No More Learning

Chmrea [to himself, aloud] — O fellow townsmen, is there any one alive more fortunate than me this day? Not any one, upon my faith : for clearly in me have the Gods mani fested all their power, on whom, thus suddenly, so many blessings are bestowed.
Parmeno [apart] — Why is he thus overjoyed ?
Chatrea [seeing Parmeno, and running up to him] — O my dear Parmeno, the contriver, the beginner, the perfecter of all my delights, do you know what are my transports? Are you aware that my Pamphila has been discovered to be a
citizen ?
BRAGGART AND PARASITE. 147
Parmeno — I have heard so.
Cheered — Do you know that she is betrothed to me?
Parmeno — So may the Gods bless me, happily done.
Gnatho [apart to Thraso] — Do you hear what he says ? Chcerea —And then, besides, I am delighted that my
brother's mistress is secured to him ; the family is united. Thais has committed herself to the patronage of my father; she has put herself under our care and protection.
Parmeno — Thais, then, is wholly your brother's. Chcerea — Of course.
Parmeno — Then this is another reason for us to rejoice, that the Captain will be beaten out of doors.
Chcerea —Wherever my brother is, do you take care that he hears this as soon as possible.
Parmeno — I'll go look for him at home.
[Goes into the house of Laches.
Thraso [apart to Gnatho] — Do you at all doubt, Gnatho, but that I am now ruined everlastingly ?
Chnatho [to Thraso] — Without doubt, I do think so.
Chcerea [to himself] — What am I to make mention of first, or commend in especial ? Him who gave me the advice to do so, or myself, who ventured to undertake it ? Or ought I to extol fortune, who has been my guide, and has so opportunely crowded into a single day events so numerous, so important ; or my father's kindness and indulgence? O Jupiter, I en treat you, do preserve these blessings unto us !
Scene X.
Enter Phcedria from the house of Laches.
Phcedria [to himself] — Ye Gods, by our trust in you, what incredible things has Parmeno just related to me ! But where
is my brother ? —
Chairea [stepping forward] Phcedria — I'm overjoyed.
Here he is.
Chcerea — I quite believe you. There is no one, brother, more worthy to be loved than this Thais of yours : so much is she a benefactress to all our family.
Phcedria — Whew ! are you commending her too to me ? Thraso [apart] — I'm undone ; the less the hope I have, the more I am in love. Prithee, Gnatho, my hope is in you.
148 BRAGGART AND PARASITE.
Gnatho [apart] — What do you wish me to do ?
Thraso [apart] —Bring this about, by entreaties or with money, that I may at least share Thais' favors in some
degree. Ghnatho
[apart] — Is it so ? [apart] — It shall be so.
—
It's a hard task.
[apart] — If you set your mind on anything, I know
[apart]
Thraso
you well. If you manage this, ask me for any present you like as your reward ; you shall have what you ask.
Gnatho Thraso Ghnatho
[apart] — If I manage this, I ask that your house, whether you are present or absent, may be open to me ; that, without invitation, there may always be a place for me.
Thraso [apart] — I pledge my honor that it shall be so. Gnatho [apart] — I'll set about it then.
Phcedria — Who is it I hear so close at hand? [Turning
round. ] O Thraso — Thraso [coming forward]
Save you both
Phcedria — Perhaps you are not aware what has taken place
here.
Thraso — I am quite aware.
Phoedria — Why, then, do I see you in this neighborhood ? Thraso — Depending on your kindness.
Phcedria — Do you know what sort of dependence you have ? Captain, I give you notice, if ever I catch you in this street again, even if you should say to me, " I was look ing for another person, I was on my road this way," you are undone.
Gnatho — Come, come, that's not handsome. Phcedria — I've said it.
Gnatho — I didn't know you gave yourself such airs. Phcedria — So it shall be.
Gnatho — First hear a few words from me ; and when I have said the thing, if you approve of do it.
Phcedria — Let's hear.
Gnatho — Do you step little that way, Thraso.
stands aside. In the first place, wish you both implicitly to believe me in this, that whatever do in this matter,
do entirely for my own sake but the same thing of
advantage
do it. —
Phcedria
What
to yourselves, would be folly for you not to
[Thraso
is
it ?
a
it
it
]
;
I
it, if I
is
I
BRAGGART AND PARASITE. 149
Gnatho — I'm of opinion that the Captain, your rival, should be received among you. —
Phcedria [starting] Hah !
Chcerea — Be received ? —
Gnatho [to Phjsdria] Only consider, i' faith, Phaedria,
at the free rate you are living with her, and indeed very freely you are living, you have but little to give ; and it's necessary for Thais to receive a good deal. That all this may be sup plied for your amour and not at your own expense, there is not an individual better suited or more fitted for your purpose than the Captain. In the first place, he both has got enough to give and no one does give more profusely. He is a fool, a dolt, a blockhead ; night and day he snores away ; and you need not fear that the lady will fall in love with him ; you may easily have him discarded whenever you please.
Chcerea [to Phcedria] — What shall we do ?
Gnatho — And this besides, which I deem to be of even greater importance, — not a single person entertains in better style or more bountifully.
Chcerea — It's a wonder if this sort of man cannot be made use of in some way or other.
Phcedria — I think so too.
Gnatho — You act properly. One thing I have still to beg
of you, — that you'll receive me into your fraternity ; I've been rolling that stone for a considerable time past.
Phcedria — We admit you.
Chcerea — And with all my heart.
Gnatho —Then I, in return for this, Phaedria, and you,
Chaerea, make him over to you to be eaten and drunk to the
dregs. — Chcerea
Agreed.
Phcedria — He quite deserves it.
Gnatho [calling to Thraso] — Thraso, whenever you please, step this way.
Thraso — Prithee, how goes it ?
Gnatho — How ? Why, these people didn't know you ; after I had discovered to them your qualities, and had praised you as your actions and your virtues deserved, I prevailed upon
them. — I give you my best
- Thraso You have managed well ;
thanks. Besides, I never was anywhere but what all were extremely fond of me.
150 THE SELF-TORMENTOR.
Gnatho [to Ph^edria and Chorea] — Didn't I tell you that he was a master of the Attic elegance ?
Phcedria — He is no other than you mentioned.
to his Father's house. ] Walk this way. [To the Audience. ] Fare you well, and grant us your applause.
THE SELF-TORMENTOR. By TERENCE.
(From "Heautontimorumenos. ")
Act I. — Scene I.
Enter Chremes, and Menedemus with a spade in his hand, who falls to digging.
Chremes — Although this acquaintanceship between us is of very recent date, from the time in fact of your purchasing an estate here in the neighborhood, yet either your good qualities, or our being neighbors (which I take to be a sort of friend ship), induces me to inform you, frankly and familiarly, that you appear to me to labor beyond your years, and beyond what your affairs require. For, in the name of Gods and men, what would you have ? What can be your aim ? You are, as I conjecture, sixty years of age, or more. No man in these parts has a better or a more valuable estate, no one more servants ; and yet you discharge their duties just as diligently as if there were none at all. However early in the morning I go out, and however late in the evening I return home, I see you either digging, or plowing, or doing something, in fact, in the fields. You take respite not an instant, and are quite
of yourself. I am very sure that this is not done for your amusement. But really I am vexed how little work is done here. If you were to employ the time you spend in laboring yourself, in keeping your servants at work, you would profit much more.
regardless
Menedemus — Have you so much leisure, Chremes, from your own affairs, that you can attend to those of others — those which don't concern you ?
[Pointing
THE SELF-TORMENTOR. 151
Chremes — I am a man; there is nothing human that I think no concern of mine. Suppose I wish either to advise you in this matter, or to be informed myself : if what you do is right, that I may do the same ; if it is not, then that I may dissuade you. —
Menedemus It's requisite for me to do so ; do you as it is necessary for you to do.
Chremes — Is it requisite for any person to torment him self?
Menedemus — It is for me.
Chremes — If you have any affliction, I could wish it other
wise. But prithee, what sorrow is this of yours ? How have you deserved so ill of yourself ?
Menedemus — Alas ! alas ! [He begins to weep. Chremes — Do not weep, but make me acquainted with it, whatever it is. Do not be reserved ; fear nothing ; trust me, I tell you. Either by consolation, or by counsel, or by any
means, I will aid you.
Menedemus — Do you wish to know this matter ?
Chremes — Yes, and for the reason I mentioned to you. Menedemus — I will tell you.
Chremes — But still, in the meantime, lay down that rake ; don't fatigue yourself.
Menedemus — By no means.
Chremes — What can be your object ?
[Tries to take the rake from him. Menedemus — Do leave me alone, that I may give myself
no respite from my labor.
Chremes — I will not allow tell you.
Menedemus Chremes
tain. Chremes — Why so
Menedemus —You shall know: There a poor old
woman here, stranger from Corinth her daughter, young
as this, pray Menedemus
[poising the rake'] — Whew such heavy one
— [Taking the rake from him. Ah that's not fair.
—
Such are my deserts.
Chremes — Now speak. [Laying down the rake.
Menedemus — have an only son, — young man, — alas! whydid say—"Ihave"—rather shouldsay,"had" one, Chremes whether have him now, or not, uncer
a:
I
:
Ia
!
a
?
?
is
is I
a
I
I
!
!
it, I
152 THE SELF-TORMENTOR.
woman, he fell in lore with, insomuch that he almost regarded her as his wife ; all this took place unknown to me. When I discovered the matter, I began to reprove him, not with gentle ness, nor in the way suited to the lovesick mind of a youth, but with violence, and after the usual method of fathers. I was daily reproaching him, — " Look you, do you expect to be allowed any longer to act thus, myself, your father, being alive ; to be keeping a mistress pretty much as though your wife ? You are mistaken, Clinia, and you don't know me, if you fancy that. I am willing that you should be called my son, just as long as you do what becomes you ; but if you do not do so, I shall find out how it becomes me to act towards you. This arises from nothing, in fact, but too much idleness. At your time of life, I did not devote my time to dalliance, but, in consequence of my poverty, departed hence for Asia, and there acquired in arms both riches and military glory. " At length the matter came to this, — the youth, from hearing the same things so often, and with such severity, was overcome. He supposed that I, through age and affection, had more judgment and foresight for him than himself. He went off to Asia, Chremes, to serve under the king.
Chremes — What is it you say?
Menedemus — He departed without my knowledge — and
has been gone these three months.
Chremes — Both are to be blamed — although I still think
this step shows an ingenuous and enterprising disposition. Menedemus — When I learnt this from those who were in
the secret, I returned home sad, and with feelings almost over whelmed and distracted through grief. I sit down ; my serv ants run to me ; they take off my shoes : then some make all haste to spread the couches, and to prepare a repast ; each according to his ability did zealously what he could, in order to alleviate my sorrow. When I observed this, I began to reflect thus : " What ! are so many persons anxious for my sake alone, to pleasure myself only? Are so many female servants to provide me with dress? Shall I alone keep up such an expensive establishment, while my only son, who ought equally, or even more so, to enjoy these things — inas much as his age is better suited for the enjoyment of them — him, poor youth, have I driven away from home by my sever ity! Were I to do this, really I should deem myself deserv ing of any calamity. But so long as he leads this life of
THE SELF-TORMENTOR. 153
penury, banished from his country through my severity, I will revenge his wrongs upon myself, toiling, making money, saving, and laying up for him. " At once I set about it; I left nothing in the house, neither movables nor clothing ; everything I scraped together. Slaves, male and female, except those who could easily pay for their keep by working in the country, all of them I set up to auction and sold. I at once put up a bill to sell my house. I collected somewhere about fifteen talents, and purchased this farm ; here I fatigue myself. I have come to this conclusion, Chremes, that I do my son a less injury, while I am unhappy ; and that it is not right for me to enjoy any pleasure here, until such time as he returns home safe to share it with me.
Chremes — I believe you to be of an affectionate disposition towards your children, and him to be an obedient son, if one were to manage him rightly or prudently. But neither did you understand him sufficiently well, nor he you — a thing that happens where persons don't live on terms of frankness together. You never showed him how highly you valued him, nor did he ever dare put that confidence in you which is due to a father. Had this been done, these troubles would never have befallen you.
Menedemus — Such is the fact, I confess ; the greatest fault is on my side.
Chremes — But still, Menedemus, I hope for the best, and I trust that he'll be here safe before long.
Menedemus — Oh that the Gods would grant it !
Chremes — They will do so. Now, if it is convenient to you — the festival of Bacchus is being kept here to-day — I
wish you to give me your company. Menedemus —Icannot.
Chremes — Why not? Do, pray, spare yourself a little while. Your absent son would wish you to do so.
Menedemus — It is not right that I, who have driven him hence to endure hardships, should now shun them myself.
Chremes — Is such your determination ? Menedemus —Itis.
Chremes — Then kindly fare you well.
Menedemus — And you the same. [ Goes into his house.
154
THE CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE.
THE CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. By SALLUST.
[Caius Salldstius Chispdb, Roman historical writer, was born b. c. 86. He was expelled from the Senate for debauchery, b. c. 54 ; readmitted by Caesar ; made governor of Numidia by him, b. c. 46 ; gained immense wealth by plunder ing the inhabitants and worse unpopularity by seducing their women ; the fol lowing year he returned to Rome and lived in lettered ease till his death, b. c. 35. His fame rests on his only surviving works, " The Conspiracy of Catiline " and " The War against Jugurtha," both pamphlets with an ulterior political purpose. ]
Lucius Catiline was a man of noble birth, and of emi nent mental and personal endowments, but of a vicious and depraved disposition. His delight, from his youth, had been in civil commotions, bloodshed, robbery, and sedition ; and in such scenes he had spent his early years. His constitution could endure hunger, want of sleep, and cold, to a degree surpassing belief. His mind was daring, subtle, and versatile, capable of pretending or dissembling whatever he wished. He was covetous of other men's property, and prodigal of his own. He had abundance of eloquence, though but little wis dom. His insatiable ambition was always pursuing objects extravagant, romantic, and unattainable.
Since the time of Sylla's dictatorship, a strong desire of seizing the government possessed him, nor did he at all care, provided that he secured power for himself, by what means he might arrive at it. His violent spirit was daily more and more hurried on by the diminution of his patrimony, and by his con sciousness of guilt ; both which evils he had increased by those practices which I have mentioned above. The corrupt morals of the state, too, which extravagance and selfishness, pernicious and contending vices, rendered thoroughly depraved, furnished him with additional incentives to action.
When wealth was once considered an honor, and glory, authority, and power attended on it, virtue lost her influence, poverty was thought a disgrace, and a life of innocence was regarded as a life of ill nature. From the influence of riches, accordingly, luxury, avarice, and pride prevailed among the youth ; they grew at once rapacious and prodigal ; they under valued what was their own, and coveted what was another's ; they set at naught modesty and continence ; they lost all dis
THE CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 155
tinction between sacred and profane, and threw off all con sideration and self-restraint.
The love of irregular gratification, open debauchery, and all kinds of luxury, had spread abroad. Men forgot their sex ; women threw off all the restraints of modesty. To gratify appetite, they sought for every kind of production by land and by sea ; they slept before there was any inclination for sleep ; they no longer waited to feel hunger, thirst, cold, or fatigue, but anticipated them all by luxurious indulgence. Such propensities drove the youth, when their patrimonies were exhausted, to criminal practices; for their minds, im pregnated with evil habits, could not easily abstain from grati fying their passions, and were thus the more inordinately devoted in every way to rapacity and extravagance.
In so populous and so corrupt a city, Catiline, as it was very easy to do, kept about him, like a bodyguard, crowds of the unprincipled and desperate. For all those shameless, libertine, and profligate characters, who had dissipated their patrimonies by gaming, luxury, and sensuality ; all who had contracted heavy debts, to purchase immunity for their crimes or offenses ; all assassins or sacrilegious persons from every quarter, convicted or dreading conviction for their evil deeds ; all, besides, whom their tongue or their hand maintained by perjury or civil bloodshed ; all, in fine, whom wickedness, pov erty, or a guilty conscience disquieted, were the associates and intimate friends of Catiline. And if any one, as yet of un blemished character, fell into his society, he was presently ren dered, by daily intercourse and temptation, similar and equal to the rest. But it was the young whose acquaintance he chiefly courted ; as their minds, ductile and unsettled from their age, were easily insnared by his stratagems. For as the passions of each, according to his years, appeared excited, he furnished mistresses to some, bought horses and dogs for others, and spared, in a word, neither his purse nor his character, if he could but make them his devoted and trustworthy supporters. There were some, I know, who thought that the youth who frequented the house of Catiline were guilty of crimes against nature ; but this report arose rather from other causes than from any evidence of the fact.
Catiline, in his youth, had been guilty of many criminal connections, with a virgin of noble birth, with a priestess of Vesta, and of many other offenses of this nature, in defiance
156 THE CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE.
alike of law and religion. At last, when he was smitten with a passion for Aurelia Orestilla, in whom no good man, at any time of her life, commended anything but her beauty, it is confidently believed that because she hesitated to marry him, from the dread of having a grown-up step-son, he cleared the house for their nuptials by putting his son to death. And this crime appears to me to have been the chief cause of hurrying forward the conspiracy. For his guilty mind, at peace with neither gods nor men, found no comfort either waking or sleep ing ; so effectually did conscience desolate his tortured spirit. His complexion, in consequence, was pale, his eyes haggard, his walk sometimes quick and sometimes slow, and distraction was plainly apparent in every feature and look.
The young men, whom, as I said before, he had enticed to join him, he initiated, by various methods, in evil practices. From among them he furnished false witnesses, and forgers of signatures ; and he taught them all to regard, with equal unconcern, honor, property, and danger. At length, when he had stripped them of all character and shame, he led them to other and greater enormities. If a motive for crime did not readily occur, he incited them, nevertheless, to circumvent and murder inoffensive persons, just as if they had injured him ; for, lest their hand or heart should grow torpid for want of employment, he chose to be gratuitously wicked and cruel.
Depending on such accomplices and adherents, and know ing that the load of debt was everywhere great, and that the veterans of Sylla, having spent their money too liberally, and remembering their spoils and former victory, were longing for a civil war, Catiline formed the design of overthrowing the government. There was no army in Italy ; Pompey was fight ing in a distant part of the world ; he himself had great hopes of obtaining the consulship; the senate was wholly off its guard ; everything was quiet and tranquil ; and all these cir cumstances were exceedingly favorable for Catiline.
Accordingly, about the beginning of June, in the consulship of Lucius Caesar and Caius Figulus, he at first addressed each of his accomplices separately, encouraged some, and sounded others, and informed them of his own resources, of the unpre pared condition of the state, and of the great prizes to be expected from the conspiracy. When he had ascertained, to his satisfaction, all that he required, he summoned all whose
THE CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 157
necessities were the most urgent, and whose spirits were the most daring, to a general conference.
•
When Catiline saw these assembled, though he had often discussed many points with them singly, yet thinking it would be to his purpose to address and exhort them in a body, retired with them into a private apartment of his house, where, when all witnesses were withdrawn, he harangued them.
*•*••*
When these men, surrounded with numberless evils, but without any resources or hopes of good, had heard his address, though they thought it much for their advantage to disturb the public tranquillity, yet most of them called on Catiline to state on what terms they were to engage in the contest ; what benefits they were to expect from taking up arms ; and what support and encouragement they had, and in what quarters. Catiline then promised them the abolition of their debts ; a proscription of the wealthy citizens ; offices, sacerdotal dignities, plunder, and all other gratifications which war, and the license of conquerors, can afford. He added that Piso was in Hither Spain, and Publius Sittius Nucerinus with an army in Mauri tania, both of whom were privy to his plans ; that Caius Anto- nius, whom he hoped to have for a colleague, was canvassing for the consulship, a man with whom he was intimate, and who was involved in all manner of embarrassments ; and that, in conjunction with him, he himself, when consul, would com mence operations. He, moreover, assailed all the respectable citizens with reproaches, commended each of his associates by name, reminded one of his poverty, another of his ruling pas sion, several others of their danger or disgrace, and many of the spoils which they had obtained by the victory of Sylla. When he saw their spirits sufficiently elevated, he charged them to attend to his interest at the election of consuls, and dismissed the assembly.
There were some, at that time, who said that Catiline, hav ing ended his speech, and wishing to bind his accomplices in guilt by an oath, handed round among them, in goblets, the blood of a human body mixed with wine ; and that when all, after an imprecation, had tasted of it, as is usual in sacred rites, he disclosed his design ; and they asserted that he did this, in order that they might be the more closely attached to one another, by being mutually conscious of such an atrocity. But
158 THE CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE.
some thought that this report, and many others, were invented by persons who supposed that the odium against Cicero, which afterward arose, might be lessened by imputing an enormity of guilt to the conspirators who had suffered death. The evidence which I have obtained, in support of this charge, is not at all in proportion to its magnitude.
Among those present at this meeting was Quintus Curius, a man of no mean family, but immersed in vices and crimes, and whom the censors had ignominiously expelled from the senate. In this person there was not less levity than impu dence ; he could neither keep secret what he heard, nor conceal his own crimes ; he was altogether heedless what he said or what he did. He had long had a criminal intercourse with Fulvia, a woman of high birth ; but growing less acceptable to her, because, in his reduced circumstances, he had less means of being liberal, he began, on a sudden, to boast, and to promise her seas and mountains ; threatening her, at times, with the sword, if she were not submissive to his will ; and acting, in his general conduct, with greater arrogance than ever. Fulvia, having learned the cause of his extravagant behavior, did not keep such danger to the state a secret ; but, without naming her informant, communicated to several persons what she had heard and under what circumstances, concerning Catiline's con spiracy. This intelligence it was that incited the feelings of the citizens to give the consulship to Marcus Tullius Cicero. For before this period, most of the nobility were moved with jealousy, and thought the consulship in some degree sullied, if a man of no family, however meritorious, obtained it. But when danger showed itself, envy and pride were laid aside.
Accordingly, when the comitia were held, Marcus Tullius and Caius Antonius were declared consuls ; an event which gave the first shock to the conspirators. The ardor of Catiline, however, was not at all diminished ; he formed every day new schemes ; he deposited arms, in convenient places, throughout Italy ; he sent sums of money borrowed on his own credit, or that of his friends, to a certain Manlius, at Faesulae, who was subsequently the first to engage in hostilities. At this period, too, he is said to have attached to his cause great numbers of men of all classes, and some women, who had, in their earlier days, supported an expensive life by the price of their beauty, but who, when age had lessened their gains but not their ex travagance, had contracted heavy debts. By the influence of
THE CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 159
these females, Catiline hoped to gain over the slaves in Rome, to get the city set on fire, and either to secure the support of their husbands or take away their lives.
In the number of those ladies was Sempronia, a woman who had committed many crimes with the spirit of a man. In birth and beauty, in her husband and her children, she was extremely fortunate ; she was skilled in Greek and Roman literature ; she could sing, play, and dance, with greater elegance than became a woman of virtue, and possessed many other accomplishments that tend to excite the passions. But nothing was ever less valued by her than honor or chastity. Whether she was more prodigal of her money or her reputation, it would have been difficult to decide. Her desires were so ardent that she oftener made advances to the other sex than waited for solicitation. She had frequently, before this period, forfeited her word, for sworn debts, been privy to murder, and hurried into the utmost excesses by her extravagance and poverty. But her abilities were by no means despicable ; she could compose verses, jest, and join in conversation either modest, tender, or licentious. In a word, she was distinguished by much refinement of wit, and much grace of expression.
Catiline, having made these arrangements, still canvassed for the consulship for the following year; hoping that, if he should be elected, he would easily manage Antonius according to his pleasure. Nor did he, in the mean time, remain inactive, but devised schemes, in every possible way, against Cicero, who, however, did not want skill or policy to guard against them. For, at the very beginning of his consulship, he had, by making many promises through Fulvia, prevailed on Quintus Curius, whom I have already mentioned, to give him secret information of Catiline's proceedings. He had also persuaded his colleague, Antonius, by an arrangement respecting their provinces, to entertain no sentiment of disaffection toward the state ; and he kept around him, though without ostentation, a guard of his friends and dependents.
When the day of the comitia came, and neither Catiline's efforts for the consulship, nor the plots which he had laid for the consuls in the Campus Martius, were attended with success, he determined to proceed to war, and resort to the utmost extremities, since what he had attempted secretly had ended in confusion and disgrace.
He accordingly dispatched Caius Manlius to Faesulae, and
160
THE CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE.
the adjacent parts of Etruria ; one Septimius, of Camerinum, into the Picenian territory ; Caius Julius into Apulia ; and others to various places, wherever he thought each would be most serviceable. He himself, in the mean time, was making many simultaneous efforts at Rome ; he laid plots for the con sul ; he arranged schemes for burning the city ; he occupied suitable posts with armed men ; he went constantly armed him self, and ordered his followers to do the same ; he exhorted them to be always on their guard and prepared for action ; he was active and vigilant by day and by night, and was exhausted neither by sleeplessness nor by toil. At last, however, when none of his numerous projects succeeded, he again, with the aid of Marcus Porcius Laeca, convoked the leaders of the conspiracy in the dead of night, when, after many complaints of their apathy, he informed them that he had sent forward Manlius to that body of men whom he had prepared to take up arms ; and others of the confederates into other eligible places, to make a commencement of hostilities ; and that he himself was eager to set out to the army, if he could but first cut off Cicero, who was the chief obstruction to his measures.
While, therefore, the rest were in alarm and hesitation, Caius Cornelius, a Roman knight, who offered his services, and Lucius Vargunteius, a senator, in company with him, agreed to go with an armed force, on that very night, and with but little delay, to the house of Cicero, under pretense of paying their respects to him, and to kill him unawares, and unprepared for defense, in his own residence. But Curius, when he heard of the imminent danger that threatened the consul, immediately gave him notice, by the agency of Fulvia, of the treachery which was contemplated. The assassins, in consequence, were refused admission, and found that they had undertaken such an attempt only to be disappointed.
In the mean time, Manlius was in Etruria, stirring up the populace, who, both from poverty, and from resentment for their injuries (for, under the tyranny of Sylla, they had lost their lands and other property), were eager for a revolution. He also attached to himself all sorts of marauders, who were numerous in those parts, and some of Sylla's colonists, whose dissipation and extravagance had exhausted their enormous plunder.
When these proceedings were reported to Cicero, he, being alarmed at the twofold danger, since he could no longer secure
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the city against treachery by his private efforts, nor could gain satisfactory intelligence of the magnitude or intentions of the army of Manlius, laid the matter, which was already a subject of discussion among the people, before the senate. The senate, accordingly, as is usual in any perilous emergency, decreed that THE CONSULS SHOULD MAKE IT THEIR CAEE THAT THE COMMONWEALTH SHOULD RECEIVE NO INJURY. This is the greatest power which, according to the practice at Rome, is granted by the senate to the magistrate, and which authorizes him to raise troops ; to make war ; to assume unlimited control over the allies and the citizens ; to take the chief command and jurisdiction at home and in the field ; rights which, without an order of the people, the consul is not permitted to exercise.
A few days afterward, Lucius Saenius, a senator, read to the senate a letter, which, he said, he had received from Faesulae, and in which it was stated that Caius Manlius, with a large force, had taken the field by the 27th of October. Others at the same time, as is not uncommon in such a crisis, spread reports of omens and prodigies ; others of meetings being held, of arms being transported, and of insurrections of the slaves at Capua and Apulia. In consequence of these rumors, Quintus Marcius Rex was dispatched, by a decree of the senate, to Faesulae, and Quintus Metellus Creticus into Apulia and the parts adjacent ; both which officers, with the title of com manders, were waiting near the city, having been prevented from entering in triumph, by the malice of a cabal, whose cus tom it was to ask a price for everything, whether honorable or infamous. The pretors, too, Quintus Pompeius Rufus and Quintus Metellus Celer, were sent off, the one to Capua, the other to Picenum, and power was given them to levy a force proportioned to the exigency and the danger. The senate also decreed, that if any one should give information of the con spiracy which had been formed against the state, his reward should be, if a slave, his freedom and a hundred sestertia ; if a freeman, a complete pardon and two hundred sestertia. They further appointed that the schools of gladiators should be dis tributed in Capua and other municipal towns, according to the capacity of each; and that, at Rome, watches should be posted throughout the city, of which the inferior magistrates should have the charge.
By such proceedings as these the citizens were struck with
alarm, and the appearance of the city was changed. In place vOl. v. — 11
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of that extreme gayety and dissipation to which long tran quillity had given rise, a sudden gloom spread over all classes ; they became anxious and agitated ; they felt secure neither in any place, nor with any person ; they were not at war, yet enjoyed no peace ; each measured the public danger by his own fear. The women, also, to whom, from the extent of the empire, the dread of war was new, gave way to lamentation, raised supplicating hands to heaven, mourned over their infants, made constant inquiries, trembled at everything, and, forgetting their pride and their pleasures, felt nothing but alarm for them selves and their country.
Yet the unrelenting spirit of Catiline persisted in the same purposes, notwithstanding the precautions that were adopted against him, and though he himself was accused by Lucius Paullua under the Plautian law. At last, with a view to dis semble, and under pretense of clearing his character, as if he had been provoked by some attack, he went into the senate house. It was then that Marcus Tullius, the consul, whether alarmed at his presence, or fired with indignation against him, delivered that splendid speech, so beneficial to the public, which he afterward wrote and published. [See following selection. ]
When Cicero sat down, Catiline being prepared to pretend ignorance of the whole matter, entreated, with downcast looks and suppliant voice, that "the Conscript Fathers would not too hastily believe anything against him " ; saying " that he was sprung from such a family, and had so ordered his life from his youth, as to have every happiness in prospect ; and that they were not to suppose that he, a patrician, whose services to the Roman people, as well as those of his ancestors, had been so numerous, should want to ruin the state, when Marcus Tullius, a mere adopted citizen of Rome, was eager to preserve it. " When he was proceeding to add other invectives, they all raised an outcry against him, and called him an enemy and a traitor. Being thus exasperated, " Since I am encompassed by enemies," he exclaimed, " and driven to desperation, I will extinguish the flame kindled around me in a general ruin. "
He then hurried from the senate to his own house ; and then, after much reflection with himself, thinking that, as his plots against the consul had been unsuccessful, and as he knew the city to be secured from fire by the watch, his best course would be to augment his army, and make provision for the war before the legions could be raised, he set out in the dead of
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night, and with a few attendants, to the camp of Manlius. But he left in charge to Lentulus and Cethegus, and others of whose prompt determination he was assured, to strengthen the inter ests of their party in every possible way, to forward the plots against the consul, and to make arrangements for a massacre, for firing the city, and for other destructive operations of war ; promising that he himself would shortly advance on the city with a large army.
Catiline himself, having stayed a few days with Caius Fla- minius Flamma in the neighborhood of Arretium, while he was supplying the adjacent parts, already excited to insurrec tion, with arms, marched with his fasces, and other ensigns of authority, to join Manlius in his camp.
When this was known at Rome, the senate declared Catiline and Manlius enemies to the state, and fixed a day as to the rest of their force, before which they might lay down their arms with impunity, except such as had been convicted of capital offenses. They also decreed that the consuls should hold a levy ; that Antonius, with an army, should hasten in pursuit of Catiline ; and that Cicero should protect the city.
At this period the empire of Rome appears to me to have been in an extremely deplorable condition ; for though every nation, from the rising to the setting of the sun, lay in subjec tion to her arms, and though peace and prosperity, which man kind think the greatest blessings, were hers in abundance, there yet were found, among her citizens, men who were bent with obstinate determination to plunge themselves and their country into ruin ; for, notwithstanding the two decrees of the senate, not one individual, out of so vast a number, was induced by the offer of reward to give information of the conspiracy ; nor was there a single deserter from the camp of Catiline. So strong a spirit of disaffection had, like a pestilence, pervaded the minds of most of the citizens.
Nor was this disaffected spirit confined to those who were actually concerned in the conspiracy ; for the whole of the com mon people, from a desire of change, favored the projects of Catiline. This they seemed to do in accordance with their gen eral character ; for, in every state, they that are poor envy those of a better class, and endeavor to exalt the factious ; they dis like the established condition of things, and long for something new ; they are discontented with their own circumstances, and desire a general alteration ; they can support themselves amid
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tumult and sedition, without anxiety, since poverty does not easily suffer loss.
As for the populace of the city, they had become disaffected from various causes. In the first place, such as everywhere took the lead in crime and profligacy, with others who had squandered their fortunes in dissipation, and, in a word, all whom vice and villainy had driven from their homes, had flocked to Rome as a general receptacle of impurity. In the next place, many, who thought of the success of Sylla, when they had seen some raised from common soldiers into senators, and others so enriched as to live in regal luxury and pomp, hoped, each for himself, similar results from victory, if they should once take up arms. In addition to this, the youth, who, in the country, had earned a scanty livelihood by manual labor, tempted by public and private largesses, had preferred idleness in the city to unwelcome toil in the field. To these, and all others of similar character, public disorders would furnish sub sistence. It is not at all surprising, therefore, that men in dis tress, of dissolute principles and extravagant expectations, should have consulted the interest of the state no further than as it was subservient to their own. Besides, those whose parents, by the victory of Sylla, had been proscribed, whose property had been confiscated, and whose civil rights had been curtailed, looked forward to the event of a war with precisely the same feelings.
All those, too, who were of any party opposed to that of the senate, were desirous rather that the state should be embroiled, than that they themselves should be out of power. This was an evil which, after many years, had returned upon the com munity to the extent to which it now prevailed.
Much about the same time there were commotions in Hither and Further Gaul, in the Picenian and Bruttian territories, and in Apulia. For those whom Catiline had previously sent to those parts had begun, without consideration, and seemingly with madness, to attempt everything at once; and by noc turnal meetings, by removing armor and weapons from place to place, and by hurrying and confusing everything, had created more alarm than danger. Of these, Quintus Metellus Celer, the pretor, having brought several to trial, under the decree of the senate, had thrown them into prison, as had also Caius Muraena in Further Gaul, who governed that province in quality of legate.
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But at Rome, in the mean time, Lentulus, with the other leaders of the conspiracy, having secured what they thought a large force, had arranged, that as soon as Catiline should reach the neighborhood of Faesulae, Lucius Bestia, a tribune of the people, having called an assembly, should complain of the proceedings of Cicero, and lay the odium of this most oppressive war on the excellent consul ; and that the rest of the conspirators, taking this as a signal, should, on the follow ing night, proceed to execute their respective parts.
These parts are said to have been thus distributed. Statilius and Gabinius, with a large force, were to set on fire twelve places of the city, convenient for their purpose, at the same time ; in order that, during the consequent tumult, an easier access might be obtained to the consul, and to the others whose destruction was intended ; Cethegus was to beset the gate of Cicero, and attack him personally with violence ; others were to single out other victims ; while the sons of certain families, mostly of the nobility, were to kill their fathers ; and, when all were in consternation at the massacre and conflagration, they were to sally forth to join Catiline.
While they were thus forming and settling their plans, Cethegus was incessantly complaining of the want of spirit in his associates ; observing, that they wasted excellent opportuni ties through hesitation and delay ; that, in such an enterprise, there was need, not of deliberation, but of action ; and that he himself, if a few would support him, would storm the senate house while the others remained inactive. Being naturally bold, sanguine, and prompt to act, he thought that success depended on rapidity of execution.
The Allobroges, according to the directions of Cicero, pro cured interviews, by means of Gabinius, with the other con spirators ; and from Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, and Cassius they demanded an oath, which they might carry under seal to their countrymen, who otherwise would hardly join in so im portant an affair. To this the others consented without suspi cion ; but Cassius promised them soon to visit their country, and, indeed, left the city a little before the deputies.
In order that the Allobroges, before they reached home, might confirm their agreement with Catiline, by giving and receiving pledges of faith, Lentulus sent with them one Titus Volturcius, a native of Crotona, he himself giving Volturcius a letter for Catiline, of which the following is a copy : —
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" Who I am, you will learn from the person whom I have sent to you. Reflect seriously in how desperate a situation you are placed, and remember that you are a man. Consider what your views demand, and seek aid from all, even" the lowest. " In addition, he gave him this verbal message : Since he was declared an enemy by the senate, for what reason should he reject the assistance of slaves ? That, in the city, everything which he had directed was arranged ; and that he should not delay to make nearer approaches to it. "
Matters having proceeded thus far, and a night being ap pointed for the departure of the deputies, Cicero, being by them made acquainted with everything, directed the pretors, Lucius Valerius Flaccus, and Caius Pomtinus, to arrest the retinue of the Allobroges, by lying in wait for them on the Milvian Bridge ; he gave them a full explanation of the object with which they were sent, and left them to manage the rest as occasion might require. Being military men, they placed a force, as had been directed, without disturbance, and secretly invested the bridge ; when the deputies, with Volturcius, came to the place, and a shout was raised from each side of the bridge, the Gauls, at once comprehending the matter, sur rendered themselves immediately to the pretors. Volturcius, at first, encouraging his companions, defended himself against numbers with his sword ; but afterward, being unsupported by the Allobroges, he began earnestly to beg Pomtinus, to whom he was known, to save his life, and at last, terrified and despair ing of safety, he surrendered himself to the pretors as uncon ditionally as to foreign enemies.
The affair being thus concluded, a full account of it was immediately transmitted to the consul by messengers. Great anxiety, and great joy, affected him at the same moment. He rejoiced that, by the discovery of the conspiracy, the state was freed from danger ; but he was doubtful how he ought to act, when citizens of such eminence were detected in treason so atrocious. He saw that their punishment would be a weight upon himself, and their escape the destruction of the Common wealth. Having, however, formed his resolution, he ordered Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, Gabinius, and one Quintus Ccepa- rius of Terracina, who was preparing to go to Apulia to raise the slaves, to be summoned before him. The others came with out delay ; but Cœparius, having left his house a little before, and heard of the discovery of the conspiracy, had fled from
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the city. The consul himself conducted Lentulus, as he was pretor, holding him by the hand, and ordered the others to be brought into the Temple of Concord, under a guard. Here he assembled the senate, and in a very full attendance of that body introduced Volturcius with the deputies. Hither also he ordered Valerius Flaccus, the pretor, to bring the box with the letters which he had taken from the deputies.
Volturcius, being questioned concerning his journey, con cerning his letter, and lastly, what object he had had in view, and from what motives he had acted, at first began to prevari cate, and to pretend ignorance of the conspiracy ; but at length, when he was told to speak on the security of the public faith, he disclosed every circumstance as it had really occurred, stat ing that he had been admitted as an associate, a few days before, by Gabinius and Cœparius ; that he knew no more than the deputies, only that he used to hear from Gabinius, that Publius Autronius, Servius Sylla, Lucius Vargunteius, and many others, were engaged in the conspiracy. The Gauls made a similar confession, and charged Lentulus, who began to affect ignorance, not only with the letter to Catiline, but with remarks which he was in the habit of making, " that the sovereignty of Rome, by the Sibylline books, was predestined to three Cornelii ; that Cinna and Sylla had ruled already ; and that he himself was the third, whose fate it would be to govern the city ; and that this, too, was the twentieth year since the Capitol was burned, — a year which the augurs, from certain omens, had often said would be stained with the blood of civil war. "
The letter then being read, the senate, when all had pre viously acknowledged their seals, decreed that Lentulus, being deprived of his office, should, as well as the rest, be placed in private custody. Lentulus, accordingly, was given in charge to Publius Lentulus Spinther, who was then aedile ; Cethegus, to Quintus Cornificius ; Statilius, to Caius Caesar ; Gabinius, to Marcus Crassus ; and Cœparius, who had just before been arrested in his flight, to Cneius Terentius, a senator.
While these occurrences were passing in the senate, and while rewards were being voted, an approbation of their evi dence, to the Allobrogian deputies and to Titus Volturcius, the freedmen and some of the other dependents of Lentulus were urging the artisans and slaves, in various directions throughout the city, to attempt his rescue ; some, too, applied to the ring leaders of the mob, who were always ready to disturb the state
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for pay. Cethegus, at the same time, was soliciting, through his agents, his slaves and freedmen, men trained to deeds of audacity, to collect themselves into an armed body, and force a way into his place of confinement.
The consul, when he heard that these things were in agita tion, having distributed armed bodies of men, as the circum stances and occasion demanded, called a meeting of the senate, and desired to know " what they wished to be done concerning those who had been committed to custody. " A full senate, how ever, had but a short time before declared them traitors to their country. On this occasion, Decimus Junius Silanus, who, as consul elect, was first asked his opinion, moved that capital punishment should be inflicted, not only on those who were in confinement, but also on Lucius Cassius, Publius Furius, Pub- lius Umbrenus, and Quintus Annius, if they should be appre hended ; but afterward, being influenced by the speech of Caius Caesar, he said that he would go over to the opinion of Tiberius Nero, who had proposed that the guards should be increased, and that the senate should deliberate further on the matter.
[The speeches of Caesar for lenity, and of Cato for death, are here given, with the characters of the two men. ]
When the senate, as I have stated, had gone over to the opinion of Cato, the consul, thinking it best not to wait till night, which was coming on, lest any new attempts should be made during the interval, ordered the triumvirs to make such preparations as the execution of the conspirators required. He himself, having posted the necessary guards, conducted Lentu- lus to the prison ; and the same office was performed for the rest by the pretors.
There is a place in the prison, which is called the Tullian dungeon, and which, after a slight ascent to the left, is sunk about twelve feet underground. Walls secure it on every side, and over it is a vaulted roof connected with stone arches ; but its appearance is disgusting and horrible, by reason of the filth, darkness, and stench. When Lentulus had been let down into this place, certain men, to whom orders had been given, strangled him with a cord. Thus this patrician, who was of the illus trious family of the Cornelii, and who filled the office of consul at Rome, met with an end suited to his character and conduct. On Cethegus, Statilius, Gabinius, and Cœparius, punishment was inflicted in a similar manner.
During these proceedings at Rome, Catiline, out of the
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entire force which he himself had brought with him, and that which Manlius had previously collected, formed two legions, filling up the cohorts as far as his number would allow ; and afterward, as any volunteers, or recruits from his confederates, arrived in his camp, he distributed them equally throughout the cohorts, and thus filled up his legions, in a short time, with their regular number of men, though at first he had not more than two thousand. But, of his whole army, only about a fourth part had the proper weapons of soldiers ; the rest, as chance had equipped them, carried darts, spears, or sharpened stakes.
As Antonius approached with his army, Catiline directed his march over the hills, encamping, at one time, in the direction of Rome, at another in that of Gaul. He gave the enemy no opportunity of fighting, yet hoped himself shortly to find one, if his accomplices at Rome should succeed in their object. Slaves, meanwhile, of whom vast numbers had at first flocked to him, he continued to reject, not only as depending on the strength of the conspiracy, but as thinking it impolitic to appear to share the cause of citizens with runagates.
When it was reported in his camp, however, that the con spiracy had been discovered at Rome, and that Lentulus, Cethegus, and the rest whom I have named had been put to death, most of those whom the hope of plunder, or the love of change, had led to join in the war, fell away. The remainder Catiline conducted, over rugged mountains, and by forced marches, into the neighborhood of Pistoria, with a view to escape covertly, by crossroads, into Gaul.
But Quintus Metellus Celer, with a force of three legions, had, at that time, his station in Picenum, who suspected that Catiline, from the difficulties of his position, would adopt pre cisely the course which we have just described. When, therefore, he had learned his route from some deserters, he immediately broke up his camp, and took his post at the very foot of the hills, at the point where Catiline's descent would be, in his hurried march into Gaul. Nor was Antonius far distant, as he was pursuing, though with a large army, yet through plainer ground, and with fewer hindrances, the enemy in retreat.
Catiline, when he saw that he was surrounded by mountains and by hostile forces, that his schemes in the city had been unsuccessful, and that there was no hope either of escape or of succor, thinking it best, in such circumstances, to try the fortune
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of a battle, resolved upon engaging, as speedily as possible, with Antonius.
He ordered the signal for battle to be sounded, and led down his troops, in regular order, to the level ground. Having then sent away the horses of all the cavalry, in order to increase the men's courage by making their danger equal, he himself, on foot, drew up his troops suitably to their numbers and the nature of the ground. As a plain stretched between the moun tains on the left, with a rugged rock on the right, he placed eight cohorts in front, and stationed the rest of his force, in close order, in the rear. From among these he removed all the ablest cen turions, the veterans, and the stoutest of the common soldiers that were regularly armed, into the foremost ranks.