No More Learning

No rest
no content. And there is no other way.
One must seek, grope,
toil — then produce rapidly -- in a flash — throw what you have
done behind you — and so on to the next problem, and the next.
There is no end to it; there never can be. But you hardly came
here this morning, I imagine, mademoiselle, to hear me prate!
I wish you good-day and good-by. I came over for a look at the
Salon; but to-morrow I go back to Spain. I can't breathe now
for long away from my sun and my South! Adieu, mademoi-
selle. I am told your prospects, when the voting comes on, are
excellent. May the gods inspire the jury. ”
He bowed, smiled, and passed on, carrying his lion-head and
kingly presence down the gallery, which had now filled up again;
»
*«It is Glory herself who whispers to you now!


## p. 15661 (#615) ##########################################

MRS. HUMPHRY WARD
15661
ing for.
(
and where, so David noticed, person after person turned as he
came near, with the same flash of recognition and pleasure he
had seen upon Elise's face.
A wild jealousy of the young conqueror invaded the English lad.
" Who is he? ” he asked.
Elise, woman-like, divined him in a moment. She gave him
a sidelong glance, and went back to her painting.
« That,” she said quietly, “is Henri Regnault. Ah, you know
nothing of our painters. I can't make you understand. For
me he is a young god; there is a halo round his head. He has
grasped his fame — the fame we poor creatures are all thirst-
It began last year with the Prim — General Prim on
horseback-oh, magnificent! a passion! an energy! This year
!
it is the Salome. ) About — Gautier- all the world — have lost
their heads over it. If you go to see it at the Salon, you will
have to wait your turn. Crowds go every day for nothing else.
Of course there are murmurs. They say the study of Fortuny
has done him harm. Nonsense! People discuss him because he
is becoming a master; no one discusses the nonentities. They
have no enemies. Then he is a sculptor, musician, athlete, — well
born besides, — all the world is his friend. But with it all so
simple — bon camarade even for poor scrawlers like me. Je
l'adore ! »
“So it seems,” said David.
The girl smiled over her painting. But after a bit she looked
up with a seriousness — nay, a bitterness — in her siren's face,
which astonished him.
“It is not amusing to take you in,- you are too ignorant.
What do you suppose Henri Regnault matters to me? His world
is as far above mine as Velasquez's art is above my art. But
how can a foreigner understand our shades and grades ? Noth-
ing but success, but la gloire, could ever lift me into his world.
Then indeed I should be everybody's equal, and it would mat-
ter to nobody that I had been a Bohemian and a déclassée. ”
She gave a little sigh of excitement, and threw her head back
to look at her picture. David watched her.
“I thought,” he said ironically, “that a few minutes ago you
were all for Bohemia. I did not suspect these social ambitions. ”
"All women have them — all artists deny them,” she said reck-
lessly. “There, explain me as you like, Monsieur David. But
(
»


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15662
MRS. HUMPHRY WARD
“ Be
»
don't read my riddle too soon, or I shall bore you. — Allow me to
ask you a question. ”
She laid down her brushes and looked at him with the utmost
gravity. His heart beat; he bent forward.
"Are you ever hungry, Monsieur David ? »
He sprang up, half enraged, half ashamed.
«Where can we get some food ? »
« That is my affair,” she said, putting up her brushes.
humble, monsieur, and take a lesson in Paris. ”
And out they went together, he beside himself with delight
of accompanying her, and proudly carrying her box and satchel.
How her little feet slipped in and out of her pretty dress!
how, as they stood on the top of the great flight of stairs lead-
ing down into the court of the Louvre, the wind from outside
blew back the curls from her brow, and ruffled the violets in her
hat, the black lace about her tiny throat! It was an enchant-
ment to follow and to serve her. She led him through the Tuile-
ries Gardens and the Place de la Concorde to the Champs Elysées.
The fountains leapt in the sun; the river blazed between the
great white buildings of its banks; to the left was the gilded
dome of the Invalides and the mass of the Corps Législatif; while
in front of them rose the long ascent to the Arc de l'Étoile, set
in vivid green on either hand. Everywhere was space, glitter,
magnificence. The gayety of Paris entered into the Englishman
and took possession.
Presently, as they wandered up the Champs Elysées, they
passed a great building to the left. Elise stopped and clasped
her hands in front of her with a little nervous spasmodic gest-
ure.
« That,” she said, “is the Salon. My fate lies there. When
we have had some food, I will take you in to see. ”
She led him a little further up the avenue; then took him
aside through cunningly devised labyrinths of green till they came
upon a little café restaurant among the trees, where people sat
under an awning, and the wind drove the spray of a little fount-
ain hither and thither among the bushes. It was gay, foreign,
romantic, unlike anything David had ever seen in his northern
world. He sat down, with Barbier's stories running in his head.
Mademoiselle Delaunay was George Sand — independent, gifted,
on the road to fame like that great déclassée of old; and he was


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MRS. HUMPHRY WARD
15663
-
-
her friend and comrade,- a humble soldier, a camp follower, in
the great army of letters.
Their meal was of the lightest. This descent on the Champs
Elysées had been a freak on Elise's part, who wished to do
nothing so banal as to take her companion to the Palais Royal.
But the restaurant she had chosen, though of a much humbler
kind than those which the rich tourist commonly associates with
this part of Paris, was still a good deal more expensive than
she had rashly supposed. She opened her eyes gravely at the
charges; abused herself extravagantly for a lack of savoir vivre :
and both with one accord declared that it was too hot to eat.
But upon such eggs and such green peas as they did allow them-
selves — a portion of each, scrupulously shared - David at any
rate was prepared to live to the end of the chapter.
Afterwards, over the coffee and the cigarettes,— Elise taking
her part in both, — they lingered for one of those hours which
make the glamour of youth. Confidences flowed fast between
them. His French grew suppler and more docile, answered more
truly to the individuality behind it. He told her of his bringing-
up, of his wandering with the sheep on the mountains, of his
reading among the heather, of 'Lias and his visions, of Hannah's
cruelties and Louie's tempers,- that same idyl of peasant life to
which Dora had listened some months before. But how differ-
ently told! Each different listener changes the tale, readjusts the
tone. But here also the tale pleased. Elise, for all her leanings
towards new schools in art, had the Romantic's imagination, and
the Romantic's relish for things foreign and unaccustomed. The
English boy and his story seemed to her both charming and
original. Her artist's eye followed the lines of the ruffled black
head, and noted the red-brown of the skin. She felt a wish to
draw him,- a wish which had entirely vanished in the case of
Louie.
Your sister has taken a dislike to me,” she said to him once,
coolly. "And for me, I am afraid of her. Ah! and she broke
my glass! »
She shivered, and a look of anxiety and depression invaded
her small face. He guessed that she was thinking of her pict-
ures, and began timidly to speak to her about them. When
they returned to the world of art, his fluency left him; he felt
crushed beneath the weight of his own ignorance and her ac-
complishment.
-
(


## p. 15664 (#618) ##########################################

15664
MRS. HUMPHRY WARD
"Come and see them! ” she said, springing up. “I am tired
of my Infanta. Let her be awhile. Come to the Salon, and I
will show you (Salome. Or are you sick of pictures? What do
'
you want to see ? Ça m'est égal. * I can always go back to my
work. ”
She spoke with a cavalier lightness which teased and piqued
him.
"I wish to go where you go,” he said Aushing; "to see what
»
>
you see. ”
She shook her little head.
"No compliments, Monsieur David. We are serious persons,
you and I. Well, then, for a couple of hours, soyons camarades !
* “It's all the same to me. ”


## p. 15664 (#619) ##########################################



## p. 15664 (#620) ##########################################


WASHINGTON.


## p. 15664 (#621) ##########################################

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## p. 15664 (#622) ##########################################


3)


## p. 15665 (#623) ##########################################

15665
GEORGE WASHINGTON
(1732-1799)
he Farewell Address of Washington is infused with that qual-
ity of his character which appealed most forcibly to his
contemporaries, and which has governed posterity's estimate
of him: entire and consistent devotion to a fixed ideal, the fruit of
a genius for patriotism. In the light of this genius alone can the
greatness of Washington be understood and appreciated; seen out
of its circle he is merely a colonial country gentleman of indifferent
education. As a boy he composed a set of rules of conduct, such as
any well-mannered boy might lay down for his guidance. It ends
however with these significant words: “Labor to keep alive in your
breast that little spark of celestial fire called conscience. ” Wash-
ington's country was his conscience. Not many men are intelli-
gent patriots, since the heat of the heart confuses the judgment; nor
are many consistent patriots, since the successful servant is peril-
ously near the office of master. The pre-eminence of Washington is
founded upon his intelligence and consistency in conducting one of
the greatest revolutions of this or of any time,” in serving his coun-
try as President, in retiring froin office so soon as he perceived that
his services were no longer essential. The Farewell Address will
remain one of the most significant and important of historical docu-
ments, because it embodies the very essence of a sober and faithful
patriotism.
The life of Washington proves how much can be effected by single-
mindedness in the pursuit of an ideal. His contemporaries who met
him during the Revolution, or during his terms of office, seemed at a
loss to account for his greatness; as if the man were constantly hiding
behind his services. “Something of stillness envelops the actions of
Washington,” Châteaubriand wrote. Many accounts of his personal
appearance remain: few exact impressions of his personality. His
letters and his diaries throw little light upon him, neither do they
discover the secret of his extraordinary power. The Farewell Ad-
dress is perhaps the most truthful portrait of him which remains.
He was born in Virginia on February 22d, 1732, of a family which
had come from England about the middle of the seventeenth cen-
tury. Of his early life little is known, save a few apocryphal stories.
His education was elementary: he was brought up on his father's
XXVI–980


## p. 15666 (#624) ##########################################

15666
GEORGE WASHINGTON
plantation, leading a free out-of-door life; he emerged into clear view
first as a surveyor of the lands of Lord Fairfax, father-in-law of his
half-brother Lawrence. Four years later, when he was about twenty
years of age, he became heir to the family property of Mount Ver-
non. In 1753 Lieutenant-Governor Dinwiddie appointed him com-
mander of the northern military district of Virginia. The French and
Indian War breaking out in the same year, Washington was sent by
the Governor to warn the French away from the new forts in west-
ern Pennsylvania. The intelligence and clear judgment which he
displayed in the execution of this commission led to his being
appointed, in 1755, commander-in-chief of all the Virginia forces, with
the task of defending a frontier of three hundred and fifty miles
with seven hundred and fifty men. In Braddock's campaign he came
rapidly to the front as an officer of extraordinary coolness, courage,
and military skill. At the close of this war he married Martha Dan-
dridge, the widow of Daniel Parke Custis, and settled down to twenty
years of retirement in Virginia. In 1774 the Virginia convention
appointed him one of seven delegates to the Continental Congress;
at which Congress, on the motion of John Adams, he was appointed
commander-in-chief of the armed forces of the colonies. On July 2d
of the same year he took command of the army at Cambridge, Mas-
sachusetts. From that time on he was engaged in a series of brill-
iant campaigns, which ended only when the object of the war had
been fully attained. James Thacher, a surgeon in the Revolution,
who kept a military diary, has left this description of Washington
the general:
« The personal appearance of our commander-in-chief is that of a perfect
gentleman and accomplished warrior. He is remarkably tall, – full six feet, -
erect and well-proportioned. The strength and proportion of his joints and
muscles appear to be commensurate with the pre-eminent powers of his mind.
The serenity of his countenance, and majestic gracefulness of his deportment,
impart a strong impression of that dignity and grandeur which are peculiar
characteristics; and no one can stand in his presence without feeling the
ascendency of his mind, and associating with his countenance the idea of wis-
dom, philanthropy, magnanimity, and patriotism. There is a fine symmetry
in the features of his face indicative of a benign and dignified spirit. His
nose is straight, and his eyes inclined to blue. He wears his hair in a becom-
ing cue, and from his forehead it is turned back, and powdered in a manner
which adds to the military air of his appearance. He displays a native grav-
ity, but devoid of all appearance of ostentation. His uniform dress is a blue
coat with two brilliant epaulets, buff-colored under clothes, and a three-cornered
hat with a black cockade. He is constantly equipped with an elegant small-
sword, boots and spurs, in readiness to mount his noble charger. ”
In 1783 Washington resigned his commission, and went again
into retirement, until his election to the Presidency in 1787. After


## p. 15667 (#625) ##########################################

GEORGE WASHINGTON
15667
serving two terms, he spent the remainder of his life upon his
Mount Vernon estate in Virginia. He died in 1799.
«I felt on his death, with my countrymen,” wrote Thomas Jeffer-
son, “Verily a great man hath fallen in Israel. »
Washington Irving said of him: «The character of Washington
may want some of those poetical elements which dazzle and delight
the multitude; but it possessed fewer inequalities, and a rarer union
of virtues, than perhaps ever fall to the lot of one man. ”
WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS
The
Friends and Fellow-Citizens :
he period for a new election of a citizen to administer the
executive government of the United States being not far
distant, and the time actually arrived when your thoughts
must be employed in designating the person who is to be clothed
with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as
it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice,
that I should now apprise you of the resolution I have formed,
to decline being considered among the number of those out of
whom a choice is to be made.
I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be
assured that this resolution has not been taken without a strict
regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which
binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that in withdrawing
the tender of service which silence in my situation might imply,
I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest,
no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness; but am
supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with
both.
The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the office to
which your suffrages have twice called me, have been a uniform
sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference
to what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped that
it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with
motives which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to
that retirement from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The
strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last elec-
tion, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it
to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical


## p. 15668 (#626) ##########################################

15668
GEORGE WASHINGTON
posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous
advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to
abandon the idea.
I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well as
internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompati-
ble with the sentiment of duty or propriety; and am persuaded,
whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that in the
present circumstances of our country you will not disapprove my
determination to retire.
The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous
trust were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge
of this trust, I will only say that I have, with good intentions,
contributed towards the organization and administration of the
government the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment
was capable. Not unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of
my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more
in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence
of myself; and every day the increasing weight of years admon-
ishes me
more and more that the shade of retirement is as
necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied that if any cir-
cumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were
temporary, I have the consolation to believe that while choice
and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism
does not forbid it.
In looking forward to the moment which is intended to ter-
minate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit
me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of grati-
tude which I owe to my beloved country for the many honors
which it has conferred upon me; still more for the steadfast
confidence with which it has supported me; and for the opportu-
nities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attach-
ment by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness
unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country
from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise;
and as an instructive example in our annals that, under circum-
stances in which the passions - agitated in every direction - were
liable to mislead, amidst appearances sometimes dubious, vicissi-
tudes of fortune often discouraging, in situations in which not
infrequently want of success has countenanced the spirit of crit.
icism, — the constancy of your support was the essential prop
of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which they were


## p. 15669 (#627) ##########################################

GEORGE WASHINGTON
15669
effected. Profoundly penetrated by this idea, I shall carry it with
me to the grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that
Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its benefi-
cence; that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual;
that the free constitution, which is the work of your hands, may
be sacredly maintained; that its administration in every depart-
ment may be stamped with wisdom and virtue; — that, in fine,
the happiness of the people of these States, under the auspices
of liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a preservation
and so prudent a use of this blessing, as will acquire to them
the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection, and
adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it.
Here, perhaps, I ought to stop: but solicitude for your wel.
fare, which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension
of danger natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like
the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recom-
mend to your frequent review, some sentiments which are the
result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation; and
which appear to me all-important to the permanency of your
felicity as a people. These will be offered to you with the more
freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings
of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to
bias his counsels. Nor can I forget an encouragement to it,-
your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not
dissimilar occasion.
Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of
your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify
or confirm the attachment.
The unity of government which constitutes you one people is
also now dear to you. It is justly so, for it is a main pillar in
the edifice of your real independence: the support of your tran-
quillity at home, your peace abroad; of your safety; of your pros-
perity in every shape; of that very liberty which you so highly
prize.
But as it is easy to foresee that from different causes,
and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many arti-
fices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this
truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which
the batteries of external and internal enemies will be most con-
stantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) di-
rected: it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate


## p. 15670 (#628) ##########################################

15670
GEORGE WASHINGTON
the immense value of your national union to your collective and
individual happiness,- that you should cherish a cordial habit-
ual and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to
think and speak of it as of the Palladium of your political safety
and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety;
discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it
can, in any event, be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon
the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our
country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now
link together the various parts.
For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest.
Citizens by birth or choice of a common country, that country
has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of Amer.
ican, which belongs to you in your national capacity, must
always exalt the just pride of patriotism more than any appel-
lation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of
difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and polit-
ical principles. You have in a common cause fought and tri.
umphed together. The independence and liberty you possess are
the work of joint councils and joint efforts,- of common dan-
gers, sufferings, and successes.
But these considerations, however powerfully they address
themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those
which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every
portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for
carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole.
The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South,
protected by the equal laws of the common government, finds in
the productions of the latter, great additional resources of mari-
time and commercial enterprise, and precious materials of manu-
facturing industry. The South, in the same intercourse, benefiting
by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow and its
cominerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the sea-
men of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigorated;
and while it contributes in different ways to nourish and increase
the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to
the protection of a maritime strength to which itself is unequally
adapted. The East, in a like intercourse with the West, already
finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communi-
cations by land and water will more and more find, a valuable


## p. 15671 (#629) ##########################################

GEORGE WASHINGTON
15671
vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad or manu-
factures at home. The West derives from the East supplies
requisite to its growth and comfort; and what is perhaps of still
greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoy-
ment of indispensable outlets for its own production, to the
weight, influence, and future maritime strength of the Atlantic
side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of
interest, as
one nation. Any other tenure by which the West
can hold this essential advantage — whether derived from its own
separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connection
with any foreign power — must be intrinsically precarious.
While then every part of our country thus feels an immedi-
ate and particular interest in union, all the parts combined in
the united mass of means and efforts cannot fail to find greater
strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from
external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by
foreign nations: and what is of inestimable value, they must
derive from union an exemption from these broils and wars be-
tween themselves, which so frequently afflict neighboring countries
not tied together by the same government, which their own rival-
ships alone would be sufficient to produce; but which opposite
foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues, would stimulate and
embitter. Hence likewise they will avoid the necessity of those
overgrown military establishments, which, under any form of
government, are inauspicious to liberty; and which are to be
regarded as particularly hostile to republican liberty. In this
sense it is, that your union ought to be considered as a main prop
of your liberty; and that the love of the one ought to endear
to you the preservation of the other.
These considerations speak a persuasive language to every
reflecting and virtuous mind; and exhibit the continuance of the
Union as a primary object of patriotic desire. Is there a doubt
whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere?
Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a
were criminal. We are authorized to hope that a proper
organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of govern-
ments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue
to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment.
With such powerful and obvious motives to union affecting all
parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated
case


## p. 15672 (#630) ##########################################

15672
GEORGE WASHINGTON
its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the
patriotism of those who in any quarter may endeavor to weaken
its bands.
In contemplating the causes which may disturb our union, it
occurs as matter of serious concern that any ground should
have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical
discriminations: Northern and Southern - Atlantic and Western;
whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there
is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the ex-
pedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts,
is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You
cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and
heart-burnings which spring from these misrepresentations. They
tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound
together by fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our Western
country have lately had a useful lesson on this head. They have
seen, in the negotiation by the executive, and in the unanimous
ratification by the Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the
universal satisfaction at that event throughout the United States,
a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated
among them, of a policy in the general government, and in the
Atlantic States, unfriendly to their interests in regard to the
Mississippi. They have been witnesses to the formation of two
treaties — that with Great Britain, and that with Spain - which
secure to them everything they could desire in respect to our
foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it
not be their wisdom to rely, for the preservation of these advan-
tages, on the union by which they were procured? Will they
not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who
would sever them from their brethren, and connect them with
aliens?
To the efficacy and permanency of your union, a govern-
ment for the whole is indispensable. No alliances, however strict,
between the parts, can be an adequate substitute. They must
inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which all
alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of this moment-
ous truth, you have improved upon your first essay by the adop-
tion of a constitution of government better calculated than your
former for an intimate union, and for the efficacious manage-
ment of your common concerns. This government, the offspring


## p. 15673 (#631) ##########################################

GEORGE WASHINGTON
15673
of your own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full
investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its prin-
ciples, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with
energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own
amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support.
Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence
in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims
of true liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right
of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of govern-
ment. But the constitution which at any time exists, till changed
by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly
obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right
of the people to establish government, presupposes the duty of
every individual to obey the established government.
All obstructions to the execution of the laws; all combina-
tions and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the
real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe, the regular delib-
eration and action of the constituted authorities, -are destructive
of this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve
to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary
force; to put in the place of the delegated will of the nation, the
will of a party, — often a small but artful and enterprising minor-
ity of the community, -and according to the alternate triumphs
of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror
of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather
than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans, digested by
common councils and modified by mutual interests. However
combinations or associations of the above description may now
and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of
time and things, to become potent engines by which cunning,
ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the
power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of
government; destroying afterwards the very engines which have
lifted them to unjust dominion.
Towards the preservation of your government and the perma-
nency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that
you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowl-
edged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of
innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts.
One method of assault may be to effect, in the forms of the


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15674
GEORGE WASHINGTON
1
.
.
Constitution, alterations which will impair the energy of the sys-
tem; and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown.
In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that
time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character
of governments as of other human institutions; that experience
is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the
existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes upon
the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion exposes to perpetual
change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion: and
remember, especially, that for the efficient management of your
common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a govern-
ment of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security
of liberty is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a
government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its
surest guardian. — It is indeed little else than a name, where the
government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction,
to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed
by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil en-
joyment of the rights of person and property.
I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the
State, with particular reference to the founding of them on geo-
graphical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehens-
ive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the
baneful effects of the spirit of party generally.
This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature,
having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It
exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less
stifled, controlled, or repressed; but in those of the popular form
it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy.
The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharp-
ened by the spirit of revenge natural to party dissension, which
in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid
enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at
length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The dis-
orders and miseries which result, gradually incline the minds of
men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an
individual; and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing fac-
tion - more able or more fortunate than his competitors — turns
this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins
of public liberty.
>
i


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GEORGE WASHINGTON
15675
Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which
nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight), the common
and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to
make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and
restrain it.
It serves always to distract the public councils, and enfeeble
the public administration. It agitates the cominunity with ill-
founded jealousies and false alarms, kindles the animosity of one
part against another, foments occasionally riot and insurrection.
It opens the doors to foreign influence and corruption, which find
a facilitated access to the government itself, through the channels
of party passions. Thus the policy and will of one country are
subjected to the policy and will of another.
There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful
checks upon the administration of the government, and serve to
keep alive the spirit of liberty. This within limits is probably
true; and in governments of a monarchical cast, patriotism may
look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party.
But in those of the popular character, in governments purely elect-
ive, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tend.
ency, it is certain that there will always be enough of that spirit
for every salutary purpose; and there being constant danger of
excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to miti-
gate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands
a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame; lest
instead of warming, it should coitsume.
It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free
country should inspire caution in those intrusted with its admin-
istration, to confine themselves within their respective constitu-
tional spheres; avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one
department to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroach-
ment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in
one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real
despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and proneness
to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient
to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of recip-
rocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing it and
distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the
guardian of the public weal against invasion by the others, has
been evinced by experiments ancient and modern: some of them


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15676
GEORGE WASHINGTON
in our country and under our own eyes. To preserve them must
be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the
people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional pow-
ers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amend-
ment in the way which the Constitution designates. But let there
be no change by usurpation; for though this, in one instance,
may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by
which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must al-
ways greatly over balance in permanent evil any partial or trans-
ient benefit which the use can at any time yield.
Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political pros-
perity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain
would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor
to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest
props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician,
equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them.
A volume could not trace all their connections with private and
public felicity. Let it simply be asked where is the security for
property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obli-
gation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation
in courts of justice ? And let us with caution indulge the sup-
position that morality can be maintained without religion. What-
ever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on
minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us
to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of reli-
gious principle.
'Tis substantially true that virtue or morality is a necessary
spring of popular government. The rule indeed extends with
more or less force to every species of free government. Who
that is a sincere friend to it can look with indifference upon
attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric?
Promote then, as an object of primary importance, institu-
tions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as
the structure of government gives force to public opinion, it is
essential that public opinion should be enlightened.
As a very important source of strength and security, cherish
public credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as spar-
ingly as possible: avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating
peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to pre-
pare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements


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GEORGE WASHINGTON
15677
to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only
by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in
time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars
may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity
the burthen which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution
of these maxims belongs to your representatives, but it is neces-
sary that public opinion should co-operate. To facilitate to them
the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should
practically bear in mind that towards the payment of debts there
must be revenue; that to have revenue there must be taxes;
that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less incon-
venient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment insepa-
rable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a
choice of difficulties) ought to be a decisive motive for a candid
construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and
for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue
which the public exigencies may at any time dictate.
Observe good faith and justice towards all nations; cultivate
peace and harmony with all. Religion and morality enjoin this
conduct, and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin
it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no distant
period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and
too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted just-
ice and benevolence. Who can doubt that in the course of time
and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any
temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence
to it ? Can it be that Providence has not connected the per-
manent felicity of a nation with its virtue? The experiment, at
least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human
nature; alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices ?
In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential
than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular na-
tions, and passionate attachments for others, should be excluded;
and that in place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all
should be cultivated. The nation which indulges towards another
an habitual hatred or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a
slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of
which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest.
Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more
readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of


## p. 15678 (#636) ##########################################

15678
GEORGE WASHINGTON
umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable when accidental or
trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence frequent collisions,-
obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The nation prompted
by ill-will and resentment sometimes impels to war the govern-
ment, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The govern-
ment sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts
through passion what reason would reject: at other times it
makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hos-
tility instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and per-
nicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty,
of nations has been the victim.
So likewise a passionate attachment of one nation for another
produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation,
facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest where
no real interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the
other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and
wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justification.
It leads also to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges
denied to others; which is apt doubly to injure the nation mak-
ing the concessions, by unnecessarily parting with what ought to
have been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a dis-
position to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges
are withheld. And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded
citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite nation), facility to
betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without
odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding with the appear-
ances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference
for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base
or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation.
As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such
attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened
and independent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford
to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduc-
tion, to mislead public councils! Such an attachment of a small
or weak towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former
to be the satellite of the latter.
Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you
to believe me, fellow-citizens), the jealousy of a free people ought
to be constantly awake; since history and experience prove that
foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican


## p. 15679 (#637) ##########################################

GEORGE WASHINGTON
15679
government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial;
else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be
avoided, instead of a defense against it. Excessive partiality for
one foreign nation, and excessive dislike of another, cause those
whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to
veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real
patriots who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to
become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp
the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their
interests.
The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations
is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as
little political connection as possible. So far as we have already
formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith.
Here let us stop.
Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none,
or a very remote, relation. Hence she must be engaged in fre-
quent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign
to our concerns. Hence therefore it must be unwise in us to
implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes
of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her
friendships or enmities.
Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to
pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an
efficient government, the period is not far off when we may defy
material injury from external annoyance; when we may take
such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any
time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent
nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us,
will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may
choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall
counsel.
Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why
quit our own to stand upon foreign ground ? Why, by inter-
weaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle
our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rival-
ship, interest, humor, or caprice?
It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances
with any portion of the foreign world, -- so far, I mean, as we are
now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable


## p. 15680 (#638) ##########################################

15680
GEORGE WASHINGTON
of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the
maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that
honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let
those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But in
my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend
them.
Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establish-
ments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust
to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.
Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended
by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial pol-
icy should hold an equal and impartial hand: neither seeking nor
granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural
course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the
streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing with
powers so disposed — in order to give trade a stable course, to
define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government
to support them - conventional rules of intercourse, the best that
present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but tem-
porary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied
as experience and circumstances shall dictate: constantly keeping
in view that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested
favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of its inde-
pendence for whatever it may accept under that character; that
by such acceptance it may place itself in the condition of having
given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached
with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater
error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to
nation. It is an illusion which experience must cure, which a
just pride ought to discard.
In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old
and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the
strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will con-
trol the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation
from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny
of nations. But if I may even flatter myself that they may be
productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that
they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party
spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard
against the impostures of pretended patriotism: this hope will be


## p. 15681 (#639) ##########################################

GEORGE WASHINGTON
15681
a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare by which
they have been dictated.
How far, in the discharge of my official duties, I have been
guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public
records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you
and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own con-
science is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by
them.
In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my Procla-
mation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index to my plan.
Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your Repre-
sentatives in both houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure
has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to
deter or divert me from it.
After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I
could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the
circumstances of the case, had a right to take a neutral position.
Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me,
to maintain it with moderation, perseverance, and firmness.
The considerations which respect the right to hold this con-
duct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail.
I will only
observe that according to my understanding of the matter, that
right, so far from being denied by any of the belligerent powers,
has been virtually admitted by all.
The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, with-
out anything more, from the obligation which justice and human-
ity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to
maintain in violate the relations of peace and amity towards other
nations.
The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will
best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With
me, a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to
our country to settle and nurture its yet recent institutions, and
to progress without interruption to that degree of strength and
consistency which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the
command of its own fortunes.
Though in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am
unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of
my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed
many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the
XXVI–981


## p. 15682 (#640) ##########################################

15682
GEORGE WASHINGTON
Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend.
I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will'never
cease to view them with indulgence; and that, after forty-five
years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the
faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as
myself inust soon be to the mansions of rest.
Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actu-
ated by that fervent love towards it which is so natural to a man
who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors
for several generations, I anticipate with pleasing expectation that
retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the
sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens,
the benign influence of good laws under a free government, the
ever-favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust,
of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers.
GEORGE WASHINGTON.
UNITED STATES, September 17th, 1796.


## p. 15683 (#641) ##########################################

15683
DAVID ATWOOD WASSON
(1823-1887)
N THE life and writings of David Atwood Wasson, New Eng-
land Transcendentalism found a singularly perfect expres-
sion, a fine, clean, austere embodiment, conspicuous even in
that rare era of incarnate philosophy. He had not the genius of
Emerson, nor the glowing beauty of Parker: he dwelt for the most
part in the chambers of the pure intellect, looking from their high
windows toward the stars. He taught individualism, and the oneness
of the soul with God, and the unity of all things seen and unseen. In
him, perhaps, as in many of his brethren, the forces which are now
producing the pestilence-stricken multitude of writers whose concep-
tion of individualism is love and hate let loose,– in him, these same
forces showed their mystical white side. To him also, love was all,
but love was also law; man was all, but man was all through God:
to him also the natural man was pure; but the natural man was the
spiritual man. Like many of the clamorous school of literature,
nothing less than the universe would suffice Wasson; but he believed
that man receives his inheritance of the universe through harmony
with its moral law.
He came into his own intellectual freedom through much trial.
Born in Brooksville, a coast town of Maine, May 14th, 1823, the child
of a ship-builder, his childhood was spent under a double tyranny of
stern theology and stern labor. He took a child's privilege of hating
Deity and loving dear Nature; so grew with a fragmentary schooling
into a youth who began to find ways of his own into the unseen, and
now congenial, world. He passed through North Yarmouth Academy,
.
,
through Phillips Academy, and partly through Bowdoin College. A
few years before entering college, an accident in a wrestling match
left him with the ill-health which all his life hampered him. His
college course was succeeded by law studies at Belfast, but these
were soon discontinued. Carlyle was speaking to him through “Sartor
Resartus'; his soul was thirsty for reality.
Entering the Theological School in Bangor in 1849, he remained
there two years, and was then ordained pastor of an evangelical
church in Groveland, Massachusetts. His intellectual development
had now brought him into that position of entire acquiescence with
the demands of the whole, the Good, and the Beautiful, which may


## p. 15684 (#642) ##########################################

15684
DAVID ATWOOD WASSON
}
1
be so easily confounded with indifference. His congregation admired
but could not comprehend his exquisite mysticism, which bound the
reason and the soul in so loving a marriage. Some doubted; the
crisis came when Wasson preached a sermon against what were to
him obnoxious doctrines in the orthodox faith. His own orthodoxy
seemed to his congregation too much a part of the sunlight and air.
He was forced to form an independent church. His career after this
was largely determined by the exigencies of ill-health. For two
years he was pastor of Theodore Parker's Congregational Society in
Boston. He resided for a time in Concord and in Worcester; he was
for three years storekeeper of the custom-house in West Medford;
he lived for three years in Germany.
Wherever he was, he car-
ried on his old battle with disease; yet wrote and read incessantly,
and lived his life of thought, which seemed ever to grow clearer and
stronger.