He merely reveals to us what
everyone
has felt,
or may feel any day.
or may feel any day.
Cambridge History of English Literature - 1908 - v11
The gray tints
of mistrust slowly overlaid the glowing enthusiasms of yore. It
is true that Wordsworth's feelings were roused, chiefly by the
Spanish war, to a patriotic fervour that found expression in many
a vigorous sonnet and even turned him into a pamphleteer. His
eloquent and ponderous Convention of Cintra (1809) shows the
fighting spirit that was in him. But it had the inconvenience of
leading him from verse to prose, from poetry to dialectics, and
thus generated an oratorical habit that was to infect many parts
of his Excursion.
Then, in his very home, there happened changes that, whether
fortunate or sad, impressed on his soul new habits and tendencies.
As early as 1802, he bad married a Westmorland girl, Mary
Hutchinson, in whom he found one of the greatest blessings of his
life. The quieting influence of this meek Mary, by degrees, though
not at once, was added to, or even took the place of, the more
impulsive and exciting companionship of Dorothy. Mrs Words-
worth's nature told for submission and repose. Besides, the mere
fact of his being married checked gradually, though it did not
suppress altogether, what might be called the guiltless Bohemianism
of his youth. The duties and cares of the father of a large family
grew upon him. Five children were born to the pair between 1803
and 1810, two of whom were to die almost simultaneously in 1812.
As early as 1806, the increase of his family had led to a temporary,
then to a definitive, abandonment of the narrow Dove cottage, to
which clung many of his most poetical memories.
Before robbing him of two of his children, death had already
struck Wordsworth a blow that went near his heart, one that ever
after saddened his life—the loss of his brother John, a sailor ship-
wrecked in February 1805. How deeply he was affected by it is
known, not only by his poems, but from the letters of the Grasmere
household and the journal of Dorothy. There was another cause
of grievous sorrow in the state of the brother of his soul,
## p. 104 (#126) ############################################
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William Wordsworth
[CH.
Coleridge, now a prey to opium and drink, whose growing distress
of body and mind was, for years, a depressing, heartrending sight
for his friend, and whose endless idle laments haunted Wordsworth's
sleep as well as his waking thoughts. Whether absent or present,
Coleridge had become an increasing source of anxiety to Words-
worth. Wordsworth's infinite patience and forbearance, in these
circumstances, cannot be too highly praised. But nothing availed.
The friends had to part in 1810, Coleridge betaking himself to
London. More painful than all the rest, Coleridge, in one of his
irresponsible moods, turned in anger against Wordsworth. An
estrangement followed which was never wholly healed, and which
left a lifelong scar in Wordsworth's heart.
Yet, the change in Wordsworth's poetry had still deeper causes
than all these. Though he had little of Coleridge's self-abandon-
ment, he could not help feeling a decay of his strictly poetical
powers—of that imagination and joy on which, till then, he had
erected the structure of his verse. When Coleridge had written
his ode Dejection in 1802, Wordsworth could immediately re-
tort with his optimistic Leech-Gatherer. But, now, he, also, felt
the wane of his 'shaping spirit of imagination. ' The earth no
longer offered him the splendour it had for him in his youth. A
glory had departed from the earth. He had, very early, felt the
fading of that glory, but had long checked the onset of the un-
imaginative years to come by fondly dwelling on the memories of his
childhood. In 1805, he had so copiously drawn from the treasure-
house for his Prelude that the store was becoming exhausted. He
understood the meaning of the depression of his vital spirits : he
was travelling further away from the springs of energy, drawing
nearer to old age and death. This is a sad thought to all
men-it was doubly so to him who had rested all his faith
on the freshness of the senses and feelings, and on their glad-
some guidance.
In want of comfort, he turned to duty. Wordsworth’s Ode to
Duty (1805), produced at the turning-point of his career, is full of
import and significance. It throws a light both on the years that
went before and on those that were to follow. It also reveals an
aspect of the poet's nature not usually apparent. It is common to
speak of him as one of the teachers of duty, and to refer to this
ode (or to its title) as a proof. Now, he distinctly resigns himself
to the control of duty because, at his time of life, a man can do
no better. He abjures with regret the faith that, till then, had
been his and in which duty had no place, the dear belief that joy
## p. 105 (#127) ############################################
v]
Ode to Duty
105
6
6
and love can guide man to all good—or, rather, he does not
renounce it, but still mutters a hope that better days may come
when, joy and love reigning supreme, duty can be dispensed with.
As for himself, he would still cling to the same creed if he preserved
spirit enough to bear the shocks of change and enjoy his ‘un-
chartered freedom. ' He retires into the arms of duty as a weary
warrior of old might end bis days in the quiet shelter of a
monastery He still feels an uncertain convert: Thee I now
would serve more strictly, if I may. The 'stern lawgiver,' at first
sight, inspires him with more fear than love. He only reconciles
himself with the awful Power' when he has realised that duty
wears a smile on her face, that she is beautiful, that, after all, she
may be identical with love and joy:
Flowers laugh before thee on their beds,
And fragrance in thy footing treads;
Thou dost preserve the Stars from wrong,
And the most ancient Heavens through thee are fresh and strong.
a noble stanza, the loftiest of a poem signalised by the almost
plaintive appeal that is heard throughout and by the longing,
lingering look cast behind.
The Ode to Duty seems to have been written just before the
death of his brother John. He expressly says that he is still
'untried,' and moved by 'no disturbance of soul. ' When the trial
came that darkened the world for him, Wordsworth made it his
chief task to struggle against grief. He resolutely bade farewell
to the heart that lives alone, housed in a dream. ' He welcomed
'fortitude and patient cheer. He called his former creed an
illusion. His themes now, more exclusively than before, will be
the sorrows and tragedies of life. But he must find 'blessed con-
solations in distress. ' He must tell of 'melancholy Fear subdued by
Faith. ' The consequence is that his exploration of human woes
will, henceforth, be guarded and cautious. He now lacks the bold
spirit of youth that can haunt the worst infected places without
giving a thought to the danger of contagion. He is the depressed
visitor of the sick, who must needs beware, and be provided with
preservatives. He could no longer offer such harrowing pictures
of misery as those to be found in his Ruined Cottage or even (in spite
of the abrupt conclusion) in his admirable Michael (1800). His
diminished vitality makes it necessary for him to ward off dejection.
Argument is the process used at wearisome length in The
Excursion. This noble poem may be described as a long sermon
against pessimism, scarcely disguised by a story. Though different
## p. 106 (#128) ############################################
106
[CH.
William Wordsworth
speakers are introduced, their speeches are mere ventriloquism.
Wordsworth, as the optimistic Pedlar, or Wanderer, assails Words-
worth as the Solitary, or the late enthusiast of the French revolution,
now dispirited. He uses all his eloquence to raise this other self to
his own serene mood. The Excursion too often reminds us of the
debates between God and Satan at one time set forth in churches
for the edification of the people, the rule being that Satan should
have the worst of the controversy. It is the same with Wordsworth's
Solitary, who is presented to us in unfavourable colours ; his
morals are not of the best. And, when he vents his misanthropy,
he does not seem to be quite so fearless. cogent and impressive an
exponent of his own views as he might have been. We cannot
help thinking that, if the author of Cain had been entrusted
with the part, he would have made it many times more telling.
The worthy pedlar's triumph would not have been so easily
achieved.
The other manner in which Wordsworth now fought against
grief is illustrated by his White Doe of Rylstone (1807). In this
poem, he renounced argument and called imagination to his
aid. He found his subject in the romantic past, in an old tale of
war and bloodshed, the tragedy of a catholic rebel killed with all
his sons in a revolt against queen Elizabeth. Only one daughter
survived, Emily, who, many years after pillage and ruin had passed
over the paternal estate, drew comfort from the visitings of a
white doe bred by her in her happy days. The doe is a symbol of
the past, the lovely phantom of buried memories. Her first
apparition gives the lady 'one frail shock of pain’; but the pain
soon passes into a holy, mild and grateful melancholy,
Not sunless gloom or unenlightened,
But by tender fancies brightened.
The awful tragedy has thus been transformed by length of time
and strength of habit into something both beautiful and sweet.
This is as it should be with the deepest of human woes.
This graceful symbol makes the end of the poem one of the
most lovely passages in Wordsworth's poetry. Yet the poem, as a
whole, is languid, and even the moral impression is felt to be less
convincing than it might have been. The reason is that the poet
never dares courageously to cope with despair. He can paint
with free energy neither the fate of the rebels, the clang of arms
and shocks of death, nor even the pangs and sorrows of Emily.
During the battle which is to end in the death of her father
and brothers, she, represented as a protestant in a catholic
## p. 107 (#129) ############################################
v]
Laodamia
107
6
family, is seen awaiting the issue without even daring to express
a wish for either side. When an old man offers to secure a hiding-
place for her kindred if vanquished, she declines the offer and
declares herself with her condition satisfied. Later, before she
has seen the white doe, she must already have found springs of
comfort, for she is strangely said to be “sustained by memory of
the past. Such reticence in the picture of desolation much
enfeebles the effect of the poem.
How much more striking it
would have been if it had begun with dark, valiant scenes of tragic
fate; if Emily's despair had been made so evident that we should
feel for her the want of supernatural comfort, the necessity of the
coming in of the white doe!
Wordsworth, in this period, often defeats his own object by
refusing to describe the power of evil or woe to the full. He stirs
a protest in the reader's mind, incites him to complete the half-
drawn picture of misery. Or else, the strain of his muscles in the
fight against grief, his repeated assaults and his tricks to elude the
grasp of the great adversary, often leave the reader more distressed
than he would be by open pessimistic outpourings. Indeed, the
greatness of Wordsworth, in these years, lies in his stubborn refusal
to confess himself overcome. There is pathos in his optimism, as
in the sight of a strong man that will not weep though timely tears
might do him good. His stoic poem Laodamia (1814) is a proof of
this. The Olympian serenity advocated in it makes us feel-and
painfully feel—the distance between the summit where gods dwell
and the lower ground inhabited by men. Well for the gods to
disprove “the tumult of the soul! ' Well for the Elysian fields to
be a place where there are
No fears to beat away-no strife to heal-
The past unsighed for, and the future sure !
>
But poor Laodamia is merely human and lives on this earth of
ours. She cannot ‘meekly mourn' for her lost hero. She dies of
a broken heart, and it seems hard that she should be punished for
it as for meditated suicide.
Is this the conclusion of optimism ? How hard, inhuman and,
one might add, despairing! The poem is great and pathetic,
because Wordsworth, all the time, sympathises with Laodamia,
feels for her tender weakness, is at heart more like her than like
the heroic, dishumanised Protesilaus. But it can scarcely be called
a comforting poem. The same might be said of the other verse
of this period in which Wordsworth insists on proclaiming both
## p. 108 (#130) ############################################
108
[CH.
William Wordsworth
the grandeur and difficulty of hopefulness, when, for instance,
he calls hope
The paramount duty that Heaven lays
For its own honour on man's suffering heart.
We perceive how lofty is the peak—and, also, how hard the climbing.
>
The rest of Wordsworth's career (1814—50) adds compara-
tively little to his best verse. No works of magnitude are to be
found in it, the most considerable being collected memorials of
one or other of the many tours he made either in the British Isles
or on the continent, or series of sonnets, like The River Duddon
(1820) and Ecclesiastical Sonnets (1822). Though several of these
sonnets or short pieces are as exquisite as any in the former
volumes, these gems are now far between, and no new departure
is perceptible. The days of original thought and spontaneous
creation are over. Perhaps the most lyrical burst of the period is
the poem entitled Composed upon an Evening of extraordinary
splendour and beauty, in 1818, which breathes his former enthusiasm
for the aspects of nature; yet it is to be noticed that an “ex-
traordinary' magnificence is now needed to revive youthful
ecstasies that used to feed on what was common in the beauty
of things. The character of his later verse is other than this.
Scandalised by the fame of Byron and the success of the new
cynical and pessimistic poetry, Wordsworth exaggerates his own
sermonising tendencies. There is now a fixed and rigid attitude,
a sort of optimistic trick, in the poems which extol the minute
joys of life and endeavour to tone down its sorrows. He does
his best to convert himself to Anglicanism, which, however, he
celebrates with more copiousness than real warmth. His Eccle-
siastical Sonnets are the Anglican counterpart, on a much narrower
basis, of Châteaubriand's Génie du Christianisme. In politics,
his evolution has become complete to the point of appearing a
recantation. He pursues against liberalism the campaign upon
which, for liberal reasons, he had entered against Napoleon.
He seems to find everything for the best in Europe after the
French emperor's overthrow. He approves and upholds the Holy
Alliance and opposes, with might and main, every attempt at
reform in his own country. He protests against the too advanced
instruction which the liberals desire to impart to girls in the lake
district, against the spread of mechanics' institutes, against the
emancipation of Irish catholics, against the abolition of slavery
by parliament, against the abolition of capital punishment, against
## p. 109 (#131) ############################################
v]
His Later Years
109
parliamentary reform, and so forth. The one change he supports
is the extension of copyright, which affects his own interests as a
writer. That he was sincere in all his opinions, and that he had
strong arguments for his absolute conservatism, cannot be doubted.
No apostasy is to be laid to his charge. The evolution of his ideas,
which made his old age diametrically opposed to his youth, can be
traced, step by step, accounted for by outward circumstances and
earnest meditations. Yet we cannot help feeling that, all the
same, it is a progress from poetry to prose, from bold imaginings
to timorousness, from hope to mistrust, from life to death.
In the meantime, his worldly prosperity and his public reputa-
tion were steadily increasing. From the gladsome frugality of the
Grasmere days he passed into ease and comfort, thanks to his
appointment, in 1813, as stamp distributor for Westmorland, which
enabled him to remove to Rydal Mount in 1814. There, he was to
live till his death, courted by members of the nobility and higher
clergy, visited by a growing number of pilgrims, sincere admirers
and mere tourists. His fame, which was at a low ebb at the
beginning of that period, partly on account of the ridicule thrown
on his poems by reviewers, partly because the public turned in
preference to Scott and Byron, gradually rose after 1820, till it
culminated in a triumphant reception at Oxford in 1839, a state
pension bestowed on him in 1842 and the laureateship in 1843.
Before the close of his life in 1850, Wordsworth could feel assured
that he had become one of the great poetical influences of the age.
It is inevitable that, when retracing Wordsworth's career, one
should insist on the main streams of thought which flowed through
his mind. The temptation to look upon him as a prophet is great,
and, thus, in any estimate of him, to give chief prominence to the
more or less systematic philosophy woven by him out of experience.
True, few poets blended philosophy and poetry more intimately
together. Yet, the two remain distinct; they are things of a
different order. They were in conflict more than once; so, our
estimate of Wordsworth's poetical genius should not be reduced to
an appreciation of his moral code.
He was a great poet when, in 1797, he wrote The Ruined
Cottage—he never outdid that pastoral and, indeed, only once
or twice again reached such perfection. Yet (if we set aside
the words of comfort and resignation wherein, years after, it was
wrapt up), in itself, the tale is most distressing and desolate.
Wordsworth's usual optimism is not to be found in it. It implies
## p. 110 (#132) ############################################
IIO
[CH.
William Wordsworth
a protest against the iniquity of society and the harshness of fate.
It is one of Wordsworth's masterpieces, but, in a moral sense,
can scarcely be called Wordsworthian.
The last of the Lucy poems—though written in 1799—is in
even more striking contrast to Wordsworth's known teaching.
It is one of the most desperate sobs that ever escaped from the
heart of a forlorn lover. No glimpse of hope pierces through his
vision of the tomb :
No motion has she now, no force;
She neither hears nor sees;
Rolled round in earth's diurnal course,
With rocks, and stones, and trees.
Surely, Wordsworth would have condemned such a fit of blank
despair in any other poetry than his own. Yet, he never wrote
with more essential strength, and many of his admirers must needs
regard this quatrain as, perhaps, the most condensed example of
his poetical greatness.
What has been said of his moral doctrine applies, also, to his
theory of poetical style. It is now agreed that Wordsworth
wrote some of his most beautiful poems in entire opposition to his
principles of diction. He had laid it down as a rule that the poet
should use the simple language of peasants, merely freed from its
errors. Yet, even when he interpreted the feelings of cottagers
and made them speak in their own names, he often broke this rule
in the most glaring manner. The example pointed out by Myers
.
is so conclusive that it would be idle to look for another one. It
is taken from The Affliction of Margaret, a pathetic monologue
in which a poor widow, who used to keep a shop, laments over the
disappearance of her son, and pictures to herself the dangers and
sufferings to which he may have been exposed. Not a single phrase
in the beautiful stanza 'Perhaps some dungeon hears thee groan’
but is raised to the highest pitch of lyrical force and subtlety.
Without recurring to such extreme cases, in which we have the
poet at war with the systematic thinker, we must admit that, in
many of his finest poems, the characteristics of his thought and
doctrine are least evident—whether he gives way to a disturbing
melancholy, which he usually condemns, as in The two April
Mornings or The Fountain, or where he imparts to us an im-
pression of nature on which he hangs no moral, as in The Green
Linnet or Yew-trees. The four yew-trees of Borrowdale, joined in
one solemn and capacious grove' constitute one of his most im-
pressive pictures. But no philosophy is tagged to the description,
6
## p. 111 (#133) ############################################
v]
His Poetry of Nature
III
which is self-sufficient. There, you have Wordsworth's power laid
bare, founded on his imaginative vision of natural aspects, yet not
passing from this to a moral lesson. If this dark, powerful piece
of painting had been handed down to us without the author's
name, it is not certain that anyone would have ascribed it to
Wordsworth ; or, if so, it would have been on account of the
Westmorland names found in it; for, the bold allegories, the
strange sonorous mythology, would have made many a critic
hesitate.
These instances tend to prove that his poetry is not identical
with his habitual teaching, that it sometimes revolts against it,
that it may here and there go beyond it. Of this conclusion, we
ought not to lose sight, even when we pass on to the examination
of such verses as are both beautiful in themselves and stamped
as Wordsworth's manifest creations, to which no exact parallels
can be found in any other poet.
His chief originality is, of course, to be sought in his poetry
of nature. But it is not the mere fact of his being a poet of
nature that makes him unique. There had been many poets of
nature before, more were to come after, him. It is not even the
minute, precise, loving observation of her aspects that gives him his
preeminence. Certainly, he was one of the most truthful describers
when his task was to describe ; though, for accuracy or subtlety of
outward detail, he may have been equalled, nay, surpassed, by other
poets who, at the same time, were botanists or naturalists, writers
as different from each other as were Crabbe and Tennyson. Of
flowers, insects and birds, the latter two knew, perhaps, more
than Wordsworth. His undisputed sovereignty is not there. It
lies in his extraordinary faculty of giving utterance to some of
the most elementary, and, at the same time, obscure, sensations of
man confronted by natural phenomena. Poetical psychology is his
triumph. Apart from the philosophical or moral structure which
he endeavours to raise on data furnished him by his sensations,
these sensations are, in themselves, beautiful and new. By new,
we mean that he was the first to find words for them, for they
must have been as old as mankind.
There was a Boy is one of the most striking instances of this.
The 'gentle shock of mild surprise' felt by the lad who did not
catch in due time the answer of the owls to his own hootings, the
sudden revelation to him of the fair landscape while he hung
listening, his thrill of delight at seeing the uncertain heaven
received into the bosom of the steady lake'—these were additions
## p. 112 (#134) ############################################
II2
[CH.
William Wordsworth
6
to man's knowledge and enjoyment of his common sensations.
The absolute truth of the analysis impresses one simultaneously
with its beauty. The emotion is, surely, subtle, but, at the same
time universal, and we have it here expressed once and for ever.
No psychologist can expect to go further than this, no poet to hit
on words more apposite and more harmoniously combined so as to
make this little mystery of the soul palpable. When Coleridge read
the poem in a letter from his friend, he said that, if he had met
with these lines in a desert of Africa, he would have cried out
Wordsworth' at once. Here, we have, without doubt, one of the
‘
essentials of Wordsworth's poetry.
The same character is to be found in Nutting, where we are
told of 'the intruding sky,' that struck with remorse the boyish
nut-gatherer after he had torn the boughs of a virgin bower; or,
again, in Skating-scene, where the poet describes the strange
appearance of the surrounding hills, which, to the skater who has
just stopped short after gliding at full speed, still seem to wheel
by 'as if the earth had rolled with visible motion her diurnal
round. Here we have a mere illusion of the senses, but one of
the existence of which, as of its weirdness and beauty, no doubt
can be entertained.
One English poet only can be compared with Wordsworth here :
Shelley, whose senses were endowed with an unusual, almost
a superhuman, gift of insight. He, too, was to enrich our
knowledge of sensation by his verse. His sensitiveness goes into
things even deeper than Wordsworth’s. He can see further
through the screen, even spy ‘the warm light of life. ' But few, if
any, can follow him to the end, or remember having themselves ex-
perienced his wonderful ecstasies. He is alone. On the contrary,
Wordsworth has no abnormal and hypertrophied sensitiveness.
It was the common healthy sensibility of mankind which he found
himself sharing.
He merely reveals to us what everyone has felt,
or may feel any day.
There may be a poetry of nature less obvious than that
founded on a multitudinous notation of her detailed aspects, less
subtle than the analysis of exquisite sensations, but, perhaps, of
more breadth and grandeur. Hazlitt has said that one could infer
that Wordsworth's poetry was written in a mountainous country,
from its bareness, its simplicity, its loftiness and its depth. ' It is
not, indeed, by description that the characters of nature are most
deeply caught and expressed ; it is by incorporation, so to say,
when the image of the outward world, instead of being directly
6
## p. 113 (#135) ############################################
v]
Michael
I13
presented, is reflected in the feelings and shines through the most
indifferent words ; thus deeply had the scenery among which he
spent his days penetrated into Wordsworth's mind and soul. If
we had to praise him as the poet of mountains, we might, of
course, choose the noble descriptive pages that abound in his
volumes ; but, rather than to these, rather than to the famous
mountain scenes in his Excursion—which are too conscious—we
should turn to a poem like Michael, where scenery, characters
and style form a perfect harmony of lines and tints that could
not have existed without a secret process of assimilation. Lofty
and bare, indeed, is this pastoral ; few flowers grow on the
heights where old Michael meant to build his sheepfold. The
land is unadorned. It has no other features than the sheer linea-
ments of its sweeps and pastures or its steep rocks, over which
are spread by turns the naked sky and the winter mists. All this,
together with the bracing air, you feel from the first to the last
line, not less when the poet gives you the speech of his ancient
'statesman' or a glimpse of his stern mind, than when he paints
the landscape itself. Even as the scenery is composed of essentials,
so is the old man's character, and so his language. In such
passages there is not one word of description, and yet the 'pastoral
mountains' are constantly conjured up with their raw atmosphere,
behind the discoursing shepherd. Every syllable he utters is their
emanation.
Another summit is reached by the poet when he freely allows
his creed of the refining agency of the senses to pass into a sort
of waking dream, instead of asserting itself by argument as in
The Prelude, or even, as in Tintern Abbey, by lyrical proclama-
tion. Few will deny one of the very first ranks in his verse to
the fourth of the Lucy poems, where he tells us how his beloved
had been cared for by nature since her tenderest years, how nature
had vowed to make her a Lady of her own,' imparting to her 'the
silence and the calm of mute insensate things,' either bidding the
storm ‘mould the maiden's form by silent sympathy, or causing
'beauty born of murmuring sound to pass into her face. Here,
Wordsworth joins company with the most aerial of poets. He
drops to the earth, for once, all that matter-of-factness of which
Coleridge complained. He sets common observation at defiance
and simply ignores the objections of common sense, with which he
is elsewhere only too prone to argue. Though most thoroughly
himself when shaping Lucy's natural education, he gives wings,
not feet, to his most cherished belief. We have, in this lyric, “the
E. L. XI.
сн. у.
8
## p. 114 (#136) ############################################
114
[CH.
William Wordsworth
fine excess' of poetry. Whatever may be said of these country
maids who, though brought up under the clouds and stars, and by
the side of dancing rivulets, failed to be informed with grace and
beauty, Wordsworth has used his privilege as a poet of embodying
a vision made, after all, of mysterious possibilities, perhaps of
truths in the making.
But nature never engrossed all his thoughts. Many were
given to man, chiefly to the feelings of man. He shows the same
mastery in his delineation of the hidden germs of feeling as of
those of sensation. He, again, excels when describing the moral
emotions in the blending of the subtle and the simple, of the
strange and the essential. But the beauty of his verse seems, in
this case, to come less from intuitive discovery than from long
brooding. Fullness and compactness of meaning now characterise
his greatest utterances. All readers catch their pathos at once ;
few, immediately, if ever, their entire signification. A noticeable
instance is the finale of the plain prosaic story Simon Lee, a short
stanza full to overflowing of his prolonged meditations on the
present iniquity and harshness of society. Poets and moralists
have vied in easy railings at man's ingratitude. Shakespeare,
among others, is full of such denunciations. Alas! the greater
cause for grief is the existence of gratitude, chiefly of excessive
gratitude, which implies that there is a scarcity of fellow-feeling,
a dearth of benevolence, a lack of mutual neighbourly assistance
in this world. That exaggerated thanks should be offered for
the merest trifle, for a deed of easy and imperative kindness,
betrays daily uncharitableness and opens vistas of the insensibility
of existing society ; it shows 'what man has made of man':
I've heard of hearts unkind, kind deeds
With coldness still returning;
Alas! the gratitude of man
Hath oftener left me mourning.
This is one of his many reflections which are more pregnant and
sink deeper into the mind and heart than those of almost any
other poet.
From such deep sources do many of his sonnets, chiefly of his
political sonnets, draw their rare intensity of moral feeling. It is
enough to remind the reader of a few familiar passages : his
melancholy on hearing of the extinction of the republic of Venice;
his energy of tone when he comforts poor Toussaint Louverture,
the liberator of San Domingo, now thrown into a prison ; the bitter
P
co
## p. 115 (#137) ############################################
v]
His Sonnets
115
restrained irony of his ‘high-minded Spaniard,' who resents, more
than the devastation of his country, Napoleon's so-called benefits,
and so forth. In his more strictly English sonnets, the greatness
is not due to novelty of thought. It so happens that almost every
idea and emotion expressed by Wordsworth in 1802 and the years
following had been more than foreshadowed by Coleridge as
early as 1798 in his Ode to France or Fears in Solitude. But
the truly Wordsworthian power of the sonnets is owing to the
protracted sojourn of these feelings in his breast before he gave
utterance to them, to his long reluctance against their admission,
to his repeated inward debates. Hence, instead of Coleridge's
extemporised effusions, which have been aptly compared, by
Angellier, to the sea-scud which is thrown off by a storm, here we
have the distilled elixir. Nearly ten years of vexed thoughts
went to the making, in 1803, of the final line of the sonnet to
England, where, after enumerating and condemning what he calls
her many political crimes, he sighs (with a unique mixture of
reproof and tenderness, of grief and repressed pride) at the
thought that she, nevertheless, is the least unworthy champion
of liberty left in the world :
O grief that Earth's best hopes rest all in thee!
It would be hard to match these ten monosyllables for compactness
of historical allusion and complex feeling. Such condensed moral
utterances are among the glories of Wordsworth’s verse.
Other characteristics ought to be added, regarding bis more
purely artistic gifts-gifts of verse-writing and style, gifts of com-
position. But this would land us in endless discussions ; for, in
these respects, Wordsworth’s mastery is surely relative and inter-
mittent. He reaches, at times, so high a degree of excellence that
the mere verbal felicity of some of his simplest lines baffles the
imitation of the most refined artists:
Perhaps the plaintive numbers flow
For old, unhappy, far-off things,
And battles long ago. . . .
But he frequently mixes the highest poetry with the flatness of
unimpassioned, uninspired prose. He also shows himself, in many
a period or stanza, devoid of ease, elegance and pliancy. He is
more than once awkwardly naïve, clumsily familiar, or, on the
contrary, more solemn and pompous than needs be. The talent
for construction, niggardly bestowed on the romantic poets of all
countries, is particularly weak in him. He could never frame and
8-2
## p. 116 (#138) ############################################
116
[CH. V
William Wordsworth
fashion a considerable poem with due equilibrium of substance
and form, of thought and story. In this respect, The Excursion
is a memorable failure. As to The Prelude, it owes its permanent
interest partly to its admirable passages of poetry, partly to its
philosophical or to its autobiographical value, which we feel, as we
read, to be merits not strictly poetic. Only in compositions of
moderate length, like The Ruined Cottage, Michael, Laodamia
did he achieve perfect harmony, and in many of his lyrics and
sonnets.
That he often tries to lift us and himself to the poetic mood
rather than takes this mood for granted, cannot be denied. Poetry
often seems to be his object rather than his possession. He made
the training of man to poetry his chief office here below.
leads us warily from the inlands of prose to the shore, marking out
the way with unprecedented care; but he is sometimes content
with gazing on the element and leaves it to others boldly to sail
upon it or plunge into it. The main body of his poems is educative
and preparatory. Yet he has left sufficient of absolute verse,
heart-searching and beautiful, enough for a Wordsworthian an-
thology that will remain among the most enduring treasures of
romanticism.
He
1
1
1
## p. 117 (#139) ############################################
CHAPTER VI
COLERIDGE
COLERIDGE survives for us as poet: a poet unique in inspiration,
unique, also, if sadly fitful, in achievement. But he was also philo-
sopher, critic, theologian, moralist, talker-above all, a talker.
And, with the strongest will in the world, it would have been hard
for one so variously endowed not to dissipate his genius. Given a
will exceptionally infirm, the wonder is that he should have left so
much, rather than so little, as a monument of what he was.
The strange complexity of his nature, reflected, as it is, in the
whole tenor of his life, is a challenge to all who love to follow the
mysterious windings of the soul. His character is an enthralling,
as well as a deeply pathetic, study in itself. And it may even be
that we shall find it throw some light upon his genius, as a poet.
Samuel Taylor Coleridge was born in October 1772; two years
after Wordsworth, one year after Walter Scott. He was crossing
the threshold into manhood at the time when the French revolution
was rousing the more active minds to revolt against the traditions
of the past: a revolt which, in his case as in others, extended to
things literary no less than to those social and political. He reached
middle life with the reaction which followed the downfall of Napoleon.
He died (1834) in the period immediately succeeding the arrest of
that reaction: some dozen years later than Keats and Shelley; ten
years after Byron; two years after Walter Scott. And, of all the
movements connected with those names and events, there was not
one, unless we except the creations of Keats and Shelley, which did
not, whether by way of action or reaction, leave some trace upon
his soul.
From his father he inherited a reverence for verbal niceties
which went with him throughout life; a curious strain of pedantry,
which crops up in the most unlikely places; above all, a dreamy
nature, which always made him a stranger and pilgrim among the
bustling figures and harsh incidents of daily life. To his mother,
## p. 118 (#140) ############################################
118
[CH.
Coleridge
a woman of keen practical instincts, he does not seem to have owed
much beyond the priceless boon of affection. And even this was
largely lost to him when, on the death of his father, he was des-
patched, according to the practice even then too common in
English households, to school (Christ's hospital) at the age of nine
(1781). Henceforth, he was to see his family only at the rarest
intervals; and the outlet of home affections was virtually closed.
Even as a child, he had laid hold on all the books--especially,
imaginative works-that came within his reach. At school, he
—
became a prodigy of youthful learning and philosophy: logician,
metaphysician, bard,' the 'inspired charity boy' of Lamb's wistful
recollections. For a time, as he tells us -and it was not for the
last time—the ‘bard’ was quite driven out by the ‘metaphysician. '
And it needed what we should now consider the rather weak
stimulus of Bowles's sonnets to rouse him from this preposterous
pursuit' (1789). The remedy, such as it was, proved undeniably
efficacious. For the next five years, sentiment, of the kind repre-
sented by Bowles, was the most powerful factor in his growth.
In the excitement of Cambridge life (1791-3)-partly, too,
under the spell of love for Mary Evans--his whole being seems
to have expanded. But there was nothing to mark him off from
the ordinary student of talent until, under the spur of debt or ill-
starred love, or both, he suddenly bolted from the university and
enlisted in a regiment of light dragoons (December 1793). After four
months of this ludicrously unsuitable employment, he was discharged,
by the efforts of his friends, and readmitted, with due penalties, to
his college. Some two months later (June 1794) began that ac-
quaintance with Southey, then an Oxford undergraduate, which
was deeply to colour the next few years of his life.
Up to this time, there is nothing beyond the doubtful evidence
of a school exercise to show that the revolution in France had
roused any deep interest, or even attention, in his mind. Now,
under the tenser will of Southey, he became a fiery revolutionist,
of a brand, however, peculiarly his own! In hatred of Pitt and the
war, he was, no doubt, at one with the other Jacobins of the time.
But the Pantisocracy, which the two friends beat out between them,
ran decisively athwart the main stream of revolutionary aspirations.
It was intended only for the select few; it was no part of a general
1 “We never were, at any period of our lives, converts to the system of French
politics,' he writes, in an article on Jacobinism (1802). And the lightness with which
he dropped the cause of France-as may be seen from his fine, but somewhat rhetorical,
Ode (1798)—bears witness to the fact.
## p. 119 (#141) ############################################
VI]
The French Revolution
119
scheme of social reconstruction. Again, the ‘Jacobinism’of Coleridge,
though not that of Southey, was always strongly charged with a
mystical and religious element, which stands in the sharpest contrast
with the purely secular, often atheist, temper more common among
the reformers of that day. Lastly-and here, once again, he joins
hands with Southey—the whole creed and being of the young
convert were drowned in a flood of sentiment which woke in him,
for the first time in good earnest, the need of poetic utterance, and
which at once sets a barrier between him and most of the leading
figures among the rebel band: Godwin, for instance, or Holcroft,
or even Thelwall.
It was in pleading the cause of Pantisocracy that he first
discovered—to himself, perhaps, as well as to others—his amazing
powers of eloquence. His letters of that time are full of boyish
delight in the discovery: ‘Up I arose, terrible in reasoning' is a
typical sentence. And, so long as he could convince, or even
vanquish, his opponents, it is clear that he did not much trouble
himself to put his convictions into act. Even his breach with
Southey, who soon became lukewarm in the cause, would seem to
have partly sprung from an uneasy sense that he, too, had said more
than he was willing or able to make good, and from the consequent
impulse, very natural though not very just, to prove that some one
else was yet more guilty than himself. Still more ominous, even
in an age of overwrought sentiment, is the sentimentalism of his
letters. Since I quitted this room,' he writes on his return from
the fateful visit to Oxford, 'what and how important events have
been evolved! America ! Southey! Miss Fricker! Yes, Southey,
you are right. Even love is the creature of strong motive. I
certainly love her. It is small wonder that the love which began
as 'the creature of strong motive'—that is, Southey's fiat-should
have ended disastrously for both. A year later (October 1795) the
marriage duly took place.
The poetry of these years (1794–6) is a mirror of the man :
eloquent, loose-girt, strongly inclined to preach; in all things, the
very reverse of the inspired pieces soon to follow. It is, doubt-
less, the sincere expression of the generous convictions and aspira-
tions which he held in common with others. But it lacks the
individuality which is the soul of poetry; and, only in one passage-
some three or four lines of The Eolian Harpidoes it offer even
a faint promise of the works by which he lives. It is a glorified
6
1 I find that these lines (26—9) were first inserted in the Errata to Sibylline Leares
(1817). Thus, the one redeeming exception falls to the ground.
## p. 120 (#142) ############################################
I 20
[CH.
Coleridge
6
version of sermons such as Hazlitt heard in the enchanted walls of
the Shropshire chapel. It has nothing in common with The Ancient
Mariner, or Christabel, or even the ode Dejection.
It was the genius of Wordsworth-and, with Wordsworth, we
must always think of his 'exquisite sister'—that first revealed him
to himself. It was in daily intercourse with a stronger spirit than
his own-first at Stowey (1797—8), then, more fitfully, in the lake
country (1800—3)—that all his enduring poetry was composed.
The spell of Wordsworth, however, went far deeper than this. It
not only awakened the younger poet to creative energies which
had hitherto lain asleep. It was a transforming influence upon his
whole cast of thought, upon the whole character of his soul. His
whole nature was roused, for the first time, to a full consciousness
of its powers; and powers of which he had hitherto given no
suspicion were suddenly called to light. A sense of the beauty
of outward things, as deep as Wordsworth's, but still more delicate
and more subtle; a sense of the boundless mystery of life—the
inner yet more than the outer life-and a power of interpreting
it in terms of thought: these were the two gifts which came to
him with this new birth; and, however idly he may have used
them, they remained with him to the end. Well might he say
that 'a new earth and a new heaven' were now given to him in
dower. ' For he saw the world with a keener and more radiant
vision than had ever been granted to him before; and he saw into
it more deeply. In the full sense of the terms, he became, for the
first time, both philosopher and poet.
That his use of these magic gifts was not what it might have
been, is too clear. But it is only just to remember that this applies
more to his work as philosopher than as poet. Poetry 'comes not
with observation. ' And, if that be true, in a measure, of all poetry, of
none is it so true as of that to which the peculiar genius of Coleridge
was manifestly ordained. Is it reasonable to
Is it reasonable to suppose that any poet
could have gone on living for ever in an air so rarefied as that of
The Ancient Mariner, or Kubla Khan, or Christabel? Given cir-
cumstances so happy as almost to amount to a miracle, perhaps he
might. But the miracle did not happen to Coleridge; and, even
if his will had been as strong as it was weak, there is no warrant
that it would have happened. To condemn him on this score,
however much he himself would have accepted the condemnation,
seems, therefore, unwarrantably harsh. But his other gifts lay in
a region more under his control. And, had he been a man of
ordinary resolution-above all, had he not let himself become the
## p. 121 (#143) ############################################
а
vi]
Bondage to Opium
I 21
slave of opium-there was nothing to prevent him from accom-
plishing a giant's work in philosophy and criticism. In criticism
and the theory of criticism, he might have done for his own country
the double work which was done for Germany by Lessing and
Hegel, and something more besides. In philosophy, he might have
recast and even extended the massive fabric of Kant. As it is, in
neither field has he left more than a heap of disjointed, but imposing,
fragments.
The opium habit, the beginnings of which go back as far as 1797,
seems to have grown upon him during his time at Malta (1804-6);
and, by the time he returned to England, the bondage must have
been confirmed. Again and again, he strove to throw off the yoke;
but only to fall back again more helplessly than before. Degraded
in his own eyes, he felt life to be a burden almost too heavy to be
borne; and the letters which, now and again, were wrung from him
by remorse, are, perhaps, among the most terrible ever written. Two
things alone saved him from total shipwreck: the unwearied tender-
ness of friends, old and new-Poole, Wordsworth, Mrs Clarkson and
the Morgans; and the innate rectitude, winged by a strong religious
impulse, which did not cease to assert itself against reiterated
defeat. At length, after ten years of debasement, he nerved himself
to seek refuge with James Gillman, a physician of Highgate (1816).
And, thanks to the devoted friendship and watchfulness of this man
and his wife—he remained their 'inmate' till his death-he slowly
tore himself loose from the bondage in which he had been held.
That he never wholly gave up the drug, is tolerably clear. But he
so far mastered himself as to take it in rarer and smaller doses;
and, for practical purposes, the hard-fought victory was won. Thus,
the last eighteen years of his life were years of inward peace and
of fruitful service to others. The old weakness, no doubt, still
dogged his steps and prevented the fulfilment of the task —a work
on Spiritual Philosophy and half a dozen alternative titles—to
which he was conscious of being called. But, in familiar talk, in
formal lecturing and even in published writings, this was the
richest period of his life; and it left a deep mark upon some of
the strongest and most eager spirits of the younger generation.
The victory was won. But the long years of apparently hopeless
struggle had left scars which nothing could wholly heal. The prime
of his life had been largely wasted. And he had strained the
patience of some of his best friends. Josiah Wedgwood had with-
drawn, perhaps with undue harshness, his half of the pension that
he and his brother had granted in days when nothing seemed beyond
## p. 122 (#144) ############################################
I 22
[CH.
Coleridge
the reach of the young poet and thinker. Southey, who had
gallantly shouldered the charge of the truant's wife and children,
was embittered, if not estranged. Even Wordsworth, by an un-
guarded utterance made with the best intentions, had caused a
breach which could never wholly be made up? This was probably
the deepest sorrow of his life; all else,' he says, 'is as a flea-bite. '
His family life, too-though this was from causes which, in the
first instance, at any rate, had little to do with opium-had been
entirely broken up. And, though a formal separation was avoided,
he never lived with his wife after 1810; and had, in fact, seen as
little as he could of her since 1804. The real secret of the estrange-
ment was that, by temperament, the two were ill sorted with each
other. But it is impossible not to feel the deepest sympathy with
a woman who battled bravely with the hardships of her lot; and
hard to check the suspicion that, but for opium, the difficulties
might have been smoothed over. In any case, the breach was a
worse thing for Coleridge than he was ever willing to acknowledge.
It robbed him of the steadying influences of home life, to which
he was by nature peculiarly open. And it left a sting in his con-
science which he may have ignored, but which, just for that reason,
was never healed.
The strangest thing is that, in the very height of the opium
fever, he should have been capable of efforts which, though
lamentably unequal, still gave evidence of powers which not one
of his contemporaries could have rivalled. It was between 1808
and 1815 that he delivered the bulk of the critical lectures which
make an era in the history of English literary criticism; that he
composed The Friend, in its earlier and, doubtless, far inferior
version (1809); and, finally, that he wrote all save a few passages
of Biographia literaria (1815), the only one of his prose works
which can be said to survive to the present day. Even in the
depth of his debasement, he must have retained an amazing
spring, a power of throwing off weights which would have crushed
another man, of recovering something, at any rate, of the free flight
to which he was born. It was this boundless power of self-retrieval
-
that, at length, enabled him to cast off the yoke of opium. It was
this, even more than his genius, which drew men to him as a magnet
and never allowed him to forfeit the admiration, and even the
respect, of his friends.
i The details of this misunderstanding are set forth in the MS of Robinson's diary,
in the published version of which they are briefly summarised (vol. 1, pp. 210—211).
See, also, Coleridge's Letters, vol. II, pp. 577—8, 586—595.
## p.
of mistrust slowly overlaid the glowing enthusiasms of yore. It
is true that Wordsworth's feelings were roused, chiefly by the
Spanish war, to a patriotic fervour that found expression in many
a vigorous sonnet and even turned him into a pamphleteer. His
eloquent and ponderous Convention of Cintra (1809) shows the
fighting spirit that was in him. But it had the inconvenience of
leading him from verse to prose, from poetry to dialectics, and
thus generated an oratorical habit that was to infect many parts
of his Excursion.
Then, in his very home, there happened changes that, whether
fortunate or sad, impressed on his soul new habits and tendencies.
As early as 1802, he bad married a Westmorland girl, Mary
Hutchinson, in whom he found one of the greatest blessings of his
life. The quieting influence of this meek Mary, by degrees, though
not at once, was added to, or even took the place of, the more
impulsive and exciting companionship of Dorothy. Mrs Words-
worth's nature told for submission and repose. Besides, the mere
fact of his being married checked gradually, though it did not
suppress altogether, what might be called the guiltless Bohemianism
of his youth. The duties and cares of the father of a large family
grew upon him. Five children were born to the pair between 1803
and 1810, two of whom were to die almost simultaneously in 1812.
As early as 1806, the increase of his family had led to a temporary,
then to a definitive, abandonment of the narrow Dove cottage, to
which clung many of his most poetical memories.
Before robbing him of two of his children, death had already
struck Wordsworth a blow that went near his heart, one that ever
after saddened his life—the loss of his brother John, a sailor ship-
wrecked in February 1805. How deeply he was affected by it is
known, not only by his poems, but from the letters of the Grasmere
household and the journal of Dorothy. There was another cause
of grievous sorrow in the state of the brother of his soul,
## p. 104 (#126) ############################################
104
William Wordsworth
[CH.
Coleridge, now a prey to opium and drink, whose growing distress
of body and mind was, for years, a depressing, heartrending sight
for his friend, and whose endless idle laments haunted Wordsworth's
sleep as well as his waking thoughts. Whether absent or present,
Coleridge had become an increasing source of anxiety to Words-
worth. Wordsworth's infinite patience and forbearance, in these
circumstances, cannot be too highly praised. But nothing availed.
The friends had to part in 1810, Coleridge betaking himself to
London. More painful than all the rest, Coleridge, in one of his
irresponsible moods, turned in anger against Wordsworth. An
estrangement followed which was never wholly healed, and which
left a lifelong scar in Wordsworth's heart.
Yet, the change in Wordsworth's poetry had still deeper causes
than all these. Though he had little of Coleridge's self-abandon-
ment, he could not help feeling a decay of his strictly poetical
powers—of that imagination and joy on which, till then, he had
erected the structure of his verse. When Coleridge had written
his ode Dejection in 1802, Wordsworth could immediately re-
tort with his optimistic Leech-Gatherer. But, now, he, also, felt
the wane of his 'shaping spirit of imagination. ' The earth no
longer offered him the splendour it had for him in his youth. A
glory had departed from the earth. He had, very early, felt the
fading of that glory, but had long checked the onset of the un-
imaginative years to come by fondly dwelling on the memories of his
childhood. In 1805, he had so copiously drawn from the treasure-
house for his Prelude that the store was becoming exhausted. He
understood the meaning of the depression of his vital spirits : he
was travelling further away from the springs of energy, drawing
nearer to old age and death. This is a sad thought to all
men-it was doubly so to him who had rested all his faith
on the freshness of the senses and feelings, and on their glad-
some guidance.
In want of comfort, he turned to duty. Wordsworth’s Ode to
Duty (1805), produced at the turning-point of his career, is full of
import and significance. It throws a light both on the years that
went before and on those that were to follow. It also reveals an
aspect of the poet's nature not usually apparent. It is common to
speak of him as one of the teachers of duty, and to refer to this
ode (or to its title) as a proof. Now, he distinctly resigns himself
to the control of duty because, at his time of life, a man can do
no better. He abjures with regret the faith that, till then, had
been his and in which duty had no place, the dear belief that joy
## p. 105 (#127) ############################################
v]
Ode to Duty
105
6
6
and love can guide man to all good—or, rather, he does not
renounce it, but still mutters a hope that better days may come
when, joy and love reigning supreme, duty can be dispensed with.
As for himself, he would still cling to the same creed if he preserved
spirit enough to bear the shocks of change and enjoy his ‘un-
chartered freedom. ' He retires into the arms of duty as a weary
warrior of old might end bis days in the quiet shelter of a
monastery He still feels an uncertain convert: Thee I now
would serve more strictly, if I may. The 'stern lawgiver,' at first
sight, inspires him with more fear than love. He only reconciles
himself with the awful Power' when he has realised that duty
wears a smile on her face, that she is beautiful, that, after all, she
may be identical with love and joy:
Flowers laugh before thee on their beds,
And fragrance in thy footing treads;
Thou dost preserve the Stars from wrong,
And the most ancient Heavens through thee are fresh and strong.
a noble stanza, the loftiest of a poem signalised by the almost
plaintive appeal that is heard throughout and by the longing,
lingering look cast behind.
The Ode to Duty seems to have been written just before the
death of his brother John. He expressly says that he is still
'untried,' and moved by 'no disturbance of soul. ' When the trial
came that darkened the world for him, Wordsworth made it his
chief task to struggle against grief. He resolutely bade farewell
to the heart that lives alone, housed in a dream. ' He welcomed
'fortitude and patient cheer. He called his former creed an
illusion. His themes now, more exclusively than before, will be
the sorrows and tragedies of life. But he must find 'blessed con-
solations in distress. ' He must tell of 'melancholy Fear subdued by
Faith. ' The consequence is that his exploration of human woes
will, henceforth, be guarded and cautious. He now lacks the bold
spirit of youth that can haunt the worst infected places without
giving a thought to the danger of contagion. He is the depressed
visitor of the sick, who must needs beware, and be provided with
preservatives. He could no longer offer such harrowing pictures
of misery as those to be found in his Ruined Cottage or even (in spite
of the abrupt conclusion) in his admirable Michael (1800). His
diminished vitality makes it necessary for him to ward off dejection.
Argument is the process used at wearisome length in The
Excursion. This noble poem may be described as a long sermon
against pessimism, scarcely disguised by a story. Though different
## p. 106 (#128) ############################################
106
[CH.
William Wordsworth
speakers are introduced, their speeches are mere ventriloquism.
Wordsworth, as the optimistic Pedlar, or Wanderer, assails Words-
worth as the Solitary, or the late enthusiast of the French revolution,
now dispirited. He uses all his eloquence to raise this other self to
his own serene mood. The Excursion too often reminds us of the
debates between God and Satan at one time set forth in churches
for the edification of the people, the rule being that Satan should
have the worst of the controversy. It is the same with Wordsworth's
Solitary, who is presented to us in unfavourable colours ; his
morals are not of the best. And, when he vents his misanthropy,
he does not seem to be quite so fearless. cogent and impressive an
exponent of his own views as he might have been. We cannot
help thinking that, if the author of Cain had been entrusted
with the part, he would have made it many times more telling.
The worthy pedlar's triumph would not have been so easily
achieved.
The other manner in which Wordsworth now fought against
grief is illustrated by his White Doe of Rylstone (1807). In this
poem, he renounced argument and called imagination to his
aid. He found his subject in the romantic past, in an old tale of
war and bloodshed, the tragedy of a catholic rebel killed with all
his sons in a revolt against queen Elizabeth. Only one daughter
survived, Emily, who, many years after pillage and ruin had passed
over the paternal estate, drew comfort from the visitings of a
white doe bred by her in her happy days. The doe is a symbol of
the past, the lovely phantom of buried memories. Her first
apparition gives the lady 'one frail shock of pain’; but the pain
soon passes into a holy, mild and grateful melancholy,
Not sunless gloom or unenlightened,
But by tender fancies brightened.
The awful tragedy has thus been transformed by length of time
and strength of habit into something both beautiful and sweet.
This is as it should be with the deepest of human woes.
This graceful symbol makes the end of the poem one of the
most lovely passages in Wordsworth's poetry. Yet the poem, as a
whole, is languid, and even the moral impression is felt to be less
convincing than it might have been. The reason is that the poet
never dares courageously to cope with despair. He can paint
with free energy neither the fate of the rebels, the clang of arms
and shocks of death, nor even the pangs and sorrows of Emily.
During the battle which is to end in the death of her father
and brothers, she, represented as a protestant in a catholic
## p. 107 (#129) ############################################
v]
Laodamia
107
6
family, is seen awaiting the issue without even daring to express
a wish for either side. When an old man offers to secure a hiding-
place for her kindred if vanquished, she declines the offer and
declares herself with her condition satisfied. Later, before she
has seen the white doe, she must already have found springs of
comfort, for she is strangely said to be “sustained by memory of
the past. Such reticence in the picture of desolation much
enfeebles the effect of the poem.
How much more striking it
would have been if it had begun with dark, valiant scenes of tragic
fate; if Emily's despair had been made so evident that we should
feel for her the want of supernatural comfort, the necessity of the
coming in of the white doe!
Wordsworth, in this period, often defeats his own object by
refusing to describe the power of evil or woe to the full. He stirs
a protest in the reader's mind, incites him to complete the half-
drawn picture of misery. Or else, the strain of his muscles in the
fight against grief, his repeated assaults and his tricks to elude the
grasp of the great adversary, often leave the reader more distressed
than he would be by open pessimistic outpourings. Indeed, the
greatness of Wordsworth, in these years, lies in his stubborn refusal
to confess himself overcome. There is pathos in his optimism, as
in the sight of a strong man that will not weep though timely tears
might do him good. His stoic poem Laodamia (1814) is a proof of
this. The Olympian serenity advocated in it makes us feel-and
painfully feel—the distance between the summit where gods dwell
and the lower ground inhabited by men. Well for the gods to
disprove “the tumult of the soul! ' Well for the Elysian fields to
be a place where there are
No fears to beat away-no strife to heal-
The past unsighed for, and the future sure !
>
But poor Laodamia is merely human and lives on this earth of
ours. She cannot ‘meekly mourn' for her lost hero. She dies of
a broken heart, and it seems hard that she should be punished for
it as for meditated suicide.
Is this the conclusion of optimism ? How hard, inhuman and,
one might add, despairing! The poem is great and pathetic,
because Wordsworth, all the time, sympathises with Laodamia,
feels for her tender weakness, is at heart more like her than like
the heroic, dishumanised Protesilaus. But it can scarcely be called
a comforting poem. The same might be said of the other verse
of this period in which Wordsworth insists on proclaiming both
## p. 108 (#130) ############################################
108
[CH.
William Wordsworth
the grandeur and difficulty of hopefulness, when, for instance,
he calls hope
The paramount duty that Heaven lays
For its own honour on man's suffering heart.
We perceive how lofty is the peak—and, also, how hard the climbing.
>
The rest of Wordsworth's career (1814—50) adds compara-
tively little to his best verse. No works of magnitude are to be
found in it, the most considerable being collected memorials of
one or other of the many tours he made either in the British Isles
or on the continent, or series of sonnets, like The River Duddon
(1820) and Ecclesiastical Sonnets (1822). Though several of these
sonnets or short pieces are as exquisite as any in the former
volumes, these gems are now far between, and no new departure
is perceptible. The days of original thought and spontaneous
creation are over. Perhaps the most lyrical burst of the period is
the poem entitled Composed upon an Evening of extraordinary
splendour and beauty, in 1818, which breathes his former enthusiasm
for the aspects of nature; yet it is to be noticed that an “ex-
traordinary' magnificence is now needed to revive youthful
ecstasies that used to feed on what was common in the beauty
of things. The character of his later verse is other than this.
Scandalised by the fame of Byron and the success of the new
cynical and pessimistic poetry, Wordsworth exaggerates his own
sermonising tendencies. There is now a fixed and rigid attitude,
a sort of optimistic trick, in the poems which extol the minute
joys of life and endeavour to tone down its sorrows. He does
his best to convert himself to Anglicanism, which, however, he
celebrates with more copiousness than real warmth. His Eccle-
siastical Sonnets are the Anglican counterpart, on a much narrower
basis, of Châteaubriand's Génie du Christianisme. In politics,
his evolution has become complete to the point of appearing a
recantation. He pursues against liberalism the campaign upon
which, for liberal reasons, he had entered against Napoleon.
He seems to find everything for the best in Europe after the
French emperor's overthrow. He approves and upholds the Holy
Alliance and opposes, with might and main, every attempt at
reform in his own country. He protests against the too advanced
instruction which the liberals desire to impart to girls in the lake
district, against the spread of mechanics' institutes, against the
emancipation of Irish catholics, against the abolition of slavery
by parliament, against the abolition of capital punishment, against
## p. 109 (#131) ############################################
v]
His Later Years
109
parliamentary reform, and so forth. The one change he supports
is the extension of copyright, which affects his own interests as a
writer. That he was sincere in all his opinions, and that he had
strong arguments for his absolute conservatism, cannot be doubted.
No apostasy is to be laid to his charge. The evolution of his ideas,
which made his old age diametrically opposed to his youth, can be
traced, step by step, accounted for by outward circumstances and
earnest meditations. Yet we cannot help feeling that, all the
same, it is a progress from poetry to prose, from bold imaginings
to timorousness, from hope to mistrust, from life to death.
In the meantime, his worldly prosperity and his public reputa-
tion were steadily increasing. From the gladsome frugality of the
Grasmere days he passed into ease and comfort, thanks to his
appointment, in 1813, as stamp distributor for Westmorland, which
enabled him to remove to Rydal Mount in 1814. There, he was to
live till his death, courted by members of the nobility and higher
clergy, visited by a growing number of pilgrims, sincere admirers
and mere tourists. His fame, which was at a low ebb at the
beginning of that period, partly on account of the ridicule thrown
on his poems by reviewers, partly because the public turned in
preference to Scott and Byron, gradually rose after 1820, till it
culminated in a triumphant reception at Oxford in 1839, a state
pension bestowed on him in 1842 and the laureateship in 1843.
Before the close of his life in 1850, Wordsworth could feel assured
that he had become one of the great poetical influences of the age.
It is inevitable that, when retracing Wordsworth's career, one
should insist on the main streams of thought which flowed through
his mind. The temptation to look upon him as a prophet is great,
and, thus, in any estimate of him, to give chief prominence to the
more or less systematic philosophy woven by him out of experience.
True, few poets blended philosophy and poetry more intimately
together. Yet, the two remain distinct; they are things of a
different order. They were in conflict more than once; so, our
estimate of Wordsworth's poetical genius should not be reduced to
an appreciation of his moral code.
He was a great poet when, in 1797, he wrote The Ruined
Cottage—he never outdid that pastoral and, indeed, only once
or twice again reached such perfection. Yet (if we set aside
the words of comfort and resignation wherein, years after, it was
wrapt up), in itself, the tale is most distressing and desolate.
Wordsworth's usual optimism is not to be found in it. It implies
## p. 110 (#132) ############################################
IIO
[CH.
William Wordsworth
a protest against the iniquity of society and the harshness of fate.
It is one of Wordsworth's masterpieces, but, in a moral sense,
can scarcely be called Wordsworthian.
The last of the Lucy poems—though written in 1799—is in
even more striking contrast to Wordsworth's known teaching.
It is one of the most desperate sobs that ever escaped from the
heart of a forlorn lover. No glimpse of hope pierces through his
vision of the tomb :
No motion has she now, no force;
She neither hears nor sees;
Rolled round in earth's diurnal course,
With rocks, and stones, and trees.
Surely, Wordsworth would have condemned such a fit of blank
despair in any other poetry than his own. Yet, he never wrote
with more essential strength, and many of his admirers must needs
regard this quatrain as, perhaps, the most condensed example of
his poetical greatness.
What has been said of his moral doctrine applies, also, to his
theory of poetical style. It is now agreed that Wordsworth
wrote some of his most beautiful poems in entire opposition to his
principles of diction. He had laid it down as a rule that the poet
should use the simple language of peasants, merely freed from its
errors. Yet, even when he interpreted the feelings of cottagers
and made them speak in their own names, he often broke this rule
in the most glaring manner. The example pointed out by Myers
.
is so conclusive that it would be idle to look for another one. It
is taken from The Affliction of Margaret, a pathetic monologue
in which a poor widow, who used to keep a shop, laments over the
disappearance of her son, and pictures to herself the dangers and
sufferings to which he may have been exposed. Not a single phrase
in the beautiful stanza 'Perhaps some dungeon hears thee groan’
but is raised to the highest pitch of lyrical force and subtlety.
Without recurring to such extreme cases, in which we have the
poet at war with the systematic thinker, we must admit that, in
many of his finest poems, the characteristics of his thought and
doctrine are least evident—whether he gives way to a disturbing
melancholy, which he usually condemns, as in The two April
Mornings or The Fountain, or where he imparts to us an im-
pression of nature on which he hangs no moral, as in The Green
Linnet or Yew-trees. The four yew-trees of Borrowdale, joined in
one solemn and capacious grove' constitute one of his most im-
pressive pictures. But no philosophy is tagged to the description,
6
## p. 111 (#133) ############################################
v]
His Poetry of Nature
III
which is self-sufficient. There, you have Wordsworth's power laid
bare, founded on his imaginative vision of natural aspects, yet not
passing from this to a moral lesson. If this dark, powerful piece
of painting had been handed down to us without the author's
name, it is not certain that anyone would have ascribed it to
Wordsworth ; or, if so, it would have been on account of the
Westmorland names found in it; for, the bold allegories, the
strange sonorous mythology, would have made many a critic
hesitate.
These instances tend to prove that his poetry is not identical
with his habitual teaching, that it sometimes revolts against it,
that it may here and there go beyond it. Of this conclusion, we
ought not to lose sight, even when we pass on to the examination
of such verses as are both beautiful in themselves and stamped
as Wordsworth's manifest creations, to which no exact parallels
can be found in any other poet.
His chief originality is, of course, to be sought in his poetry
of nature. But it is not the mere fact of his being a poet of
nature that makes him unique. There had been many poets of
nature before, more were to come after, him. It is not even the
minute, precise, loving observation of her aspects that gives him his
preeminence. Certainly, he was one of the most truthful describers
when his task was to describe ; though, for accuracy or subtlety of
outward detail, he may have been equalled, nay, surpassed, by other
poets who, at the same time, were botanists or naturalists, writers
as different from each other as were Crabbe and Tennyson. Of
flowers, insects and birds, the latter two knew, perhaps, more
than Wordsworth. His undisputed sovereignty is not there. It
lies in his extraordinary faculty of giving utterance to some of
the most elementary, and, at the same time, obscure, sensations of
man confronted by natural phenomena. Poetical psychology is his
triumph. Apart from the philosophical or moral structure which
he endeavours to raise on data furnished him by his sensations,
these sensations are, in themselves, beautiful and new. By new,
we mean that he was the first to find words for them, for they
must have been as old as mankind.
There was a Boy is one of the most striking instances of this.
The 'gentle shock of mild surprise' felt by the lad who did not
catch in due time the answer of the owls to his own hootings, the
sudden revelation to him of the fair landscape while he hung
listening, his thrill of delight at seeing the uncertain heaven
received into the bosom of the steady lake'—these were additions
## p. 112 (#134) ############################################
II2
[CH.
William Wordsworth
6
to man's knowledge and enjoyment of his common sensations.
The absolute truth of the analysis impresses one simultaneously
with its beauty. The emotion is, surely, subtle, but, at the same
time universal, and we have it here expressed once and for ever.
No psychologist can expect to go further than this, no poet to hit
on words more apposite and more harmoniously combined so as to
make this little mystery of the soul palpable. When Coleridge read
the poem in a letter from his friend, he said that, if he had met
with these lines in a desert of Africa, he would have cried out
Wordsworth' at once. Here, we have, without doubt, one of the
‘
essentials of Wordsworth's poetry.
The same character is to be found in Nutting, where we are
told of 'the intruding sky,' that struck with remorse the boyish
nut-gatherer after he had torn the boughs of a virgin bower; or,
again, in Skating-scene, where the poet describes the strange
appearance of the surrounding hills, which, to the skater who has
just stopped short after gliding at full speed, still seem to wheel
by 'as if the earth had rolled with visible motion her diurnal
round. Here we have a mere illusion of the senses, but one of
the existence of which, as of its weirdness and beauty, no doubt
can be entertained.
One English poet only can be compared with Wordsworth here :
Shelley, whose senses were endowed with an unusual, almost
a superhuman, gift of insight. He, too, was to enrich our
knowledge of sensation by his verse. His sensitiveness goes into
things even deeper than Wordsworth’s. He can see further
through the screen, even spy ‘the warm light of life. ' But few, if
any, can follow him to the end, or remember having themselves ex-
perienced his wonderful ecstasies. He is alone. On the contrary,
Wordsworth has no abnormal and hypertrophied sensitiveness.
It was the common healthy sensibility of mankind which he found
himself sharing.
He merely reveals to us what everyone has felt,
or may feel any day.
There may be a poetry of nature less obvious than that
founded on a multitudinous notation of her detailed aspects, less
subtle than the analysis of exquisite sensations, but, perhaps, of
more breadth and grandeur. Hazlitt has said that one could infer
that Wordsworth's poetry was written in a mountainous country,
from its bareness, its simplicity, its loftiness and its depth. ' It is
not, indeed, by description that the characters of nature are most
deeply caught and expressed ; it is by incorporation, so to say,
when the image of the outward world, instead of being directly
6
## p. 113 (#135) ############################################
v]
Michael
I13
presented, is reflected in the feelings and shines through the most
indifferent words ; thus deeply had the scenery among which he
spent his days penetrated into Wordsworth's mind and soul. If
we had to praise him as the poet of mountains, we might, of
course, choose the noble descriptive pages that abound in his
volumes ; but, rather than to these, rather than to the famous
mountain scenes in his Excursion—which are too conscious—we
should turn to a poem like Michael, where scenery, characters
and style form a perfect harmony of lines and tints that could
not have existed without a secret process of assimilation. Lofty
and bare, indeed, is this pastoral ; few flowers grow on the
heights where old Michael meant to build his sheepfold. The
land is unadorned. It has no other features than the sheer linea-
ments of its sweeps and pastures or its steep rocks, over which
are spread by turns the naked sky and the winter mists. All this,
together with the bracing air, you feel from the first to the last
line, not less when the poet gives you the speech of his ancient
'statesman' or a glimpse of his stern mind, than when he paints
the landscape itself. Even as the scenery is composed of essentials,
so is the old man's character, and so his language. In such
passages there is not one word of description, and yet the 'pastoral
mountains' are constantly conjured up with their raw atmosphere,
behind the discoursing shepherd. Every syllable he utters is their
emanation.
Another summit is reached by the poet when he freely allows
his creed of the refining agency of the senses to pass into a sort
of waking dream, instead of asserting itself by argument as in
The Prelude, or even, as in Tintern Abbey, by lyrical proclama-
tion. Few will deny one of the very first ranks in his verse to
the fourth of the Lucy poems, where he tells us how his beloved
had been cared for by nature since her tenderest years, how nature
had vowed to make her a Lady of her own,' imparting to her 'the
silence and the calm of mute insensate things,' either bidding the
storm ‘mould the maiden's form by silent sympathy, or causing
'beauty born of murmuring sound to pass into her face. Here,
Wordsworth joins company with the most aerial of poets. He
drops to the earth, for once, all that matter-of-factness of which
Coleridge complained. He sets common observation at defiance
and simply ignores the objections of common sense, with which he
is elsewhere only too prone to argue. Though most thoroughly
himself when shaping Lucy's natural education, he gives wings,
not feet, to his most cherished belief. We have, in this lyric, “the
E. L. XI.
сн. у.
8
## p. 114 (#136) ############################################
114
[CH.
William Wordsworth
fine excess' of poetry. Whatever may be said of these country
maids who, though brought up under the clouds and stars, and by
the side of dancing rivulets, failed to be informed with grace and
beauty, Wordsworth has used his privilege as a poet of embodying
a vision made, after all, of mysterious possibilities, perhaps of
truths in the making.
But nature never engrossed all his thoughts. Many were
given to man, chiefly to the feelings of man. He shows the same
mastery in his delineation of the hidden germs of feeling as of
those of sensation. He, again, excels when describing the moral
emotions in the blending of the subtle and the simple, of the
strange and the essential. But the beauty of his verse seems, in
this case, to come less from intuitive discovery than from long
brooding. Fullness and compactness of meaning now characterise
his greatest utterances. All readers catch their pathos at once ;
few, immediately, if ever, their entire signification. A noticeable
instance is the finale of the plain prosaic story Simon Lee, a short
stanza full to overflowing of his prolonged meditations on the
present iniquity and harshness of society. Poets and moralists
have vied in easy railings at man's ingratitude. Shakespeare,
among others, is full of such denunciations. Alas! the greater
cause for grief is the existence of gratitude, chiefly of excessive
gratitude, which implies that there is a scarcity of fellow-feeling,
a dearth of benevolence, a lack of mutual neighbourly assistance
in this world. That exaggerated thanks should be offered for
the merest trifle, for a deed of easy and imperative kindness,
betrays daily uncharitableness and opens vistas of the insensibility
of existing society ; it shows 'what man has made of man':
I've heard of hearts unkind, kind deeds
With coldness still returning;
Alas! the gratitude of man
Hath oftener left me mourning.
This is one of his many reflections which are more pregnant and
sink deeper into the mind and heart than those of almost any
other poet.
From such deep sources do many of his sonnets, chiefly of his
political sonnets, draw their rare intensity of moral feeling. It is
enough to remind the reader of a few familiar passages : his
melancholy on hearing of the extinction of the republic of Venice;
his energy of tone when he comforts poor Toussaint Louverture,
the liberator of San Domingo, now thrown into a prison ; the bitter
P
co
## p. 115 (#137) ############################################
v]
His Sonnets
115
restrained irony of his ‘high-minded Spaniard,' who resents, more
than the devastation of his country, Napoleon's so-called benefits,
and so forth. In his more strictly English sonnets, the greatness
is not due to novelty of thought. It so happens that almost every
idea and emotion expressed by Wordsworth in 1802 and the years
following had been more than foreshadowed by Coleridge as
early as 1798 in his Ode to France or Fears in Solitude. But
the truly Wordsworthian power of the sonnets is owing to the
protracted sojourn of these feelings in his breast before he gave
utterance to them, to his long reluctance against their admission,
to his repeated inward debates. Hence, instead of Coleridge's
extemporised effusions, which have been aptly compared, by
Angellier, to the sea-scud which is thrown off by a storm, here we
have the distilled elixir. Nearly ten years of vexed thoughts
went to the making, in 1803, of the final line of the sonnet to
England, where, after enumerating and condemning what he calls
her many political crimes, he sighs (with a unique mixture of
reproof and tenderness, of grief and repressed pride) at the
thought that she, nevertheless, is the least unworthy champion
of liberty left in the world :
O grief that Earth's best hopes rest all in thee!
It would be hard to match these ten monosyllables for compactness
of historical allusion and complex feeling. Such condensed moral
utterances are among the glories of Wordsworth’s verse.
Other characteristics ought to be added, regarding bis more
purely artistic gifts-gifts of verse-writing and style, gifts of com-
position. But this would land us in endless discussions ; for, in
these respects, Wordsworth’s mastery is surely relative and inter-
mittent. He reaches, at times, so high a degree of excellence that
the mere verbal felicity of some of his simplest lines baffles the
imitation of the most refined artists:
Perhaps the plaintive numbers flow
For old, unhappy, far-off things,
And battles long ago. . . .
But he frequently mixes the highest poetry with the flatness of
unimpassioned, uninspired prose. He also shows himself, in many
a period or stanza, devoid of ease, elegance and pliancy. He is
more than once awkwardly naïve, clumsily familiar, or, on the
contrary, more solemn and pompous than needs be. The talent
for construction, niggardly bestowed on the romantic poets of all
countries, is particularly weak in him. He could never frame and
8-2
## p. 116 (#138) ############################################
116
[CH. V
William Wordsworth
fashion a considerable poem with due equilibrium of substance
and form, of thought and story. In this respect, The Excursion
is a memorable failure. As to The Prelude, it owes its permanent
interest partly to its admirable passages of poetry, partly to its
philosophical or to its autobiographical value, which we feel, as we
read, to be merits not strictly poetic. Only in compositions of
moderate length, like The Ruined Cottage, Michael, Laodamia
did he achieve perfect harmony, and in many of his lyrics and
sonnets.
That he often tries to lift us and himself to the poetic mood
rather than takes this mood for granted, cannot be denied. Poetry
often seems to be his object rather than his possession. He made
the training of man to poetry his chief office here below.
leads us warily from the inlands of prose to the shore, marking out
the way with unprecedented care; but he is sometimes content
with gazing on the element and leaves it to others boldly to sail
upon it or plunge into it. The main body of his poems is educative
and preparatory. Yet he has left sufficient of absolute verse,
heart-searching and beautiful, enough for a Wordsworthian an-
thology that will remain among the most enduring treasures of
romanticism.
He
1
1
1
## p. 117 (#139) ############################################
CHAPTER VI
COLERIDGE
COLERIDGE survives for us as poet: a poet unique in inspiration,
unique, also, if sadly fitful, in achievement. But he was also philo-
sopher, critic, theologian, moralist, talker-above all, a talker.
And, with the strongest will in the world, it would have been hard
for one so variously endowed not to dissipate his genius. Given a
will exceptionally infirm, the wonder is that he should have left so
much, rather than so little, as a monument of what he was.
The strange complexity of his nature, reflected, as it is, in the
whole tenor of his life, is a challenge to all who love to follow the
mysterious windings of the soul. His character is an enthralling,
as well as a deeply pathetic, study in itself. And it may even be
that we shall find it throw some light upon his genius, as a poet.
Samuel Taylor Coleridge was born in October 1772; two years
after Wordsworth, one year after Walter Scott. He was crossing
the threshold into manhood at the time when the French revolution
was rousing the more active minds to revolt against the traditions
of the past: a revolt which, in his case as in others, extended to
things literary no less than to those social and political. He reached
middle life with the reaction which followed the downfall of Napoleon.
He died (1834) in the period immediately succeeding the arrest of
that reaction: some dozen years later than Keats and Shelley; ten
years after Byron; two years after Walter Scott. And, of all the
movements connected with those names and events, there was not
one, unless we except the creations of Keats and Shelley, which did
not, whether by way of action or reaction, leave some trace upon
his soul.
From his father he inherited a reverence for verbal niceties
which went with him throughout life; a curious strain of pedantry,
which crops up in the most unlikely places; above all, a dreamy
nature, which always made him a stranger and pilgrim among the
bustling figures and harsh incidents of daily life. To his mother,
## p. 118 (#140) ############################################
118
[CH.
Coleridge
a woman of keen practical instincts, he does not seem to have owed
much beyond the priceless boon of affection. And even this was
largely lost to him when, on the death of his father, he was des-
patched, according to the practice even then too common in
English households, to school (Christ's hospital) at the age of nine
(1781). Henceforth, he was to see his family only at the rarest
intervals; and the outlet of home affections was virtually closed.
Even as a child, he had laid hold on all the books--especially,
imaginative works-that came within his reach. At school, he
—
became a prodigy of youthful learning and philosophy: logician,
metaphysician, bard,' the 'inspired charity boy' of Lamb's wistful
recollections. For a time, as he tells us -and it was not for the
last time—the ‘bard’ was quite driven out by the ‘metaphysician. '
And it needed what we should now consider the rather weak
stimulus of Bowles's sonnets to rouse him from this preposterous
pursuit' (1789). The remedy, such as it was, proved undeniably
efficacious. For the next five years, sentiment, of the kind repre-
sented by Bowles, was the most powerful factor in his growth.
In the excitement of Cambridge life (1791-3)-partly, too,
under the spell of love for Mary Evans--his whole being seems
to have expanded. But there was nothing to mark him off from
the ordinary student of talent until, under the spur of debt or ill-
starred love, or both, he suddenly bolted from the university and
enlisted in a regiment of light dragoons (December 1793). After four
months of this ludicrously unsuitable employment, he was discharged,
by the efforts of his friends, and readmitted, with due penalties, to
his college. Some two months later (June 1794) began that ac-
quaintance with Southey, then an Oxford undergraduate, which
was deeply to colour the next few years of his life.
Up to this time, there is nothing beyond the doubtful evidence
of a school exercise to show that the revolution in France had
roused any deep interest, or even attention, in his mind. Now,
under the tenser will of Southey, he became a fiery revolutionist,
of a brand, however, peculiarly his own! In hatred of Pitt and the
war, he was, no doubt, at one with the other Jacobins of the time.
But the Pantisocracy, which the two friends beat out between them,
ran decisively athwart the main stream of revolutionary aspirations.
It was intended only for the select few; it was no part of a general
1 “We never were, at any period of our lives, converts to the system of French
politics,' he writes, in an article on Jacobinism (1802). And the lightness with which
he dropped the cause of France-as may be seen from his fine, but somewhat rhetorical,
Ode (1798)—bears witness to the fact.
## p. 119 (#141) ############################################
VI]
The French Revolution
119
scheme of social reconstruction. Again, the ‘Jacobinism’of Coleridge,
though not that of Southey, was always strongly charged with a
mystical and religious element, which stands in the sharpest contrast
with the purely secular, often atheist, temper more common among
the reformers of that day. Lastly-and here, once again, he joins
hands with Southey—the whole creed and being of the young
convert were drowned in a flood of sentiment which woke in him,
for the first time in good earnest, the need of poetic utterance, and
which at once sets a barrier between him and most of the leading
figures among the rebel band: Godwin, for instance, or Holcroft,
or even Thelwall.
It was in pleading the cause of Pantisocracy that he first
discovered—to himself, perhaps, as well as to others—his amazing
powers of eloquence. His letters of that time are full of boyish
delight in the discovery: ‘Up I arose, terrible in reasoning' is a
typical sentence. And, so long as he could convince, or even
vanquish, his opponents, it is clear that he did not much trouble
himself to put his convictions into act. Even his breach with
Southey, who soon became lukewarm in the cause, would seem to
have partly sprung from an uneasy sense that he, too, had said more
than he was willing or able to make good, and from the consequent
impulse, very natural though not very just, to prove that some one
else was yet more guilty than himself. Still more ominous, even
in an age of overwrought sentiment, is the sentimentalism of his
letters. Since I quitted this room,' he writes on his return from
the fateful visit to Oxford, 'what and how important events have
been evolved! America ! Southey! Miss Fricker! Yes, Southey,
you are right. Even love is the creature of strong motive. I
certainly love her. It is small wonder that the love which began
as 'the creature of strong motive'—that is, Southey's fiat-should
have ended disastrously for both. A year later (October 1795) the
marriage duly took place.
The poetry of these years (1794–6) is a mirror of the man :
eloquent, loose-girt, strongly inclined to preach; in all things, the
very reverse of the inspired pieces soon to follow. It is, doubt-
less, the sincere expression of the generous convictions and aspira-
tions which he held in common with others. But it lacks the
individuality which is the soul of poetry; and, only in one passage-
some three or four lines of The Eolian Harpidoes it offer even
a faint promise of the works by which he lives. It is a glorified
6
1 I find that these lines (26—9) were first inserted in the Errata to Sibylline Leares
(1817). Thus, the one redeeming exception falls to the ground.
## p. 120 (#142) ############################################
I 20
[CH.
Coleridge
6
version of sermons such as Hazlitt heard in the enchanted walls of
the Shropshire chapel. It has nothing in common with The Ancient
Mariner, or Christabel, or even the ode Dejection.
It was the genius of Wordsworth-and, with Wordsworth, we
must always think of his 'exquisite sister'—that first revealed him
to himself. It was in daily intercourse with a stronger spirit than
his own-first at Stowey (1797—8), then, more fitfully, in the lake
country (1800—3)—that all his enduring poetry was composed.
The spell of Wordsworth, however, went far deeper than this. It
not only awakened the younger poet to creative energies which
had hitherto lain asleep. It was a transforming influence upon his
whole cast of thought, upon the whole character of his soul. His
whole nature was roused, for the first time, to a full consciousness
of its powers; and powers of which he had hitherto given no
suspicion were suddenly called to light. A sense of the beauty
of outward things, as deep as Wordsworth's, but still more delicate
and more subtle; a sense of the boundless mystery of life—the
inner yet more than the outer life-and a power of interpreting
it in terms of thought: these were the two gifts which came to
him with this new birth; and, however idly he may have used
them, they remained with him to the end. Well might he say
that 'a new earth and a new heaven' were now given to him in
dower. ' For he saw the world with a keener and more radiant
vision than had ever been granted to him before; and he saw into
it more deeply. In the full sense of the terms, he became, for the
first time, both philosopher and poet.
That his use of these magic gifts was not what it might have
been, is too clear. But it is only just to remember that this applies
more to his work as philosopher than as poet. Poetry 'comes not
with observation. ' And, if that be true, in a measure, of all poetry, of
none is it so true as of that to which the peculiar genius of Coleridge
was manifestly ordained. Is it reasonable to
Is it reasonable to suppose that any poet
could have gone on living for ever in an air so rarefied as that of
The Ancient Mariner, or Kubla Khan, or Christabel? Given cir-
cumstances so happy as almost to amount to a miracle, perhaps he
might. But the miracle did not happen to Coleridge; and, even
if his will had been as strong as it was weak, there is no warrant
that it would have happened. To condemn him on this score,
however much he himself would have accepted the condemnation,
seems, therefore, unwarrantably harsh. But his other gifts lay in
a region more under his control. And, had he been a man of
ordinary resolution-above all, had he not let himself become the
## p. 121 (#143) ############################################
а
vi]
Bondage to Opium
I 21
slave of opium-there was nothing to prevent him from accom-
plishing a giant's work in philosophy and criticism. In criticism
and the theory of criticism, he might have done for his own country
the double work which was done for Germany by Lessing and
Hegel, and something more besides. In philosophy, he might have
recast and even extended the massive fabric of Kant. As it is, in
neither field has he left more than a heap of disjointed, but imposing,
fragments.
The opium habit, the beginnings of which go back as far as 1797,
seems to have grown upon him during his time at Malta (1804-6);
and, by the time he returned to England, the bondage must have
been confirmed. Again and again, he strove to throw off the yoke;
but only to fall back again more helplessly than before. Degraded
in his own eyes, he felt life to be a burden almost too heavy to be
borne; and the letters which, now and again, were wrung from him
by remorse, are, perhaps, among the most terrible ever written. Two
things alone saved him from total shipwreck: the unwearied tender-
ness of friends, old and new-Poole, Wordsworth, Mrs Clarkson and
the Morgans; and the innate rectitude, winged by a strong religious
impulse, which did not cease to assert itself against reiterated
defeat. At length, after ten years of debasement, he nerved himself
to seek refuge with James Gillman, a physician of Highgate (1816).
And, thanks to the devoted friendship and watchfulness of this man
and his wife—he remained their 'inmate' till his death-he slowly
tore himself loose from the bondage in which he had been held.
That he never wholly gave up the drug, is tolerably clear. But he
so far mastered himself as to take it in rarer and smaller doses;
and, for practical purposes, the hard-fought victory was won. Thus,
the last eighteen years of his life were years of inward peace and
of fruitful service to others. The old weakness, no doubt, still
dogged his steps and prevented the fulfilment of the task —a work
on Spiritual Philosophy and half a dozen alternative titles—to
which he was conscious of being called. But, in familiar talk, in
formal lecturing and even in published writings, this was the
richest period of his life; and it left a deep mark upon some of
the strongest and most eager spirits of the younger generation.
The victory was won. But the long years of apparently hopeless
struggle had left scars which nothing could wholly heal. The prime
of his life had been largely wasted. And he had strained the
patience of some of his best friends. Josiah Wedgwood had with-
drawn, perhaps with undue harshness, his half of the pension that
he and his brother had granted in days when nothing seemed beyond
## p. 122 (#144) ############################################
I 22
[CH.
Coleridge
the reach of the young poet and thinker. Southey, who had
gallantly shouldered the charge of the truant's wife and children,
was embittered, if not estranged. Even Wordsworth, by an un-
guarded utterance made with the best intentions, had caused a
breach which could never wholly be made up? This was probably
the deepest sorrow of his life; all else,' he says, 'is as a flea-bite. '
His family life, too-though this was from causes which, in the
first instance, at any rate, had little to do with opium-had been
entirely broken up. And, though a formal separation was avoided,
he never lived with his wife after 1810; and had, in fact, seen as
little as he could of her since 1804. The real secret of the estrange-
ment was that, by temperament, the two were ill sorted with each
other. But it is impossible not to feel the deepest sympathy with
a woman who battled bravely with the hardships of her lot; and
hard to check the suspicion that, but for opium, the difficulties
might have been smoothed over. In any case, the breach was a
worse thing for Coleridge than he was ever willing to acknowledge.
It robbed him of the steadying influences of home life, to which
he was by nature peculiarly open. And it left a sting in his con-
science which he may have ignored, but which, just for that reason,
was never healed.
The strangest thing is that, in the very height of the opium
fever, he should have been capable of efforts which, though
lamentably unequal, still gave evidence of powers which not one
of his contemporaries could have rivalled. It was between 1808
and 1815 that he delivered the bulk of the critical lectures which
make an era in the history of English literary criticism; that he
composed The Friend, in its earlier and, doubtless, far inferior
version (1809); and, finally, that he wrote all save a few passages
of Biographia literaria (1815), the only one of his prose works
which can be said to survive to the present day. Even in the
depth of his debasement, he must have retained an amazing
spring, a power of throwing off weights which would have crushed
another man, of recovering something, at any rate, of the free flight
to which he was born. It was this boundless power of self-retrieval
-
that, at length, enabled him to cast off the yoke of opium. It was
this, even more than his genius, which drew men to him as a magnet
and never allowed him to forfeit the admiration, and even the
respect, of his friends.
i The details of this misunderstanding are set forth in the MS of Robinson's diary,
in the published version of which they are briefly summarised (vol. 1, pp. 210—211).
See, also, Coleridge's Letters, vol. II, pp. 577—8, 586—595.
## p.
