For Heraclius, son of the emperor, read
Heraclius
II.
Cambridge Medieval History - v3 - Germany and the Western Empire
Before Gerbert's accession,
however, the Papacy had undergone one almost prophetic change, which
looked forward to Leo IX, while recalling Nicholas I. For a time under
Gregory V (996-999), cousin and chaplain to the Emperor, the first
German Pope, it had ceased to be purely Roman, in interests as in ruler.
It took up once again its old missionary enterprise and care for distant
lands. St Adalbert of Prague, who both as missionary and bishop
typified the unrest of his day, wavering between adventurous activity
and monastic meditation, had come to Rome and was spending some
time in a monastery. He was a Bohemian by birth and had become the
second bishop of Prague (983): besides working there he had taken part
in the conversion of Hungary, and is said to have baptized its great king
## p. xvii (#23) ############################################
Introduction
xvii
St Stephen. Commands from the Pope and Willigis of Mayence sent him
back to his see, but renewed wanderings brought him a martyr's death in
Prussia. He had also visited Poland and there, at Gnesen, he was buried.
Such a career reminds us of St Boniface, but there is a distinction between
the two to be noted. Boniface had always worked with the Frankish
rulers, and had depended greatly upon their help. Adalbert, on the
other hand, looked far more to Rome. Pope, German rulers, and even
German bishops like Pilgrim of Passau, had independent or even contra-
dictory plans of large organisation. In Bohemia, Hungary, and Poland,
the tenth century saw the beginning of national churches, looking to the
Papacy rather than to German kings. Thus were brought about later
complications in politics, Imperial and national, which were to be im-
portant both for general history and for the growth of Papal power.
But although Gregory was thus able to leave his mark on distant lands,
and to legislate for the churches of Germany and France, he could not
maintain himself in Rome itself: he was driven from the city (996), faced
by an anti-Pope John XVI (who has caused confusion in the Papal lists),
and was only restored by the Emperor for one short year of life and rule
before Gerbert succeeded him. The strength of the Papacy lay in its
great traditions and its distant control : its weakness came from factions
at Rome.
Gerbert, born in Auvergne, a monk at Aurillac, a scholar in Spain, at
Rheims added philosophy to his great skill in mathematics. As Abbot of
Bobbio he had unhappy experiences. For a time, through the favour of
Hugh Capet, he held the Archbishopric of Rheims, where he learnt the
strong local feeling of the French episcopate, in which his great predecessor
Hincmar had shared. Otto the Great admired his abilities: Otto II sent
him to Bobbio: Otto III, his devoted pupil, made him Archbishop of
Ravenna (998) and, a year later, Pope. Moulded in many lands, illus-
trating uniquely the unity of Western Christendom, the foremost thinker
of the day, yet on the Papacy he left no mark answering to his great
personality.
Not even insignificant Popes and civic strife lessened Papal power
as might have been supposed. Benedict VIII (1012-1024) came to
the throne after a struggle with the Crescentii: his father, Count
Gregory, of the Tusculan family, had been praefectus navalis under
Otto III, and had done much for the fortification of the city against the
Saracens who had once so greatly harassed John VIII (872–882). Benedict
himself was dependent upon the Emperor for help against Byzantines,
Saracens and factions in Rome itself. He could not be called a Pope of
spiritual influence, but he was an astute politician, and under him the
a
a
## p. xviii (#24) ###########################################
xviii
Introduction
!
ti
1
Papacy not only exercised without question its official power but also
moved a little in the direction of church reform. As a ruler with activity
and energy in days of darkness and degradation, he regained for the
Papacy something of the old international position.
This administrative tradition in papal Rome is often hidden beneath
the personal energy of the greater Popes and the growing strength
gradually gained by the conception of the Papacy as a whole. Already
we can see the effect of the union with the Empire, and of the entangle-
ment with political, and especially with Imperial, interests, upon
which
so much of later history was to turn. Already we can see the growing
influence of Canon Law, beginning, it must be remembered, in outlying
fields, and then slowly centring in Rome itself. The letters of Hincmar,
.
for instance, shew great knowledge of the older law, a constant reference
to it and a grasp of its principles. The rapid spread of the False De-
cretals, in themselves an expression of existing tendencies rather than an
impulse producing them, shew us the system in process of growth. Their
rapid circulation would have been impossible had they not fitted in with
the needs and aspirations of the age. They embodied the idea of the
Church's independence, and indeed of its moral sovereignty, two concep-
tions which, when the ecclesiastical and civil powers worked in alliance,
helped to mould the Christian West into a coherent society, firmly settled
in its older seats and also conquering newer lands. But when in a later
day the two powers came to clash, the same conceptions made the strife
more acute and carried it from the sphere of action into the region of
political literature.
One significant feature of this age of preparation demands special
notice. St Boniface, when he laid the foundation of Church organisation
in the Teutonic lands, had built up a coherent and united Episcopate.
Joined to older elements of ecclesiastical life, it became, under the weaker
Carolingians, strong enough to attempt control of the crown itself. Be-
fore the Papacy could establish its own dominion, it had to subjugate
the Bishops: before it could reform the Church and mould the world
after its own conceptions, it had further to reform an Episcopate, which,
if still powerful, had grown corrupt. Constantine had sought the alliance
of the Church for the welfare of the Empire because it was strong and
united, and both its strength and unity were based upon the Episcopate.
The Teutonic Emperors did the same for the same reasons, and now this
Episcopate had to reconcile for itself conflicting relations with Empire
and Papacy. And in establishing its complete control of the Bishops
the Papacy touched and shook not only the kingly power but the lower
and more local parts of a complicated political system.
## p. xix (#25) #############################################
Introduction
xix
>
-
Those results, however, belong to a later volume. For the present
we are in the period of formation, watching processes mostly beneath the
surface and sometimes tending towards, if not actually in, opposition
among themselves. Thus, the Imperial protection of the Church, working
superficially for its strength, tended, as a secondary result, to weaken and
secularise it, and therefore in the end, to produce a reaction. And, when
it came, that reaction was caused as much by the inner history of the
leading nations as by the central power of Rome and the Papacy itself.
.
It was one side of the complicated processes which, in the period dealt
with here, moulded the Age of Feudalism.
It is well to recall the words of Maitland about Feudalism (Domesday
Book and beyond, pp. 223-5). “If we use the term in this wide sense
223–5
,
then (the barbarian conquests being given us as an unalterable fact)
feudalism means civilisation, the separation of employments, the division
of labour, the possibility of national defence, the possibility of art, science,
literature and learned leisure ; the cathedral, the scriptorium, the library,
are as truly the work of feudalism as is the baronial castle. When
therefore, we speak, as we shall have to speak, of forces which make for
the subjection of peasantry to seignorial justice and which substitute the
manor with its villeins for the free village, we shall—so at least it seems
to us—be speaking not of abnormal forces, not of retrogression, not of
disease, but in the main of normal and healthy growth. Far from us
indeed is the cheerful optimism which refuses to see that the process of
civilisation is often a cruel process; but the England of the eleventh
century is nearer to the England of the nineteenth than is the England
of the seventh, nearer by just four hundred years. ” And again he says:
“Now, no doubt, from one point of view, namely that of universal history,
we do see confusion and retrogression. Ideal possessions which have
.
been won for mankind by the thought of Roman lawyers are lost for a
long while and must be recovered painfully. ” And “it must be ad-
mitted that somehow or another a retrogression takes place, that the
best legal ideas of the ninth and tenth centuries are not so good, so
modern, as those of the third and fourth. ” Historians, he points out,
often begin at the wrong end and start with the earlier centuries, and
yet “if they began with the eleventh century and thence turned to the
earlier time', they might come to another opinion, to the opinion that in
the beginning all was very vague, and that such clearness and precision
as legal thought has attained in the days of the Norman Conquest has
been very gradually attained and is chiefly due to the influence which the
1 Maitland here refers to the Barbarian ideas and institutions, say from the
seventh century onwards.
## p. xx (#26) ##############################################
XX
Introduction
a
:
old heathen world working through the Roman church has exercised upon
the new.
The process that is started when barbarism is brought into
contact with civilisation is not simple. ”
Here the great historian is speaking mainly of legal ideas and legal
history which he taught us to understand. In a wider than a legal sense,
it is the same process which this volume tries to trace and sketch. The
steps and details of the process are to be read in the chapter on Feudalism
and in the chapters on England. But once again it is here the preparatory
stages with which we deal: the full process in English history, for instance,
belongs to a later volume where William the Conqueror and his Domes-
day Book give us firmer ground for a new starting-point. But if it is
more difficult, it is as essential, to study the stages of the more elusive
preparation. It is the meeting-ground of old and new: the history in
which the new, with toil and effort, with discipline and suffering, grows
stronger and richer as it masters the old and is mastered by it.
In these centuries, even more than in others, it is chiefly of kings, of
battles and great events, or of purely technical things like legal grants or
taxes, of which alone we can speak, because it is of them we are mostly
told. We know but little of the general life of the multitude on its social
and economic side. For that we must argue back from later conditions,
checked by the scanty facts we have. Large local variations were more
acute: economic differences between the great trading cities of the Rhine-
land and the neighbouring agricultural lands around Mayence, or again
the differences between the east and west of the German realm, had
greater political significance than they would have to-day. Contrasts
always quicken the flow of commerce and the tide of thought : travel
brought with it greater awakening then than now. Hence thought
moved most quickly along the lines of trade, which were, for the most
part, those of Roman rather than of later medieval days. We know
something of the depopulation due to wars, and of the misery due to
unchecked local tyranny, which drove men to welcome any fixity of rule
and to respect any precedent even if severe and rough. The same causes
made it easier for moral and religious laws to hold a stricter sway, even
if they were often disregarded by passion or caprice. Under the working
of all these forces a more settled life was slowly growing up, although
with many drawbacks and frequent retrogressions.
Under such conditions men were little ready to question anything
that made for fixity and peace. The reign of law, the control of prin-
ciples, were welcome, because they gave relief from the tumultuous
barbarism and violence that reigned around. The past had its legend
of peace: therefore men turned to memories of Roman law and of a rule
## p. xxi (#27) #############################################
Introduction
xxi
supposed to be stable: thus, too, we may explain the eager study of old
ecclesiastical legislation and the ready acceptance of Papal jurisdiction,
even when it was in conflict with local freedom. The future, on the other
hand, seemed full of dread, so men preferred precedent to revolution. In
a world abounding in contrasts and fearful of surprise, strong men trained
in a hard school were able to shape their own path and to lead others
with them. So dynasties, like precedents, had peculiar value. And
moreover from simple fear and pressing need, men were driven closer
together into towns and little villages capable of some defence. In
England some towns appear first, and others grow larger, under the
influence of the Danes: in France it is the time of the villes neuves ;
Italy was thickly sown with castelli, around which houses clustered; in
Germany, Nuremberg and Weissenburg, Rothenburg on the Taube with
other towns are mentioned for the first time now: it was a period of civic
growth in its beginnings. Socially too men were drawn into associations
with common interests and fellowship of various kinds, beginning another
great chapter of economic history. Thus in these centuries men were
beginning to realise, first in tendency and afterwards in process, the
power and attraction of the corporate life. This was to be, in later
centuries, one great feature of medieval society. The old tie of kinship,
with its resulting blood-feuds, was already weakening under the two
solvents of Christianity and of more settled local seats. The attempt to
combine in one society conflicting personal laws, Roman or barbarian at
the choice of individuals (expressed, for instance, in the Constitutio Romana
of Lothar in 824) was causing chaos. Hence, in our centuries, society was
seeking for a more stable foundation, and out of disorder comparative
order arose. Dynasties, precedents, traditions, and fellowships for pro-
tection and mutual help had already begun to shape the medieval world
as we shall see it later in active work.
This general view gives significance to the constitutional and eccle-
siastical side of the history, but it gives it perhaps even more to the
history of education, of learning and of art. The new races brought
new strength, and were to make great histories of their own.
see in our period how nearly all that brought high interests and ideals,
nearly all that made for beauty and for richness of life, came from the
old, although it was grasped with new strength and slowly worked out
into a many-sided life beneath the pressure of new conditions. We
have moved in a time of preparation, guided by the past but neverthe-
less working out a great and orderly life of its own.
But we
## p. xxii (#28) ############################################
xxii
CORRIGENDA,
VOL. II.
p. 279, par. 2, l. 4. For Kusistan read Khuzistan.
p. 369. For Zubair read Zuhair throughout except 'Abdallāh ibn Zubair.
p. 395, 11. 33 ff. The troops which became the theme of Obsequium were not the
palatine troops, but that portion of the scholae (imperial guards) which was
quartered in Asia.
p. 396, last line but one. For retreated read returned.
p. 402, 1. 36. For Eugenius read Martin, and dele note. Maximus was arrested in
653 (E. H. R. xxxi, 1916, p. 147).
p. 405, 11. 27 ff. The mutiny was not in 670, but in 681-2 after the two junior
prin s' deposition (E. H. R. xxx, 1915, p. 42).
p. 406. For 11. 8–11 read At the beginning of September 685 Constantine died of
dyse „tery and was succeeded by Justinian (E. H. R. xxx, 1915, pp. 50-51).
p. 525, 1. 2 from end. For Aethelreda read Aetheldreda.
p. 534, 1. 3. For Emmeran read Emmeram.
p. 541, 1. 12. For 752 read 751.
p. 715, last line (Gen. Bibl. ). For 1808 read 1908. New edn. 1915.
p. 791 (Bibl. Chap. xvi (A) $ 2, Plummer, A. For Library of Patristic Theology
read Library of Historic Theology.
p. 799 (Bibl. Chap. xvii), l. 4 from end. For Ibid. read TRHS.
p. 819 (Chronological Table). Under 636 omit “Issue of the Ekthesis," and insert it
under 638.
CORRECTIONS TO INDEX. VOL. II.
p. 822, col. 1, 11. 9-12. Read 'Abbās, son of Walid, military successes of, 412, 414 sq-
p. 825, col. 2. Under Amorium, for “ 396; . . . ib. ;" read taken by Arabs, 396;
recovered, 397;
p. 826, col. 2. After Anşār, the, insert 313.
Ibid. Under Antioch, dele 407.
p. 852, col. 2, 1. 6 from end.
For Heraclius, son of the emperor, read Heraclius II.
p. 853, col. 1. For the two entries Hijaz read Hijaz, province, 334; opposes Yazid, 359.
p. 853, col. 2. Hishām, Caliph and Hisham, son of 'Abd-al-Malik are the same person.
p. 858, col. 2. For Kusistan read Khuzistan.
p. 868, col. 1. Othman, Caliph and Othman ibn 'Affan are the same person.
p. 871, col. 2. In list of Popes insert Donus.
p. 873, col. 1. Under Reggio, omit (Rhegium) and Maximus at, 403;
Ibid. Under Rhegium, omit “see Reggio,” and insert Maximus at, 403.
p. 874, col. 2. Insert Romuald, Duke of Benevento, 394.
p. 880, col. 1. Stephen, archimandrite and Stephen, pupil of Macarius are the same
person.
p. 881, col. 2. Taranda, 294 and Taranta. . . , 412 are the same place.
p. 889, col. 2. For Zubair ibn ķais read Zuhair ibn Kais.
VOL. III.
p. 155, 1. 3 from end. For nephew Berengar read nephew-in-law Berengar.
p. 189, 1. 3 from end. For Arnulf, Count of Flanders read Arnold I, Count of
Flanders.
p 278, 1. 2. For Aldstedt read Allstedt.
p. 319, 1. 20. For Aella read Aelle.
## p. xxiii (#29) ###########################################
xxiii
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
INTRODUCTION.
By J. P. WHITNEY, D. D.
PAGE
viii
CHAPTER I.
LOUIS THE PIOUS.
OOT HA CON
3
4
5
6
.
By RéNÉ POUPARDIN, Professor in the Ecole pratique des
hautes études of Paris.
Accession of Louis the Pious
First measures
Division of territory
Empire and Papacy
Constitutio Romana
Neighbours of the Empire
Eastern frontiers
The Saracens
The Bretons
Divisio Imperii
Revolt of Bernard of Italy
Penance of Attigny
Judith
Family disunion ; Pepin's revolt
Disloyalty of Lothar
Revolt of Louis the German
Provisions for Charles the Bald
The Field of Lies .
Restoration of Louis the Pious
Submission of Lothar
Death of Pepin of Aquitaine
Death of Louis the Pious
8
ib.
9
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
CHAPTER II.
23
THE CAROLINGIAN KINGDOMS (840–877).
By Professor Réné POUPARDIN.
Accession of Lothar
Battle of Fontenoy
Oath of Strasbourg
Treaty of Verdun .
The Empire breaking up
The System of Concord
Conflicts and invasions
24
25
26
28
30
31
## p. xxiv (#30) ############################################
xxiv
Contents
PAGE
32
ib.
34
.
35
36
38
40
41
42
44
阳办旺的昭昭如H归
Weakness of the Concord
Affairs of Aquitaine and Brittany
Death of the Emperor Lothar
Growing disorder in the Western Kingdom
Fraternal quarrels
The divorce of Lothar II
Charles the Bald and his ambitions
Death of Charles of Provence
Triumph of Pope Nicholas I .
Death of Lothar II
Contest for Lorraine
Partition of Meersen
Reign of the Emperor Louis II in Italy
:
Italian vassals
The Saracens sack St Peter's .
Pope John VIII
Imperial coronation of Charles the Bald
Death of Louis the German
Assembly of Quierzy
Death of Charles the Bald
45
.
ib.
46
47
49
50
51
ib.
53
54
CHAPTER III.
THE CAROLINGIAN KINGDOMS (877—918).
By Professor RÉNÉ POUPARDIN.
.
Louis the Stammerer King of the West-Franks
Boso King of Provence .
Charles the Fat in Rome
The Northmen
Union under Charles the Fat
Siege of Paris
Deposition of Charles the Fat
Final division of the Empire .
Arnulf .
Italian rivals.
The Formosan troubles at Rome
Death of Arnulf
Death of Louis the Child
Conrad I of Germany; the great Duchies
55
57
58
59
ib.
61
62
ib,
64
ib
66
68
69
ib.
.
## p. xxv (#31) #############################################
Contents
XXV
CHAPTER IV.
FRANCE, THE LAST CAROLINGIANS AND THE ACCESSION
OF HUGH CAPET (888—987).
By Louis HALPHEN, Professor in the University of Bordeaux.
PAGE
71
៩៨៨៩ ៨៩៨
.
80
81
Accession of Odo.
Carolingian Restoration
Charles the Simple in Lorraine
Raoul's usurpation
Hugh the Great
Louis d'Outremer .
Feudal rebellions .
Death of Louis d'Outremer
Lothair and Otto II
The last Carolingian
Theories of kingship
Hugh Capet.
The king defends order and liberty
Royal impotence against the Northmen
Royal impotence against the Hungarians
The provinces provide their own defence
Rise of the great duchies
The March of Spain and Gothia
The Duchy of Aquitaine
Neustria and Flanders
The Duchy of Burgundy
The Duchy of Normandy
Break-up of the duchies
Neustria.
Burgundy
Disintegration
Influence of the bishops
.
ib.
82
85
ib.
87
88
89
90
91
ib.
93
94
95
ib.
96
97
ib.
CHAPTER V.
FRANCÉ IN THE ELEVENTH CENTURY.
By Professor Louis HALPHEN.
Accession of Hugh Capet
Elimination of the Carolingians
Struggle with the Papacy
Weakness of the Capetian monarchy
Death of Hugh Capet
Consolidation of the dynasty .
Energetic policy of Robert the Pious
99
100
101
102
103
104
105
.
C. MED. HIST. VOL. III
c
## p. xxvi (#32) ############################################
xxvi
Contents
Crisis at the death of Robert the Pious .
Growing independence of vassals
Growth of Anjou
Philip I
Philip and Normandy
Church policy of Philip
Philip's last years .
Precarious position of the first Capetians
Moral preponderance of the monarchy
Feudal disintegration in Anjou
Feudal anarchy in Normandy
The great fiefs: Flanders
Champagne and Blois
Burgundy
Anjou
A type of the great baron
Normandy
Brittany.
Aquitaine and Gascony
Languedoc
Moral preponderance of the higher clergy
Fulbert of Chartres
Ivo of Chartres
PAGE
107
108
ib.
110
111
113
114
115
116
118
120
121
123
ib.
125
o
ib.
127
128
ib.
130
131
ib.
132
CHAPTER VI.
THE KINGDOM OF BURGUNDY.
By Professor Louis HALPHEN.
A. THE KINGDOM OF BURGUNDY DOWN TO THE ANNEXATION OF THE
KINGDOM OF PROVENCE.
Rodolph I
Rodolph II
134
135
B. THE KINGDOM OF PROVENCE DOWN TO ITS ANNEXATION TO THE
KINGDOM OF BURGUNDY.
Boso of Provence .
Louis the Blind
Union of Provence with Burgundy
137
138
139
.
C. THE KINGDOM OF BURGUNDY AND ITS ANNEXATION TO THE EMPIRE.
The German Protectorate
140
The Count Otto-William
141
German intervention
142
The succession to Rodolph III
143
The rival claimants
ib.
Success of the Emperor Conrad II
145
Independence of great vassals
146
Later history
147
## p. xxvii (#33) ###########################################
Contents
xxvii
CHAPTER VII.
ITALY IN THE TENTH CENTURY.
By C. W. Previté-Orton, M. A. , Librarian and sometime
Fellow of St John's College.
PAGE
Hungarian victory at the Brenta
148
Berengar I and Louis III
149
South Italy and the Saracens
ib.
Victory of the Garigliano
151
Anarchy of North Italy
152
Rodolph II and Hugh of Provence
ib.
Alberic of Rome
154
Hugh's alliance with Byzantium
155
Relations with Burgundy and Germany
156
Fall of King Hugh
157
Berengar II .
158
First invasion of Otto the Great
159
The chronicler Liudprand
160
Pope John XII
161
Otto's second invasion
ib.
His imperial coronation
162
Subjugation of Rome and the Papacy
163
The Romano-Germanic Empire
164
The government of Italy
165
Otto's attempt to annex South Italy
166
Significance of Otto's reign
167
Otto II's failure in South Italy
168
Growth and danger of Venice
170
Rome and Italy during Otto III's minority
ib.
Otto III reduces Rome.
172
Schemes of Otto III
173
Social changes and troubles
174
Revolt of Ardoin of Ivrea
175
Revolt of the Romans
176
Death of Otto IIJ .
177
Revival and permanent division of Italy
ib.
.
.
.
CHAPTER VIII.
GERMANY: HENRY I AND OTTO THE GREAT.
By Austin LANE POOLE, M. A. , Fellow of St John's College, Oxford ;
Late Lecturer at Selwyn College, Cambridge.
Election of Henry I
179
Submission of Swabia and Bavaria .
180
Conquest of Lorraine
181
Hungarian invasion of Saxony
182
Defensive measures
183
Campaigns against the Wends
184
c2
## p. xxviii (#34) ##########################################
xxviii
Contents
.
O
Defeat of the Hungarians
Death of Henry I.
Coronation of Otto the Great
Bavarian revolt; risings in Franconia and Saxony.
The Rebellion of the Dukes in 939
Changes in the administration of the Duchies
War on the eastern frontier .
Otto's intervention in French affairs
Situation in Italy in 950
Liudolf's disaffection and rebellion
Hungarian invasion
Defeat of the Hungarians in the Lechfeld
Peace restored in Germany
Otto the Great as Emperor
Spread of Christianity in the North
Death of Otto the Great
PAGE
185
186
187
188
189
191
ib.
192
194
195
198
199
200
201
202
203
.
CHAPTER IX.
GERMANY: OTTO II AND OTTO III.
By Austin LANE POOLE, M. A.
Accession of Otto II
Bavarian revolts
The War of the Three Henries
Otto II and Lorraine
Revolt of the Slavs
Accession of Otto III
The Regency
War on the eastern frontier
Ambitions of Otto III
His failure and death
204
205
206
207
208
209
210
211
212
214
CHAPTER X.
THE EMPEROR HENRY II.
By Edwin H. HOLTHOUSE, M. A. , late of Trinity College, Cambridge.
Rival candidates
215
Recognition of Henry II
217
His earlier life and character
218
Revolt of Lombardy
220
Boleslav of Poland
222
Bohemia; the Babenbergs
223
Henry's first expedition to Italy
224
Recovery of Bohemia
225
Polish hostilities
226
## p. xxix (#35) ############################################
Contents
xxix
.
.
.
O
Troubles on the West
Loss of Lausitz
Crystallisation of fiefs
Lessening resources of the Crown .
The Church as an instrument of order
The Bishops.
Protectorship of the Church
Reform of monasteries.
Foundation of the see of Bamberg .
War with the Luxemourgers
Fresh war with Poland .
Civil wars in Lombardy
Henry's second expedition to Italy
His coronation as Emperor
Pacification of Lombardy
Peace with Poland
Expedition to Burgundy
Turmoil in Lorraine
Wendish and Saxon troubles.
Benedict VIII in Germany
Henry's third expedition to Italy
Death of Henry
PAGE
227
228
229
230
231
232
235
236
237
238
239
240
241
243
246
247
248
ib.
249
250
251
252
CHAPTER XI.
THE EMPEROR CONRAD II.
By Austin LANE POOLE, M. A.
however, the Papacy had undergone one almost prophetic change, which
looked forward to Leo IX, while recalling Nicholas I. For a time under
Gregory V (996-999), cousin and chaplain to the Emperor, the first
German Pope, it had ceased to be purely Roman, in interests as in ruler.
It took up once again its old missionary enterprise and care for distant
lands. St Adalbert of Prague, who both as missionary and bishop
typified the unrest of his day, wavering between adventurous activity
and monastic meditation, had come to Rome and was spending some
time in a monastery. He was a Bohemian by birth and had become the
second bishop of Prague (983): besides working there he had taken part
in the conversion of Hungary, and is said to have baptized its great king
## p. xvii (#23) ############################################
Introduction
xvii
St Stephen. Commands from the Pope and Willigis of Mayence sent him
back to his see, but renewed wanderings brought him a martyr's death in
Prussia. He had also visited Poland and there, at Gnesen, he was buried.
Such a career reminds us of St Boniface, but there is a distinction between
the two to be noted. Boniface had always worked with the Frankish
rulers, and had depended greatly upon their help. Adalbert, on the
other hand, looked far more to Rome. Pope, German rulers, and even
German bishops like Pilgrim of Passau, had independent or even contra-
dictory plans of large organisation. In Bohemia, Hungary, and Poland,
the tenth century saw the beginning of national churches, looking to the
Papacy rather than to German kings. Thus were brought about later
complications in politics, Imperial and national, which were to be im-
portant both for general history and for the growth of Papal power.
But although Gregory was thus able to leave his mark on distant lands,
and to legislate for the churches of Germany and France, he could not
maintain himself in Rome itself: he was driven from the city (996), faced
by an anti-Pope John XVI (who has caused confusion in the Papal lists),
and was only restored by the Emperor for one short year of life and rule
before Gerbert succeeded him. The strength of the Papacy lay in its
great traditions and its distant control : its weakness came from factions
at Rome.
Gerbert, born in Auvergne, a monk at Aurillac, a scholar in Spain, at
Rheims added philosophy to his great skill in mathematics. As Abbot of
Bobbio he had unhappy experiences. For a time, through the favour of
Hugh Capet, he held the Archbishopric of Rheims, where he learnt the
strong local feeling of the French episcopate, in which his great predecessor
Hincmar had shared. Otto the Great admired his abilities: Otto II sent
him to Bobbio: Otto III, his devoted pupil, made him Archbishop of
Ravenna (998) and, a year later, Pope. Moulded in many lands, illus-
trating uniquely the unity of Western Christendom, the foremost thinker
of the day, yet on the Papacy he left no mark answering to his great
personality.
Not even insignificant Popes and civic strife lessened Papal power
as might have been supposed. Benedict VIII (1012-1024) came to
the throne after a struggle with the Crescentii: his father, Count
Gregory, of the Tusculan family, had been praefectus navalis under
Otto III, and had done much for the fortification of the city against the
Saracens who had once so greatly harassed John VIII (872–882). Benedict
himself was dependent upon the Emperor for help against Byzantines,
Saracens and factions in Rome itself. He could not be called a Pope of
spiritual influence, but he was an astute politician, and under him the
a
a
## p. xviii (#24) ###########################################
xviii
Introduction
!
ti
1
Papacy not only exercised without question its official power but also
moved a little in the direction of church reform. As a ruler with activity
and energy in days of darkness and degradation, he regained for the
Papacy something of the old international position.
This administrative tradition in papal Rome is often hidden beneath
the personal energy of the greater Popes and the growing strength
gradually gained by the conception of the Papacy as a whole. Already
we can see the effect of the union with the Empire, and of the entangle-
ment with political, and especially with Imperial, interests, upon
which
so much of later history was to turn. Already we can see the growing
influence of Canon Law, beginning, it must be remembered, in outlying
fields, and then slowly centring in Rome itself. The letters of Hincmar,
.
for instance, shew great knowledge of the older law, a constant reference
to it and a grasp of its principles. The rapid spread of the False De-
cretals, in themselves an expression of existing tendencies rather than an
impulse producing them, shew us the system in process of growth. Their
rapid circulation would have been impossible had they not fitted in with
the needs and aspirations of the age. They embodied the idea of the
Church's independence, and indeed of its moral sovereignty, two concep-
tions which, when the ecclesiastical and civil powers worked in alliance,
helped to mould the Christian West into a coherent society, firmly settled
in its older seats and also conquering newer lands. But when in a later
day the two powers came to clash, the same conceptions made the strife
more acute and carried it from the sphere of action into the region of
political literature.
One significant feature of this age of preparation demands special
notice. St Boniface, when he laid the foundation of Church organisation
in the Teutonic lands, had built up a coherent and united Episcopate.
Joined to older elements of ecclesiastical life, it became, under the weaker
Carolingians, strong enough to attempt control of the crown itself. Be-
fore the Papacy could establish its own dominion, it had to subjugate
the Bishops: before it could reform the Church and mould the world
after its own conceptions, it had further to reform an Episcopate, which,
if still powerful, had grown corrupt. Constantine had sought the alliance
of the Church for the welfare of the Empire because it was strong and
united, and both its strength and unity were based upon the Episcopate.
The Teutonic Emperors did the same for the same reasons, and now this
Episcopate had to reconcile for itself conflicting relations with Empire
and Papacy. And in establishing its complete control of the Bishops
the Papacy touched and shook not only the kingly power but the lower
and more local parts of a complicated political system.
## p. xix (#25) #############################################
Introduction
xix
>
-
Those results, however, belong to a later volume. For the present
we are in the period of formation, watching processes mostly beneath the
surface and sometimes tending towards, if not actually in, opposition
among themselves. Thus, the Imperial protection of the Church, working
superficially for its strength, tended, as a secondary result, to weaken and
secularise it, and therefore in the end, to produce a reaction. And, when
it came, that reaction was caused as much by the inner history of the
leading nations as by the central power of Rome and the Papacy itself.
.
It was one side of the complicated processes which, in the period dealt
with here, moulded the Age of Feudalism.
It is well to recall the words of Maitland about Feudalism (Domesday
Book and beyond, pp. 223-5). “If we use the term in this wide sense
223–5
,
then (the barbarian conquests being given us as an unalterable fact)
feudalism means civilisation, the separation of employments, the division
of labour, the possibility of national defence, the possibility of art, science,
literature and learned leisure ; the cathedral, the scriptorium, the library,
are as truly the work of feudalism as is the baronial castle. When
therefore, we speak, as we shall have to speak, of forces which make for
the subjection of peasantry to seignorial justice and which substitute the
manor with its villeins for the free village, we shall—so at least it seems
to us—be speaking not of abnormal forces, not of retrogression, not of
disease, but in the main of normal and healthy growth. Far from us
indeed is the cheerful optimism which refuses to see that the process of
civilisation is often a cruel process; but the England of the eleventh
century is nearer to the England of the nineteenth than is the England
of the seventh, nearer by just four hundred years. ” And again he says:
“Now, no doubt, from one point of view, namely that of universal history,
we do see confusion and retrogression. Ideal possessions which have
.
been won for mankind by the thought of Roman lawyers are lost for a
long while and must be recovered painfully. ” And “it must be ad-
mitted that somehow or another a retrogression takes place, that the
best legal ideas of the ninth and tenth centuries are not so good, so
modern, as those of the third and fourth. ” Historians, he points out,
often begin at the wrong end and start with the earlier centuries, and
yet “if they began with the eleventh century and thence turned to the
earlier time', they might come to another opinion, to the opinion that in
the beginning all was very vague, and that such clearness and precision
as legal thought has attained in the days of the Norman Conquest has
been very gradually attained and is chiefly due to the influence which the
1 Maitland here refers to the Barbarian ideas and institutions, say from the
seventh century onwards.
## p. xx (#26) ##############################################
XX
Introduction
a
:
old heathen world working through the Roman church has exercised upon
the new.
The process that is started when barbarism is brought into
contact with civilisation is not simple. ”
Here the great historian is speaking mainly of legal ideas and legal
history which he taught us to understand. In a wider than a legal sense,
it is the same process which this volume tries to trace and sketch. The
steps and details of the process are to be read in the chapter on Feudalism
and in the chapters on England. But once again it is here the preparatory
stages with which we deal: the full process in English history, for instance,
belongs to a later volume where William the Conqueror and his Domes-
day Book give us firmer ground for a new starting-point. But if it is
more difficult, it is as essential, to study the stages of the more elusive
preparation. It is the meeting-ground of old and new: the history in
which the new, with toil and effort, with discipline and suffering, grows
stronger and richer as it masters the old and is mastered by it.
In these centuries, even more than in others, it is chiefly of kings, of
battles and great events, or of purely technical things like legal grants or
taxes, of which alone we can speak, because it is of them we are mostly
told. We know but little of the general life of the multitude on its social
and economic side. For that we must argue back from later conditions,
checked by the scanty facts we have. Large local variations were more
acute: economic differences between the great trading cities of the Rhine-
land and the neighbouring agricultural lands around Mayence, or again
the differences between the east and west of the German realm, had
greater political significance than they would have to-day. Contrasts
always quicken the flow of commerce and the tide of thought : travel
brought with it greater awakening then than now. Hence thought
moved most quickly along the lines of trade, which were, for the most
part, those of Roman rather than of later medieval days. We know
something of the depopulation due to wars, and of the misery due to
unchecked local tyranny, which drove men to welcome any fixity of rule
and to respect any precedent even if severe and rough. The same causes
made it easier for moral and religious laws to hold a stricter sway, even
if they were often disregarded by passion or caprice. Under the working
of all these forces a more settled life was slowly growing up, although
with many drawbacks and frequent retrogressions.
Under such conditions men were little ready to question anything
that made for fixity and peace. The reign of law, the control of prin-
ciples, were welcome, because they gave relief from the tumultuous
barbarism and violence that reigned around. The past had its legend
of peace: therefore men turned to memories of Roman law and of a rule
## p. xxi (#27) #############################################
Introduction
xxi
supposed to be stable: thus, too, we may explain the eager study of old
ecclesiastical legislation and the ready acceptance of Papal jurisdiction,
even when it was in conflict with local freedom. The future, on the other
hand, seemed full of dread, so men preferred precedent to revolution. In
a world abounding in contrasts and fearful of surprise, strong men trained
in a hard school were able to shape their own path and to lead others
with them. So dynasties, like precedents, had peculiar value. And
moreover from simple fear and pressing need, men were driven closer
together into towns and little villages capable of some defence. In
England some towns appear first, and others grow larger, under the
influence of the Danes: in France it is the time of the villes neuves ;
Italy was thickly sown with castelli, around which houses clustered; in
Germany, Nuremberg and Weissenburg, Rothenburg on the Taube with
other towns are mentioned for the first time now: it was a period of civic
growth in its beginnings. Socially too men were drawn into associations
with common interests and fellowship of various kinds, beginning another
great chapter of economic history. Thus in these centuries men were
beginning to realise, first in tendency and afterwards in process, the
power and attraction of the corporate life. This was to be, in later
centuries, one great feature of medieval society. The old tie of kinship,
with its resulting blood-feuds, was already weakening under the two
solvents of Christianity and of more settled local seats. The attempt to
combine in one society conflicting personal laws, Roman or barbarian at
the choice of individuals (expressed, for instance, in the Constitutio Romana
of Lothar in 824) was causing chaos. Hence, in our centuries, society was
seeking for a more stable foundation, and out of disorder comparative
order arose. Dynasties, precedents, traditions, and fellowships for pro-
tection and mutual help had already begun to shape the medieval world
as we shall see it later in active work.
This general view gives significance to the constitutional and eccle-
siastical side of the history, but it gives it perhaps even more to the
history of education, of learning and of art. The new races brought
new strength, and were to make great histories of their own.
see in our period how nearly all that brought high interests and ideals,
nearly all that made for beauty and for richness of life, came from the
old, although it was grasped with new strength and slowly worked out
into a many-sided life beneath the pressure of new conditions. We
have moved in a time of preparation, guided by the past but neverthe-
less working out a great and orderly life of its own.
But we
## p. xxii (#28) ############################################
xxii
CORRIGENDA,
VOL. II.
p. 279, par. 2, l. 4. For Kusistan read Khuzistan.
p. 369. For Zubair read Zuhair throughout except 'Abdallāh ibn Zubair.
p. 395, 11. 33 ff. The troops which became the theme of Obsequium were not the
palatine troops, but that portion of the scholae (imperial guards) which was
quartered in Asia.
p. 396, last line but one. For retreated read returned.
p. 402, 1. 36. For Eugenius read Martin, and dele note. Maximus was arrested in
653 (E. H. R. xxxi, 1916, p. 147).
p. 405, 11. 27 ff. The mutiny was not in 670, but in 681-2 after the two junior
prin s' deposition (E. H. R. xxx, 1915, p. 42).
p. 406. For 11. 8–11 read At the beginning of September 685 Constantine died of
dyse „tery and was succeeded by Justinian (E. H. R. xxx, 1915, pp. 50-51).
p. 525, 1. 2 from end. For Aethelreda read Aetheldreda.
p. 534, 1. 3. For Emmeran read Emmeram.
p. 541, 1. 12. For 752 read 751.
p. 715, last line (Gen. Bibl. ). For 1808 read 1908. New edn. 1915.
p. 791 (Bibl. Chap. xvi (A) $ 2, Plummer, A. For Library of Patristic Theology
read Library of Historic Theology.
p. 799 (Bibl. Chap. xvii), l. 4 from end. For Ibid. read TRHS.
p. 819 (Chronological Table). Under 636 omit “Issue of the Ekthesis," and insert it
under 638.
CORRECTIONS TO INDEX. VOL. II.
p. 822, col. 1, 11. 9-12. Read 'Abbās, son of Walid, military successes of, 412, 414 sq-
p. 825, col. 2. Under Amorium, for “ 396; . . . ib. ;" read taken by Arabs, 396;
recovered, 397;
p. 826, col. 2. After Anşār, the, insert 313.
Ibid. Under Antioch, dele 407.
p. 852, col. 2, 1. 6 from end.
For Heraclius, son of the emperor, read Heraclius II.
p. 853, col. 1. For the two entries Hijaz read Hijaz, province, 334; opposes Yazid, 359.
p. 853, col. 2. Hishām, Caliph and Hisham, son of 'Abd-al-Malik are the same person.
p. 858, col. 2. For Kusistan read Khuzistan.
p. 868, col. 1. Othman, Caliph and Othman ibn 'Affan are the same person.
p. 871, col. 2. In list of Popes insert Donus.
p. 873, col. 1. Under Reggio, omit (Rhegium) and Maximus at, 403;
Ibid. Under Rhegium, omit “see Reggio,” and insert Maximus at, 403.
p. 874, col. 2. Insert Romuald, Duke of Benevento, 394.
p. 880, col. 1. Stephen, archimandrite and Stephen, pupil of Macarius are the same
person.
p. 881, col. 2. Taranda, 294 and Taranta. . . , 412 are the same place.
p. 889, col. 2. For Zubair ibn ķais read Zuhair ibn Kais.
VOL. III.
p. 155, 1. 3 from end. For nephew Berengar read nephew-in-law Berengar.
p. 189, 1. 3 from end. For Arnulf, Count of Flanders read Arnold I, Count of
Flanders.
p 278, 1. 2. For Aldstedt read Allstedt.
p. 319, 1. 20. For Aella read Aelle.
## p. xxiii (#29) ###########################################
xxiii
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
INTRODUCTION.
By J. P. WHITNEY, D. D.
PAGE
viii
CHAPTER I.
LOUIS THE PIOUS.
OOT HA CON
3
4
5
6
.
By RéNÉ POUPARDIN, Professor in the Ecole pratique des
hautes études of Paris.
Accession of Louis the Pious
First measures
Division of territory
Empire and Papacy
Constitutio Romana
Neighbours of the Empire
Eastern frontiers
The Saracens
The Bretons
Divisio Imperii
Revolt of Bernard of Italy
Penance of Attigny
Judith
Family disunion ; Pepin's revolt
Disloyalty of Lothar
Revolt of Louis the German
Provisions for Charles the Bald
The Field of Lies .
Restoration of Louis the Pious
Submission of Lothar
Death of Pepin of Aquitaine
Death of Louis the Pious
8
ib.
9
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
CHAPTER II.
23
THE CAROLINGIAN KINGDOMS (840–877).
By Professor Réné POUPARDIN.
Accession of Lothar
Battle of Fontenoy
Oath of Strasbourg
Treaty of Verdun .
The Empire breaking up
The System of Concord
Conflicts and invasions
24
25
26
28
30
31
## p. xxiv (#30) ############################################
xxiv
Contents
PAGE
32
ib.
34
.
35
36
38
40
41
42
44
阳办旺的昭昭如H归
Weakness of the Concord
Affairs of Aquitaine and Brittany
Death of the Emperor Lothar
Growing disorder in the Western Kingdom
Fraternal quarrels
The divorce of Lothar II
Charles the Bald and his ambitions
Death of Charles of Provence
Triumph of Pope Nicholas I .
Death of Lothar II
Contest for Lorraine
Partition of Meersen
Reign of the Emperor Louis II in Italy
:
Italian vassals
The Saracens sack St Peter's .
Pope John VIII
Imperial coronation of Charles the Bald
Death of Louis the German
Assembly of Quierzy
Death of Charles the Bald
45
.
ib.
46
47
49
50
51
ib.
53
54
CHAPTER III.
THE CAROLINGIAN KINGDOMS (877—918).
By Professor RÉNÉ POUPARDIN.
.
Louis the Stammerer King of the West-Franks
Boso King of Provence .
Charles the Fat in Rome
The Northmen
Union under Charles the Fat
Siege of Paris
Deposition of Charles the Fat
Final division of the Empire .
Arnulf .
Italian rivals.
The Formosan troubles at Rome
Death of Arnulf
Death of Louis the Child
Conrad I of Germany; the great Duchies
55
57
58
59
ib.
61
62
ib,
64
ib
66
68
69
ib.
.
## p. xxv (#31) #############################################
Contents
XXV
CHAPTER IV.
FRANCE, THE LAST CAROLINGIANS AND THE ACCESSION
OF HUGH CAPET (888—987).
By Louis HALPHEN, Professor in the University of Bordeaux.
PAGE
71
៩៨៨៩ ៨៩៨
.
80
81
Accession of Odo.
Carolingian Restoration
Charles the Simple in Lorraine
Raoul's usurpation
Hugh the Great
Louis d'Outremer .
Feudal rebellions .
Death of Louis d'Outremer
Lothair and Otto II
The last Carolingian
Theories of kingship
Hugh Capet.
The king defends order and liberty
Royal impotence against the Northmen
Royal impotence against the Hungarians
The provinces provide their own defence
Rise of the great duchies
The March of Spain and Gothia
The Duchy of Aquitaine
Neustria and Flanders
The Duchy of Burgundy
The Duchy of Normandy
Break-up of the duchies
Neustria.
Burgundy
Disintegration
Influence of the bishops
.
ib.
82
85
ib.
87
88
89
90
91
ib.
93
94
95
ib.
96
97
ib.
CHAPTER V.
FRANCÉ IN THE ELEVENTH CENTURY.
By Professor Louis HALPHEN.
Accession of Hugh Capet
Elimination of the Carolingians
Struggle with the Papacy
Weakness of the Capetian monarchy
Death of Hugh Capet
Consolidation of the dynasty .
Energetic policy of Robert the Pious
99
100
101
102
103
104
105
.
C. MED. HIST. VOL. III
c
## p. xxvi (#32) ############################################
xxvi
Contents
Crisis at the death of Robert the Pious .
Growing independence of vassals
Growth of Anjou
Philip I
Philip and Normandy
Church policy of Philip
Philip's last years .
Precarious position of the first Capetians
Moral preponderance of the monarchy
Feudal disintegration in Anjou
Feudal anarchy in Normandy
The great fiefs: Flanders
Champagne and Blois
Burgundy
Anjou
A type of the great baron
Normandy
Brittany.
Aquitaine and Gascony
Languedoc
Moral preponderance of the higher clergy
Fulbert of Chartres
Ivo of Chartres
PAGE
107
108
ib.
110
111
113
114
115
116
118
120
121
123
ib.
125
o
ib.
127
128
ib.
130
131
ib.
132
CHAPTER VI.
THE KINGDOM OF BURGUNDY.
By Professor Louis HALPHEN.
A. THE KINGDOM OF BURGUNDY DOWN TO THE ANNEXATION OF THE
KINGDOM OF PROVENCE.
Rodolph I
Rodolph II
134
135
B. THE KINGDOM OF PROVENCE DOWN TO ITS ANNEXATION TO THE
KINGDOM OF BURGUNDY.
Boso of Provence .
Louis the Blind
Union of Provence with Burgundy
137
138
139
.
C. THE KINGDOM OF BURGUNDY AND ITS ANNEXATION TO THE EMPIRE.
The German Protectorate
140
The Count Otto-William
141
German intervention
142
The succession to Rodolph III
143
The rival claimants
ib.
Success of the Emperor Conrad II
145
Independence of great vassals
146
Later history
147
## p. xxvii (#33) ###########################################
Contents
xxvii
CHAPTER VII.
ITALY IN THE TENTH CENTURY.
By C. W. Previté-Orton, M. A. , Librarian and sometime
Fellow of St John's College.
PAGE
Hungarian victory at the Brenta
148
Berengar I and Louis III
149
South Italy and the Saracens
ib.
Victory of the Garigliano
151
Anarchy of North Italy
152
Rodolph II and Hugh of Provence
ib.
Alberic of Rome
154
Hugh's alliance with Byzantium
155
Relations with Burgundy and Germany
156
Fall of King Hugh
157
Berengar II .
158
First invasion of Otto the Great
159
The chronicler Liudprand
160
Pope John XII
161
Otto's second invasion
ib.
His imperial coronation
162
Subjugation of Rome and the Papacy
163
The Romano-Germanic Empire
164
The government of Italy
165
Otto's attempt to annex South Italy
166
Significance of Otto's reign
167
Otto II's failure in South Italy
168
Growth and danger of Venice
170
Rome and Italy during Otto III's minority
ib.
Otto III reduces Rome.
172
Schemes of Otto III
173
Social changes and troubles
174
Revolt of Ardoin of Ivrea
175
Revolt of the Romans
176
Death of Otto IIJ .
177
Revival and permanent division of Italy
ib.
.
.
.
CHAPTER VIII.
GERMANY: HENRY I AND OTTO THE GREAT.
By Austin LANE POOLE, M. A. , Fellow of St John's College, Oxford ;
Late Lecturer at Selwyn College, Cambridge.
Election of Henry I
179
Submission of Swabia and Bavaria .
180
Conquest of Lorraine
181
Hungarian invasion of Saxony
182
Defensive measures
183
Campaigns against the Wends
184
c2
## p. xxviii (#34) ##########################################
xxviii
Contents
.
O
Defeat of the Hungarians
Death of Henry I.
Coronation of Otto the Great
Bavarian revolt; risings in Franconia and Saxony.
The Rebellion of the Dukes in 939
Changes in the administration of the Duchies
War on the eastern frontier .
Otto's intervention in French affairs
Situation in Italy in 950
Liudolf's disaffection and rebellion
Hungarian invasion
Defeat of the Hungarians in the Lechfeld
Peace restored in Germany
Otto the Great as Emperor
Spread of Christianity in the North
Death of Otto the Great
PAGE
185
186
187
188
189
191
ib.
192
194
195
198
199
200
201
202
203
.
CHAPTER IX.
GERMANY: OTTO II AND OTTO III.
By Austin LANE POOLE, M. A.
Accession of Otto II
Bavarian revolts
The War of the Three Henries
Otto II and Lorraine
Revolt of the Slavs
Accession of Otto III
The Regency
War on the eastern frontier
Ambitions of Otto III
His failure and death
204
205
206
207
208
209
210
211
212
214
CHAPTER X.
THE EMPEROR HENRY II.
By Edwin H. HOLTHOUSE, M. A. , late of Trinity College, Cambridge.
Rival candidates
215
Recognition of Henry II
217
His earlier life and character
218
Revolt of Lombardy
220
Boleslav of Poland
222
Bohemia; the Babenbergs
223
Henry's first expedition to Italy
224
Recovery of Bohemia
225
Polish hostilities
226
## p. xxix (#35) ############################################
Contents
xxix
.
.
.
O
Troubles on the West
Loss of Lausitz
Crystallisation of fiefs
Lessening resources of the Crown .
The Church as an instrument of order
The Bishops.
Protectorship of the Church
Reform of monasteries.
Foundation of the see of Bamberg .
War with the Luxemourgers
Fresh war with Poland .
Civil wars in Lombardy
Henry's second expedition to Italy
His coronation as Emperor
Pacification of Lombardy
Peace with Poland
Expedition to Burgundy
Turmoil in Lorraine
Wendish and Saxon troubles.
Benedict VIII in Germany
Henry's third expedition to Italy
Death of Henry
PAGE
227
228
229
230
231
232
235
236
237
238
239
240
241
243
246
247
248
ib.
249
250
251
252
CHAPTER XI.
THE EMPEROR CONRAD II.
By Austin LANE POOLE, M. A.
