No More Learning

2. ) In the tragedians, Dice appears
endeavoured to prove that the soul was mortal. as a divinity who severely punishes all wrong,
(Cic. Tiesc. i. 31. ) Cicero (ad Att. xii. 12) when watches over the maintenance of justice, and
speaking of a work nepl yuxñs, probably means pierces the hearts of the unjust with the sword
the Λεσβιακοί. Another philosophical work,- made for her by Aesa. (Aeschyl
. Chopol. 639,
8. Kopirockot, which likewise consisted of three &c. ) In this capacity she is closely connecied
books, was a sort of supplement to the former. with the Erinnyes (Aeschyl. Eum. 510), though
(Cic. Tusc. i. 10. ) It is probably the same work her business is not only to punish injustice, but
as the one which Cicero, in another passage (de also to reward virtue. (Aeschyl. Ayum. 773. )
Off. ii. 5), calls “de Interitu Hominum. ” Some The idea of Dice as justice personified is most per-
other works, such as Moditela Staptiatwv (Suid. ), fectly developed in the dramas of Sophocles and
'OA Uutikos dayay or aóyos (Athen. xiv. p. 620), Euripides. She was represented on the chest of
Ilavayvairós (Schol. ad Aristoph. l'esp. 564), and Cypselns as a handsome goddess, dragging Adicia
several others, seem to have been merely chapters (Injustice) with one hand, while in the other she
of the Βίος της Ελλάδος. A work tepi tñs év held a staff with which she beat her. (Paus. v. 18;
’Iniw Juolas (Athen. xiii. p. 603) seems to have comp. Eurip. Hippolut. 1172. ) (L. S. ]
referred to the sacrifce which Alexander the Great DI'CETAS (Alketas), a Theban, was sent by
performed at Ilium. The work salopov nepiocWv his countrymen to Q. Marcius Philippus and the
has no foundation except a false reading in Ci- other Roman commissioners at Chalcis (B. c. 171)
cero (ad Att. xii. 39), which has been corrected to excuse the conduct of their state in having
by Petersen in his Phaedri Epicurci Fragm. p. 11. allied itself with Perseus. lle went reluctantly,
There are lastly some other works which are of a as being still an adherent to the Macedonian cause,
grammatical nature, and are usually beliered to for which he was accused at Chalcis, together with
have been the productions of our philosopher, viz. Neon and Ismenins, by the Theban exiles of the
Tepl 'A a kalov (Athen. xi. pp. 460, 479, xv. pp. Roman party: Ismenins and he were thrown into
666, 668), and ToDÉTELS TWv Evpiridov kal Sopo- prison, and there put an end to their own lives.
Khéovs uútwv (Sext. Empir. adr. Geometr. p. 310), | (Polyb. xxvii. 1, 2: Lir. xlii. 38, 43, 44. ) [E. E. ]
but may have been the works of Dicacarchus, a DICON (AIKwv), the son of Callimbrotus, was
grammarian of Lacedaemon, who, according to ricter in the foot-race five times in the Pythian
Suidas, was a disciple of Aristarchus, and seems games, thrice in the Isthmian, four times in the
to be alluded to in Apollonius. (De Pronom. p. Nemcan, and at Olympia once in the boys' foot-
320. ) A valuable dissertation on the writings of race, and twice in the men's: he was therefore a
Dicaearchus is contained in Osann (l. c. p. I, &c. ), Teplodovinns. His statues at Olympia were equal
and the fragments have been collected and accom- in number to his victories. He was a native of
panied by a rery interesting discussion by Maxi-Caulonia, an Achaean colony in Italy; but after
mil. Fuhr, Dicacarchi Messcnii quae supersunt all his victories, except the first, he caused himself,
composita, edita et illustrata, Darmstadt, 1841, 4to. for a sum of money, to be proclaimed as a Syra-
2. Of Tarentum, is mentioned by Iamblichus cusan. One of his Olympic victories was in the
(dle l'it. Pythag. 36) among the celebrated Pytha- 99th Olympiad, B. c. 381. (Paus. vi. 3. $ 5; Anth.
gorean pliilosophers. Some writers have been Graec. ir. p. 142, No. 120, ed. Jacobs, Anth. Pal.
inclined to attribute to him the Biol which are xiii. 15; Krause, Olymp. p. 271, Gymn. it. A gon.
mentioned among the works of the Peripateticii. p. 755. )
[P. S. )
Dicaearchus. (See Fuhr, l. c. , p. 43, &c. ) (L. S. ] DICTAEUS (Δικταίος), a surname of Zeus,
DICAEOCLES (Alkawkañs ), a writer of derived from mount Dicte in the eastern part of
Cnidos, whose essays (olatpıbal) are referred to by Crete. Zeus Dictaeus bad a temple at Prasus, on
Athenaeus. (xi. p. 508, f. )
[E. E. ] the banks of the river Pothereus. (Strab. x. p.
DICAEO'GENES(Alkaloyévms), a Grecian tragic 478. )
(L. S. ]
and dithyrambic poet, of whom nothing is known DICTE (Aíktn), a nymph from whoin mount
except a few titles of his dramas. One of these, Dicte in Crete was said to have received its name.
ihe Cypria, is supposed by some to have been not She was beloved and pursued by Minos, but she
a tragedy, but a cyclic epic poem. (Suid. s. l'. ; threw herself into the sea, where she was caught
Aristot. Poct. 16, with Ritter's note, p. 199; Fa- up and saved in the nets (ÕIKT VOV) of fishermen.
bric. Bibl. Graec. ii. p. 295. )
[P. S. ) Minos then desisted from pursuing her, and ordered
DICAEUS (Alkaios), a son of Poseidon, from the district to be called the Dictnean. (Serv. ad
whom Dicaea, a town in Thrace, is said to have de- Aen. iii. 171 ; comp. BRITOMARTIS. ) [L. S. ]
rived its name. (Steph. Byz. s. r. Aíkaia. ) [L. S. ] DICTYNNA. [BRITOMARTIS. )
DICE (AiKn), the personification of stice, was, DICTYS (Δίκτυς),
three mythical
according to Hesiod (Thcog. 901), a daughter of personages. (Ov. Miet. iii. 614, xii. 335; Apol-
Zeus and Themis, and the sister of Eunomia and lod. i. 9. 6 6. )
(L. S. ]
Eirene. She was considered as one of the Horae ; DICTYS CRETENSIS. The gramnarians
she watched the deeds of man, and approached the and other writers who belong to the decline of the
throne of Zeus with lamentations whenever a judge Roman empire, misled probably by the figments of
violated justice. (Hesiod. Op. 239, &c. ) She was the Alexandrian sophists, believed that various per-
the enemy
all falsehood, and the protectress of a sons who flourished at the time of the Trojan war,
name


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DICTYS CRETENSIS.
DICTYS CRETENSIS. 1003
had committed to writing, in prose and verse, re- tate the ancient models, especially Sallust, and
cords of the principal events, and that Homer had occasionally not without success, although both in
derived from these sources the materials for his tone and phraseology we detect a close resemblance
poem. In this number was included Dictys of to the style of Appuleius and Aulus Gellius.
Crete, a follower of Idomeneus, and his name is In the absence of all positive evidence, a wide
attached to a narrative in Latin prose, divided in- field is thrown open for conjecture with regard to
to six books, entitled “Dictys Cretensis de Bello the real author of this work, the period at which
Trojano,” or perhaps more accurately, “ Ephemeris it was actually composed, and the circumstances
Belli Trojani,” professing to be a journal of the under which it was given to the world. Setting
leading events of the contest. To this is prefixed aside its alleged origin and discovery as quite un-
an introduction or prologue containing an account worthy of credit, many questions present them-
of the preservation and discovery of the work. selves. Have we any proof that there ever was a
We are here told that it was composed by Dictys Greek original at all? If there was a Greek com-
of Goossus at the joint request of Idomeneus and pilation on the same subject, are there sufficient
Meriones, and was inscribed in Phoenician charac- grounds for believing that what we now possess
ters on tablets of lime wood or paper made from was derived from it? Is it not more probable
the bark. The author having returned to Crete that the Latin chronicle was the archetype, or, at
in his old age, gave orders with his dying breath all events, independent, and that the introduction
that his book should be buried in the same grave and prefatory epistle were deliberate forgeries,
with himself, and accordingly the MS. was enclos devised for the purpose of attracting attention and
ed in a chest of tin, and deposited in his tomb. securing respect in days of ignorance and credu-
There it remained undisturbed for ages, when in lity? Again, if we admit that this is really a
the thirteenth year of Nero's reign, the sepulchre translation from a Greek original, at what epoch
was burst open by a terrible earthquake, the cofier and in what manner did that original first appear?
was exposed to view, and observed by some shep Is the story of the presentation to Nero a pure
herds, who, having ascertained that it did not, as fabrication : Are Septimius and Arcadius real
they had at first hoped, contain a treasure, con- personages? If they are, to what era do they
vered it to their master Eupraxis (or Eupraxides), belong? To these inquiries, which have been an-
who in his turn presented it to Rutilius Rufus, swered by different critics in most contradictory
the Roman governor of the province, by whom terms, we reply: 1. It is certain that a Greek
both Eupraxis and the casket were despatched to bistory of the Trojan war bearing the name of
the emperor. Nero, upon learning that the letters Dictys was in circulation among the Byzantines
were Phoenician, summoned to his presence men named above, by some of whom, who had 110
skilled in that language, by whom the contents knowledge of Latin, the ipsissima verba are cited.
were explained. The whole having been trans- 2. It is impossible to read the Latin Dictys with-
lated into Greek, was deposited in one of the pub-out feeling convinced that it is a translation. The
lic libraries, and Eupraxis was dismissed loaded Graecisms are numerous and palpable, so that no
with rewards.
one who examines the examples adduced by Peri-
This introduction is followed by a letter ad- zonius can entertain any doubt upon this head.
dressed by a Q. Septimius Romanus to a Q. Arca- | 3. It is a translation, fairly executed, of the narra-
dius Rufus, in which the writer, after giving the tive used by the Byzantines. This is proved by
substance of the above tale, with a few variations, its close correspondence with the fragments found
informs his friend, that the volume having fallen in Malelas and others, while the want of absolute
into his hands, he had been induced, for his own identity in particular passages is fully explained
amusement and the instruction of others, to con- by the assumption that it was not a full and literal
vert the whole, with some condensations, into the but a compressed and modified version. 4. These
Latin tongue. It is worth remarking, that the facts being established, we have no reasonable
author of the introduction supposes the original grounds for rejecting the epistle of Septimius to
MS. of Dictys to have been written in the Phoe- | Arcadius as spurious; but so common were these
nician language, while Septimius expressly asserts, names under the empire, that it is impossible to
that the characters alone were Phoenician and the fix with any degree of certainty upon the indivi-
language Greek. We may add to this account, duals indicated. Hence, while the date of the
that the writers of the Byzantine period, such as letter is placed by some as early as the middle of
Joannes Malelas, Constantinus Porphyrogenitus, the second century, Perizonius refers it to the time
Georgius Cedrenus, Constantinus Manasses, Jo- of Diocletian, while others bring it down as low as
annes and Isaacus Tzetzes, with others, quote Constantine, or even a century later. 5. Lastly,
largely from this Dictys as an author of the highest among the multitude of hypotheses proposed with
and most unquestionable authority, and he cer- reference to the origin of the work, one is so inge-
tainly was known as early as the age of Aelian. nious, that it deserves to be rescued from oblivion.
The piece itself contains a history of the Trojan It is a matter of history that Nero made his mad
war from the birth of Paris, down to the death of progress through Achaia in the thirteenth year of
Ulysses. The compiler not unfrequently differs his reign, and that Crete was actually ravaged by
widely from Homer, adding many particulars, and an earthquake at that very period. Hence Peri-
recording many events of which we find no trace zonius supposes that Eupraxis, a wily islander,
elsewhere. Most of these, although old traditions well aware of the passion displayed by the emperor
and legends are obviously mingled with fictions of for everything Greek, and more especially of his
a later date, were probably derived from the bards love for the tale of Troy, forged this production
of the epic cycle; but the whole narrative is care- under the name of his countryman, Dictys, with
fully pragmatised, that is, all miraculous events regard to whom traditions may have been current,
and supernatural agency are entirely excluded. caused it to be transcribed into Phoenician charac-
In style Septimius evidently strives hard to imi- ters, as bearing the closest resemblance to the


## p. 1004 (#1024) ##########################################

1004 DICTYS CRETENSIS.
DIDIUS.
mentator.
Cadmeion letters first emplored by the Ilellenes. I superacded hy that of Dederich, 8vo. Bonn, 1835,
and finally, a sailing himself of the happy accident which is very far superior to any other, comprising
of the carthquake, announced the discovery in a a great mass of valuable matter collected by Orelli,
manner which could scarcely fail to excite the most among which will be found collations of two very
intense curiosity. According to these views, we old and important MSS. , one belonging to St. Gall
may suppose the introduction to have been attached and the other to Berne. (In addition to the dis-
to the Gireek copy by the first editor or transcriber, sertations of Perizonius and Dederich, see Wop-
and to have been altogether independent of the kens, Adversariu Criticu in Dietyn, and the re-
Latin letter of Septimius; and tiis idea is con- marks of llildebrand in Jahn's Juhrb. für Philol.
firmed by the circumstance, that some DISS. con- xxiii. 33, p. 278, &c. )
W. R. ]
tain the introduction only, while others omit the DID, S, a Macedonian, governor of Paeonia for
introduction and insert the letter. Those who | Philip V. , was employed by Perseus to insinuate
wish to obtain full information upon the above and himself into the confidence of his younger brother,
all other topics connected with the subject, will Demetrius, for the purpose of betraying him. When
find the whole evidence stated and discussed in Demetrius, aware that he was suspected by his
the admirable dissertation of Perizonius, first father, determined to take refuge with the Ro-
printed in the edition of Smids, Amst. 1702, and mans, Didas gave information of the design to
inscried in almost all subsequent editions, and in Perseus, who used it as a handle for accusing his
the introduction of Dederich, the most recent com- brother to the king. Philip, having resolved to
put Demetrius to death, employed Didas as his
The compilations ascribed to Dictys and Dares instrument, and he removed the prince by poison
[DARES), although destitute of any intrinsic value, 2. C. 181. He is afterwards mentioned as com-
are of considerable importance in the history of manding the Paconian forces for Perseus in his
modern litenture, since they are the chief foun- war with the Romans, B. c. 171. (Liv. xl. 21—
tains from which the legends of Greece first 24, xlii. 51, 58. )
(E. E. ]
flowed into the romances of the middle ages, and DI'DIA GENS, plebeian, is not mentioned un-
then mingled with the popular tales and ballads of til the latter period of the republic, whence Cicero
England, France, and Germany. The Tale of (pro Muren. 8) calls the Didii nori homines. The
Troy, according to Dunlop, in his History of Fic-only member of it who obtained the consulship
tion, was first versified by Bernoit de Saint More, was T. Didius in B. c. 98. In the time of the re-
an Anglo-Norinan minstrel, who lived in the reign public no Didius bore a cognomen. [L. S. ]
of our second Henry, and borrowed his ground- DI'DIUS. ]. T. Dinius, probably the author
work of events from Dictys and Dares. This of the sumptuaria lex Didia, which was passed
metrical essay seems in its turn to have served as eighteen years after the lex Fannia, that is, in R. C.
a foundation for the famous chronicle of Guido 143 (Macrob. Sat. ii. 13), in which year T. Didius
dalle Colonne of Messina, a celebrated poet and seems to have been tribune of the people. The
lawyer of the 13th century, who published a ro- lex Didia differed from the Fannia in as much as
mance in Latin prose upon the siege of Troy, the former was made binding upon all Italy, where-
including also the Argonautic expedition and the as the latter had no power except in the city of
war of the Seven against Thebes. In this strange Roine. There is a coin belonging to one T. Didius,
medley, the history, mythology, and manners of which shews on the reverse two male figures, the one
the West and of the East, of the Greeks in the dressed, holding a shield in the left and a whip or
heroic age, and of the Arabian invaders of Chris- vine in the right hand. The other figure is naked,
tendom. are mingled in the most fantastic confu- but likewise armed, and under these figures we
sion. The compound was, however, well suited to
the taste of that epoch, for it was received with
unbounded enthusiasm, and speedily translated
into many European languages. From that time
forward the most illustrious houses eagerly strove
to trace their pedigree from the Trojan line, and
the monkish chroniciers began to refer the origin
of the various states whose fortunes they recorded
to the arrival of some Trojan colony.
read T. DEIDI. It is usually supposed that this
Under these circumstances, we need not feel coin refers to our T. Didius, and Pighius (Annal.
surprised that Dictys Cretensis was among the ii. p. 492) conjectures with some probability, that
earliest works which exercised the skill of the first T. Didius, some years after his tribuneship, about
typographers. That which is usually recognized about B. c. 138, was sent as praetor against the
as the editio princeps is a 4to. in Gothic characters, revolted slaves in Sicily. If this be correct, the
containing 68 leaves of 27 lines to the page, and is figures on the coin may perhaps have reference to
believed to have issued from the press of Ul. Zell it. (Morell. Thesaur. p. 151; Eckhel, Doctrin.
at Cologne, about 1470. Another very ancient Num. r. p. 201. )
edition in Roman characters, containing 58 leaves 2. T. Didius, a son of No. 1, repulsed, accord-
of 28 lines to the page, belongs to Italy, and was ing to Florus (iii. 4 ; comp. Rufus, Brev. 9, and
probably prinied at l'enice not long after the for- Ammian. Marcell. xxvii. 4, where we read M.
Of more modern impressions the best are Didius instead of T. Didius), the Scordiscans who
those of Mercerus, 12m0. , Paris, 1618, reprinted had invaded the Roman province of Macedonia,
at Amst. 12mo. 1630, containing a new recension and triumphed over them. (Cic. in Pison. 25. )
of the text from two V1SS. not before collated ; of According to the narrative of Florus, this victory
Anna Tanaq. Fabri fil. in usum Delphini, 410. , was gained soon or immediately after the defeat of
Paris, 1680; and of Lud. Smids, in 4to. and 8vo. , the consul C. Cato, in B. c. ] 14, and was followed
Amst. 1702, which held the first place until it was by the victories of M. Livius Drusus and M. Mi-
VID)
mer.


## p. 1005 (#1025) ##########################################

DIDIUS.
1005
DIDIUS.
nucius Rufus. It has, therefore, been supposed | which one of their colleagues brought against u
that at the time of Cato's defeat, B. c. 114, T. Caepio, Didius and Cotta were driven by force
Didius was practor of Illyricum, and that in this from the tribunal. (Cic. de Orat. ii. 47; comp.
capacity be repelled the Scordiscans, who, after Cotta, No. 8. )
having defeated Cato, ranged over Macedonia. 4. C. Dipil's, a legate of C. Julius Cacsar, who
But this supposition is not without its difhculties, sent him, in B. C. 46, to Spain against Cn. Pom-
for in the first place, we know of no war in lyri- peius. In the neighbourhood of Carteia he gained
eum at that time which might have required the a paval victory over Q. Atrius Varus, and in the
presence of a praetor, and in the second place, it year following he set out from Gades with a flect
would be rather strange to find that T. Didius, in pursuit of Cn. Pompeius, who had taken to
who was practor B. c. 114, did not obtain the con- flight. Pompeius was compelled to land, and
sulship till 15 years later, especially as he had Didius took or burnt his slips. Didius himself
gained a victory and a triumph in his practorship, likewise landed, and after Pumpeius had been
whereas the ordinary interval between the practor killed by Caesennius Lento, Didius was attacked
ship and consulship is only the space of two years. by the Lusitanian soldiers of Pompeius, and fell
According to Cicero (1. c. ), T. Didius triumphed under their strokes. (Dion Cass. xliii, 1-4, 31, 40;
er Maccdonia, and he had therefore had the ad. | Bell. Visp. 37, 40. )
ministration of Macedonia and not of Illyricum ; 5. Q. Didirs, was governor of Syria in B. c.