states to lay and continue
embargoes for the same purpose.
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? HAMILTON. 325
only entreat you to consider me as one who wishes, in
every way, to promote your happiness; and I shall never
give or lend but with a view to such ends. Entreat the
General and his lady to accept my best wishes. Do not
forget to remember me to Harrison and Tilghman.
Adieu, dear sir,
Most affectionately,
Yours, &c.
Ph. Schuyler.
Col. Hamilton.
In the preceding year, Hamilton, seeing the constant
danger of the dissolution of the army for want of supplies,
projected a plan for that purpose, which he anxiously press-
ed upon congress. The recent occurrences had increased
his solicitude to have it brought forward, and he again re-
called the attention of General Schuyler to this subject, in
reference to which he received a letter of the fifth of Feb-
ruary, 1781.
"The reward refused by the Pennsylvania line, evinces
a becoming sense of propriety and gallantry. What might
not our soldiery be brought to, if properly fed, paid, and
clothed?
"The plan you mention for supplying the armies in Ame-
rica, I should be exceedingly happy to see attempted; but
I fear congress will not venture on it, although they should
be convinced of its eligibility. In the course of the last year,
I proposed it repeatedly to individual members, who gene-
rally approved, and once or twice took occasion to mention
it in congress.
"I am persuaded, if it was adopted, that a saving, at pre-
sent almost inconceivable, would be induced, and an order
and economy in the public expenditures, whilst ft would
reconcile the minds of men to bear the public burthens with
alacrity, would effectually eradicate the fears which too ge-
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? 320 THE LIFE OF
nerally prevail, that we shall sink under the enormous weight
of our expenses. I have been a committee of the senate to
prepare a letter to congress. It will go by this conveyance.
I shall not detail the subject of it, as a copy of it is directed
to be sent to the General. 1 have written for some refuse
clothing for the Indians. Permit me to entreat your in-
terposition, to procure some carriages for the transporta-
tion of them. Very affectionately, and very proudly,
"Your obedient, humble servant,
"Ph. Schuyler. "
Colonel Hamilton.
These instances of insubordination hastened the depart-
ure of the special envoy, whom congress had chosen to
proceed to France. The interesting letter of Colonel Lau-
rens to Hamilton of the eighteenth December, 1779, will be
recollected; in which the appointment of the latter, as se-
cretary to the minister at Versailles, is mentioned as having
been strongly urged by him. Within a short time after its
date, intelligence was received, that his father, Henry Lau-
rens, who had been appointed a commissioner to negotiate
a treaty with the United Provinces, had been captured on
his voyage, and was immured in the Tower.
This wanton act of severity had excited no less sensa-
tion in Europe than in America, and brought out, in a
bolder light, the character of this distinguished personage,
recently the President of the American Congress, now a
prisoner of state.
The appointment of an envoy had been deferred until the
latter part of the preceding year. The necessity of a loan,
which had been so strongly urged by Hamilton, had led him
to advise another visit to France by La Fayette, whose in-
fluence had been increased by a recent change in the minis-
try, and the idea was entertained, that Hamilton might be
associated with him, in this interesting mission. But the
prospect of active service in the south, had greater charms
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? HAMILTON. S27
for the Marquis, and it was determined, that a member of
Washington's family should be appointed in his stead.
The choice was between the two friends, Laurens and
Hamilton. The idea of the mission having originated with
Hamilton, induced Laurens to defer to him an appointment,
which the dull prospects of the army, his sense of the im-
portance of an energetic negotiation, and the high distinc-
tion, rendered an object of desire. On the other hand, the
news of the capture of his father, would naturally inspire
his son with a wish to seize this opportunity of obtaining his
release. Hamilton immediately relinquished his preten-
sions; but the warmth of Laurens' friendship triumphed
over his filial feelings, and he urged the consent of Hamil-
ton, with an avowal, that he would prefer confiding to him
the fate of his father. A scene of generous contention en-
sued, mutually honourable, and characteristic. Hamilton
prevailed; and on the eleventh of December, Laurens,
having signified his assent to congress, was unanimously
elected.
The importance of giving a correct view of the state of
affairs at this juncture, suggested to Hamilton the idea of a
special letter of instructions, in addition to that which had
been given to the envoy by congress, being addressed to him
by General Washington, which, in the opinion of La Fay-
ette, it was supposed would add additional weight to his
representations. This important duty was delegated to
Hamilton by Washington, and will be read with interest, as
containing a full exposition of the resources and situation of
the country at that critical juncture.
WASHINGTON TO LAURENS.
"In compliance with your request, I shall commit to
writing the result of our conferences on the present state of
American affairs; in which I have given you my opinion
with that freedom and explicitness, which the objects of
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? THE LIFE OP
your commission, my entire confidence in you, and the exi-
gency of our affairs demand.
"1st. To me it appears evident, that, considering the dif-
fused population of these states, the consequent difficulty of
drawing together their resources, the composition and tem-
per of a part of their inhabitants, the want of a sufficient
stock of national wealth, as a basis for revenue, and the al-
most total extinction of commerce, the efforts that we have
been compelled to make for carrying on the war, have ex-
ceeded the natural abilities of this country, and, by degrees,
brought us to a crisis that makes the most efficacious and
immediate succour from abroad indispensable to our safety.
"2d. That notwithstanding, from the confusion insepara-
ble from a revolution; from our having governments to
frame, and every species of civil and military institutions to
create; from that inexperience in affairs necessarily inci-
dent to a nation in its commencement, some errors may
have been committed in the administration of our finances,
to which a part of our embarrassments may be attributed;
yet they are principally to be ascribed to an essential de-
fect of means, the want of a sufficient stock of wealth, as
mentioned in the first article, which want, continuing to
operate, will make it impossible, by any interior exertions,
to extricate ourselves from those embarrassments, restore
the public credit, and furnish the requisite funds for carry-
ing on the war.
"3d. That experience has demonstrated it to be impossi-
ble long to support a paper credit without funds for its re-
demption; that the depreciation of our currency was in
the main a necessary effect of the want of those funds;
and that its restoration is impossible for the same reason,
to which the general diffidence which has taken place
among the people is an additional, and, in the present state
of things, an insuperable obstacle.
"4th. That the mode which for want of money has been
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? IIAMILTON. 329
substituted for supplying the army, by assessing a portion
of the productions of the earth, has hitherto been found to be
ineffectual; has frequently left the army to experience the
most calamitous distress, and from its novelty and incom-
patibility with ancient habits is regarded by the people as
burthensome and oppressive; has excited serious discon-
tents, and in some states there appear alarming symptoms
of opposition. That this mode has, besides, many particu-
lar inconveniences, which contribute to make it inadequate
to our exigencies, and ineligible but as an auxiliary.
"5th. That the resource of domestic loans is inconsidera-
ble; because there are, properly speaking, few moneyed
men in this country, and the few there are, can employ
their money to more advantage otherwise; besides which,
the instability of our currency, and the want of funds, have
impaired the public credit. That from the best estimates
of the annual expense of the war, and the annual revenues
which these states are capable of producing, there is a large
balance to be made up by public credit.
"6th. That the patience of the army, from an almost un-
interrupted series of complicated distress, is now nearly
exhausted; their discontents are matured to an extremity
which has recently had the most disagreeable consequen-
ces, and demonstrates the absolute necessity of speedy re-
lief. You are too well acquainted with all their sufferings,
for want of clothing, for want of subsistence, for want of
pay.
"7th. That the people begin to be dissatisfied with the
present system for the support of the war; and there is
cause to apprehend that evils actually felt in the prosecu-
tion of it, may weaken those sentiments which began it,
founded, not on immediate sufferings, but on a speculative
apprehension of evils to arise in future from the depriva-
tion of our liberties. There is danger that a commercial
and free people, little accustomed to heavy burdens, press-
vol. i. 42
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? 330 T II E LIFE OF
ed by impositions of a new and odious kind, may not make
a proper allowance for the necessity of the conjuncture,
and may imagine they have only exchanged one tyranny
for another.
"8th. That from all the foregoing considerations results,
first, the absolute necessity of an immediate, ample, and
efficacious succour of money, considerable enough to be a
foundation for permanent arrangements of finance; to re-
store the public credit, and give new life and activity to
our future operations. Secondly, the vast importance of a
decided effort of the allied arms upon this country the en-
suing campaign, to give a fatal blow to the power of the
enemy, and secure the great objects of the war, -- the liber-
ty and independence of these states. Without the first, we
may make a feeble and expiring effort the next campaign,
which would, in all probability, be the period of our oppo-
sition. With it, we should be in a condition to continue
the war as long as the obstinacy of the enemy might re-
quire. The first is essential to the last: both combined,
would at once bring the contest to a glorious issue ; put
the objects of the alliance out of the reach of contingen-
cies; crown the obligations which America already feels
to the magnanimity and generosity of her allies, and per-
petuate the union by those ties of gratitude and affection,
as well as mutual advantage, which alone can render it so-
lid and indissoluble.
"9th. That next to a loan of money, a constant naval su-
periority on these coasts, is the object which most interests
us. This would instantly reduce the enemy to a difficult
defensive, and by depriving them of all prospect of extend-
ing their acquisitions, would take away the motives for
prosecuting the war. Indeed, it is not easy to conceive,
how they could subsist a large force in this country, if we
had the command of the seas to interrupt the regular trans-
mission of supplies from Europe. This superiority (with
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? HAMILTON. 331
an aid of money) would enable us to convert the operations
of the war into a vigorous offensive. I say nothing of the
advantages to our trade, nor how infinitely it would facili-
tate our supplies. In short, it seems to be a deciding point.
It appears, too, to be the interest of our allies, abstract-
ed from the immediate benefits to this country, to transfer
the whole naval war to America. The number of ports
friendly to them and hostile to the British; the materials
this country affords for repairing the disabled ships; the
large quantities of provisions towards the subsistence of
the fleet; are circumstances which would give a palpable
advantage to our allies in a naval contest in these seas.
"That notwithstanding the embarrassments under which
we labour, and the inquietudes prevailing among the peo-
ple, there is still a fund of inclination and resources in this
country, equal to great and continued exertions; provided
we have it in our power to stop the progress of disgust, by
changing the present system, by restoring public credit,
and by giving activity to our measures; of all which, a
powerful succour of money might be the basis. The peo-
ple are dissatisfied; but it is with the feeble and oppressive
mode of conducting the war, not with the war itself. They
are not unwilling to contribute to its support, but they are
unwilling to do it in a way that renders private property
precarious, -- a necessary consequence of the fluctuation of
the national currency, and of the inability of government
to perform its engagements coercively made. A large ma-
jority are still firmly attached to its independence; abhor a
re-union with Great Britain; and are affectionate to the
alliance with France: but this disposition cannot supply the
place of the means essential in war, nor can we rely on its
continuance amid the perplexities, oppressions, and misfor-
tunes that attend the want of them.
"That no nation will have it more in its power to repay
what it may borrow than this. Our debts are small; the
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