No More Learning

A. in
1600, afterwards proceeding to that of B. D. He was vicar of
Eastwood from 1604 to 1614. Leigh on the Thames is within two
miles of Eastwood, and was then a great resort of shipping, many
voyagers on the return from their explorations sojourning there.
Purchas, doubtless, began his own collections at this time, and took
down some narratives from the lips of those who had travelled far.
He was an untiring worker, and could never maintain a ‘vicarian or
subordinate scribe' to help him. In 1614, he was preferred by
John King, bishop of London, to whom he expresses unbounded
gratitude, to the rectory of St Martin's, Ludgate. He died in 1626.
Prior to the publication of his Pilgrimes, he had written Purchas
His Pilgrimage, or Relations of the World and the Religions
observed in all ages and places discovered from the Creation
unto this Present (1613), with new editions in 1614, 1617 and 1626.
He had also written a volume called Purchas his Pilgrim; Micro-
cosmus, or the Historie of Man (1619).
It is clear from a remark made by Purchas—'I was therein a
labourer also'—that he assisted Hakluyt to arrange papers which
were unpublished at Hakluyt's death in 1616, and, hence, his collec-
tion is called Hakluytus Posthumus. “Having out of a chaos of
a


## p. 92 (#114) #############################################

92
Seafaring and Travel
h i
>
11
confused intelligences framed this historical world,' Purchas was
emboldened to dedicate it to Charles, prince of Wales. He
explains to the reader that he had received 'Master Hakluyt's
many years' collections, and that 'Purchas and his Pilgrimes' were
as a bricklayer providing materials 'to those universal speculators
for their theorical structures. ' Purchas never travelled more than
two hundred miles from his birthplace, but he says that bishop
King gave him one wing, hoping some blessed hand would add the
other, and, not finding this to be the case, the bishop ‘promised
to right me himself (these were his syllables) but death righted
him, and I am forced to wrong the world. ' What Purchas
lacked in experience of travel, he made up by his indefatigable
industry, in which he rivalled Hakluyt himself. Knowing that
comparatively few of his countrymen could themselves see the
world, he offered to them, 'at no great charge,'
a world of travellers to their domestic entertainment, easy to be spared from
their smoke, cup, or butterfly vanities and superfluities, and fit mutually to
entertaine them in a better school to better purposes.
The design of the book separates the subjects into two main
divisions, one dealing with the old world and the other with the
new, each being further divided into ten books. The first book
is an introduction to the rest, being concerned with Biblical
history and travel, man's life as a pilgrimage, the journeys of
Christ and the apostles, classic journeyings and other matters.
Then he reaches improvements in navigation, recalls the voyages of
Columbus and Magellan, gives narratives of Drake's, Cavendish's
and later circumnavigations, and of early voyages to the east-
Lancaster's, Middleton's and others. The first half of the book
.
is devoted to a long array of narratives and statements regarding
trading and voyages to India, China and Japan, Africa and the
Mediterranean, including a mass of information concerning our
dealings with the Dutch and the Portuguese. In the same way, the
second division of the Pilgrimes is devoted to narratives of the
Muscovy voyages, efforts to discover the north-west passage, ex-
plorations in the West Indies and Nova Scotia, including narratives
of most of the great expeditions, and much information concerning
our dealings with the Spaniards, as well as observations of foreign
explorers.
Purchas was not the equal of Hakluyt, but he was his worthy
successor, his collaborator in his later life and the depository of
some of his collections. Possessed of the same valiant, untiring
spirit, the vast volume of his researches, brought together with


## p. 93 (#115) #############################################

Characteristics of Purchas
93
indefatigable exertion and invincible zeal, was, though in a much
less degree than Hakluyt's collection, an inspiration and an en-
couragement to the men who came after. All that Purchas has
amassed of the narratives of the explorations of Englishmen
breathes the strong spirit of nationality. There is ample room
in these accounts for the display of various talents and different
temperaments, but there is scarcely one that does not have
in it some pride of England. When Robert Fotherby, in 1615,
cruised on behalf of the Muscovy company in a pinnace of 20 tons
for the discovery of land to the north-east, he was questioned by a
Danish admiral as to the right by which English merchants re-
sorted to waters claimed for Denmark, and he replied, 'By the king
of England's right. There was courtesy, also, to the nation that
was a greater rival. Thus, James Beversham, writing in July 1618,
from Fairhaven, refers to the insolence of the Dutch, which, how-
ever, he overlooked, advising his countrymen
not to impate to that nation what some frothy spirit vomits from amidst his
drinke, but to honour the Hollanders' worth, and to acknowledge the glory
of the Confederate Provinces; howsoever they also have their sinks and
stinking sewers (too officious mouths, such as some in this business of Green-
land, beyond all names of impudence against his Majestie and liege peopls,
as others elsewhere have demeaned themselves) whose loathsomeness is not
to be cast as an aspersion to that industrious and illustrious nation.
When Purchas opens the glowing story of the western explora-
tion, he has a fruitful field of interesting record and description,
and here, in the sharp rivalry of interests which had brought us to
war with Spain, the spirit of nationality glows still more brightly
not seldom marred by the bitterness of religious hate and intolerant
invective. With the practical purpose of encouraging and assist-
ing navigators and planters, he has given summaries of the writings
of Spanish and Portuguese discoverers, coloured, sometimes, by his
lively imagination, and descriptive of the curiosities and resources
of the western lands. He has gathered with a rather indiscriminate
hand, but ever with the purpose of adding new lustre to England's
fame. The narrative of Peter Carder, who is said to have set out
with Drake on his circumnavigation, to have separated from the
company and, after many marvellous adventures, to have returned
home nine years later, reads more like fiction than fact, and makes
one think of the later writings of Defoe. Like most writers of his
time, Purchas loves to note the freaks and peculiarities of nature,
and revels in the wonderful. When he introduces a tragic narrative,
like that of the unfortunate Cavendish, on his last journey, he
improves the occasion. Cavendish's last letter to his friend and


## p. 94 (#116) #############################################

94
Seafaring and Travel
executor, Sir Tristram Gorges, is a pathetic page in our literature;
for the dying man, with enfeebled hand, pours forth therein the
utter depth of his misfortune. He speaks of tempest, cold, famine,
cowardice, mutiny and the ill-fortune of war, saying:
And now by this, what with grief for him (his kinsman, John Locke]
and the continual trouble I endured among such hell-hounds, my spirits were
clean spent; wishing myself upon any desert place in the world, there to die,
rather than thus basely to returne home again. . . . And now consider whether
a heart made of flesh, be able to endure so many misfortunes, all falling upon
me without intermission. I thank God that in ending of me, he hath pleased
to rid me of all further trouble and mishaps.
But this poignant narrative does not escape the somewhat
'precious' pen of Purchas, who had drunk at the Euphuistic spring.
He likens the life of the navigator to the change from sunshine
to shadow, from day to night, from summer to winter :
And if the elements, seasons, and heaven's two eyes, be subject to such
vicissitudes, what is this little molehill of earth, this model of clay, this
moveable circumference of constant inconstancy, immutable mutability, this
vanishing centre of diversified vanity, which we call man; that herein also he
should not resemble this sampler of the universe, as becometh a little map to
be like that larger prototype.
And he goes on to express the glow of his pride in the deeds of
English seamen:
This we see all, and feel daily in ourselves; this in Master Candish here,
in Sir Francis Drake before, the sea's two darlings, there, and thence both
liring and dying; if dissolution of the body may be called a death, where the
soul arriveth in heaven, the name fills the earth, the deeds are precedents to
posterity, and England their country bath the glory alone that she hath
brought forth two illustrious captains and generals, which have fortunately
embraced the round waist of their vast mother, without waste of life, reputa-
tion and substance; yea victorious over elemental enemies, illustrious in
wealth and honour, they have come home, like the sun in a summer's day,
seeming greatest nearest his evening home, the whole sky entertaining and
welcoming him in festival scarlets and displayed colours of triumph.
Among the most interesting pages in the travel-literature of the
time are those which relate to the colony of Virginia. Hakluyt had
a proprietary right in the colony; its exploration occupies a large
place in his Navigations; and his last work was Virginia Richly
Valued (1609), being a translation from the Portuguese of de Soto's
narrative. "I shall yet live to see Virginia an English Nation,'
wrote Ralegh to Sir Robert Cecil, shortly before Elizabeth's death.
His own efforts had left a shadowed memory. Purchas has pre-
served two narratives of the voyage of Gosnold to northern Virginia
in 1602, as well as his account of the fertility of its soil, together
with narratives of Pring's voyage from Bristol in 1603 and others.


## p. 95 (#117) #############################################

Captain John Smith
95
James's charter for the colonising of Virginia was the signal for
great enterprise, which was urged by Hakluyt and his friends,
and cheered on by Michael Drayton:
Britons, you stay too long;
Quickly aboard bestow you,
And with a merry gale
Swell
your
stretch't sail,
With vows as strong
As the winds that blow you.
The name of captain John Smith will ever be associated
with the foundation of Virginia · Purchas has preserved some
extracts from descriptions of his enterprises, but Smith's own
account is contained in his book, The General History of Vir-
ginia, New England, and the Summer Isles, with the names of
the Adventurers, Planters, and Governors from their first be-
ginning in Anno 1584 to this present 1624. Of this famous book,
there were other editions in 1626, 1627 and 1632. Smith's whole
being had been mastered by the enthusiasm for planting new
states in America, and, in the early days of Virginia, that colony
depended for its life and preservation on his firmness and courage.
The History is a freely written and very remarkable, but apparently
straightforward, direct and forcible, narrative and record, and its
author deserves a place in the literature of the sea above most
men. Not only was he, in his own person, an adventurer, explorer
and settler, as well as a writer and recorder, but he had an intense
belief in the necessity to this country of possessing a powerful
navy. He quotes with approval what Master Dee had said in his
British Monarchy, concerning the creation of a fleet of sixty sail-
a 'little Navy Royall'—in queen Elizabeth's reign:
To get money to build this navy, he saith, who would not spare the one
hundredth penny of his ronts, and the five hundredth penny of his goods ;
each servant that taketh forty shillings wages, four pence; and every foreigner
of seven years of age, four pence, for seven years; not any of these but they
will spend three times so much in pride, wantonness or some superfluities.
This, he would have them do by way of benevolence, and he pro-
ceeds to say how vast would be the advantage in spreading terror
among pirates and amazement among enemies, while giving assist-
ance to friends, security to merchants and a great increase to
navigation. Smith has also a title to our admiration as the author
of a Sea Grammar for young seamen, of which some account will
be given later.
In the history of the several plantations and settlements in
the new world, Virginia, the New England colonies and Pennsylvania
a


## p. 96 (#118) #############################################

96
Seafaring and Travel
have literatures of their own. The prosperity of Virginia was
retarded by many untoward circumstances, and, in a pamphlet
issued in 1649, entitled Virginia Impartially examined, and left
to publick view, to be considered by all judicious and honest men,
William Bullock endeavours to discover the reason of this slow
progress. He had known the pioneers and captains in the trade,
his father had lived in the colony twelve years and he himself
had had extensive commerce with it. Accordingly, he offers his
little book as
no other than the adventurer's and planter's faithful steward, disposing the
adventure for the best advantage, advising people of all degrees, from the
highest master to the meanest servant, how suddenly to raise their fortunes.
There is a study of the food and sport of the country, its
economic necessities, how it might be recovered, how money might
be disposed to advantage there, and how the plantation might be
reached, with advice to the adventurer, to the planter and to
servants. Edward Williams's Virgo Triumphans; or Virginia
Really and truly valued (1650), was written with the same
purpose.
The book named Sir Francis Drake Reviv'd, calling upon this
Dull and Effeminate age to follow his noble steps for gold and
silver, 1626, published by Sir Francis Drake the younger, is the
source of most of our knowledge of Drake's exploits in Central
America, though Froude, without much reason, has thrown doubt
upon its authenticity. It is mentioned here as suggesting, by its
title, the motive with which the navigators of that age entered
upon their enterprises. There was the double incitement of
adventure and spoil, and the honour of England was an added
reason for successive navigations to the west. Both Hakluyt and
Purchas wrote in the same spirit. So, also, the Tudor poets and
balladists gave expression to the imperialism born of the increas-
ing influence of England's naval power, the widely-spread know-
ledge of the seamen's explorations and the ever-growing impulse
towards colonisation. The verses entitled Neptune to England,
printed in Halliwell's Early Naval Ballads, sound this note :
Goe on, great state, and make it knowne,
Thou never wilt forsake thine owne,
Nor from thy purpose start:
But that thou wilt thy power dilate,
Since narrow seas are found too straight
For thy capacious heart.
So shall thy rule, and mine, have large extent:
Yet not so large, as just and permanent.


## p. 97 (#119) #############################################

The Birth of Imperialism
97
How, too, the sea life, with its wider outlook, attracted the
more daring spirits of the nation is indicated in a ballad In Prais
of Seafaringe Men, in Hope of Good Fortune (Sloane MSS):
Too pas the seaes som thinkes a toille,
Sum thinkes it strange abrod to rome,
Sum thinkes it a grefe to leave their soylle,
Their parents, cynfolke, and their whome.
Thinke soe who list, I like it nott;
I must abrod to trie my lott.
In The Relation of a Voyage to Guiana. . . Performed by Robert
Harcourt (1609), given by Purchas, and issued independently in an
enlarged form in 1626, the objects are set forth in order. First,
comes the 'glory of God, for the conversion of the heathen';
secondly, the 'honour of our Sovereign '—the obtaining and
gaining the sovereignty of so many great, spacious, and goodly
countries and territories’; and, thirdly, “the profit of our country,'
by the enrichment of the many commodities ‘in those parts daily
found and easily obtained. ' Harcourt says that
all young gentlemen, soldiers, and others that live at home in idleness and
want employment, may there find means to abandon and expel their slothful
humours, and cast off their fruitless and pernicious designs, and may worthily
exercise their generous spirits in honourable travels and famous discoveries
of many goodly and rich territories, strange and unknown nations, and a
multitude
of other rarities, hitherto unseen, and unheard of in these northern
parts of the world; which may be thought incredible, but that our own
experience (besides the general and constant report and affirmation of the
Indians) doth assure us thereof.
Another volume, devoted to westward expansion, with an
analogous purpose, is A New Survey of the West Indies, or the
English American, his Travail by Sea and Land, by Thomas
Gage, published originally in 1648, and issued in several subse-
quent editions. By this time, Hakluyt and Purchas had many
followers, who, though not in collected narratives, were describing
the new places of the world, and, in a versified introduction to
Gage's book, Thomas Chaloner thus speaks of the author:
Reader, behold presented to thine eye
What us Columbus off'red long ago,
Of the New World a new discovery,
Which here our author does so clearly show;
That he the state which of these parts would know,
Need not hereafter search the plenteous store
Of Hakluyt, Purchas and Ramusio,
Or learn'd Acosta's writings to look o'er;
Or what Herrera hath us told before,
Which merit not the credit due from hence,
Those being but reckonings of another score,
But these the fruits of self experience.
E. L. IV,
7
CH. V.


## p. 98 (#120) #############################################

98
Seafaring and Travel
So far we have dealt only with western explorations, but the
literature of the seventeenth century is rich in narratives of travel
and settlement in both hemispheres. The project of reaching
China, the Spice islands and farther India by the north-west
passage was destined to disappoint those who fixed their hopes
upon it. Nor did much success attend the efforts to carry trade
overland from the Levant, which was one of the objects of the
Turkey company, established in 1581. The early efforts to wrest
the monopoly from the Portuguese by the long sea route also
met with disaster. Raymond's expedition of 1591 suffered from
sickness, tempest and mutiny, and its misfortunes made failure
inevitable from the beginning. Still more disastrous was Benja-
min Woods's navigation of 1596, from which not one man of the
company returned to tell the tale. Purchas deplores the double
disaster of the loss of the ships, and of the record and history of
the tragedy, upon which light is thrown by a Spanish letter found
among the papers of Hakluyt. The Netherlanders were more
successful than Englishmen in 1597 in their effort to break
down the supremacy of the Portuguese; but quarrels among
themselves deprived their expedition of commercial success, and
the consequent rise in the price of pepper on the London market
caused merchants to meet in 1599, thereby leading to the
foundation of the East India company. The first enterprise was
Lancaster's famous expedition of 1600—2, which was equipped
with every necessity of war, and carried greetings from Elizabeth
'to the great and mightie King of Achem, etc. , in the Island of
Sumatra, our loving Brother. ' Purchas has preserved a full
narrative of the circumstances and events, with a copy of Eliza-
beth's letter. Whatever is preserved of Lancaster's writing shows
him to have possessed in a marked degree the forcible style of the
seaman. His brief letter to the proprietors of the East India
company deserves to be quoted:
Right Worshipful, what hath passed in this voyage, and what trades I
have settled for this company, and what other events have befallen us, you
shall understand by the bearers hereof, to whom (as occasion hath fallen)
I must refer you. I will strive with all diligence to save my ship, and her
goods, as you may perceive, by the course I take in venturing my own life,
and those that are with me. I cannot tell where you should look for me, if
you send any pinnace to seek me, because I live at the devotion of the wind
and the seas. And thus fare you well, desiring God to send us a merry
meeting in this world, if it be his good will and pleasure.
The first real discouragement to those who looked for the success
of the north-west route was Lancaster's triumph, combined with


## p. 99 (#121) #############################################

An Englishman in Japan 99
Waymouth’s ignominious failure to find a way to 'Cataya or China
or ye backside of America' which became known before Lancaster
returned. Hudson, Button, Baffin and a score of other hardy
navigators followed Waymouth's course, but merchants recog-
nised that, long and perilous as was the route by the cape of
Good Hope, it was preferable to the doubts and dangers of the
north-west.
The Dutch captured Amboina from the Portuguese in 1605,
and burned their fleet at the Moluccas in the following year, and
it was the strong trade rivalry between the English and the Dutch,
leading to the massacre at Amboina, that ultimately caused our
merchants to relinquish partially their attempts to establish them-
selves in the islands, and to devote their efforts to developing
trade with India. Not, however, until the third East India voyage,
in 1607, was any attempt made to establish trading ports on the
Indian mainland. Purchas includes in his Pilgrimes a brief nar-
rative of Middleton's—the second-voyage to the east (1604–6),
and a somewhat longer account of that of Keeling, which
was the third (1607—10), as well as an extremely interesting
narrative written by captain William Hawkins of his landing at
Surat and his visit to the court of the great Mogul at Agra, with
observations on life at the Mogul's court, the custom of sati and
many other matters. The Pilgrimes includes narratives of all
later expeditions to the east, and a full account of our relations
with the Dutch and the Portuguese up to the year 1613.
One of the most interesting narratives included in the col-
lection is that of William Adams, descriptive of his voyage to
Japan and his long sojourn there (for he never returned), written
in the form of two letters, addressed severally to his ‘unknown
friends and countrymen' and to his wife. These, Purchas has
placed with his accounts of voyages to the east, although Adams
reached Japan by way of the strait of Magellan. He was born at
Gillingham in Kent, and, having been an apprentice at Limehouse,
became pilot in the queen's ships and served twelve years with the
Barbary merchants. Being desirous of gaining greater experience,
he took service in 1598 as pilot of a fleet of five sail for the Dutch
India company. They entered the strait of Magellan on 6 April
1599, and, suffering much from cold and sickness, remained in the
strait until September, when they proceeded to the coast of Peru.
In February 1600, the expedition reached a port in northern
Japan, which Adams names Bingo. The chief there showed them
great friendship, giving them a house on shore and all needful
7-2


## p. 100 (#122) ############################################

Іоо
Seafaring and Travel
!
1
1
10
refreshment, Jesuits and Japanese Christians being their inter-
preters. The emperor of Japan, hearing of their arrival, sent
for Adams, apparently having bad news that he was a man of
skill; and he was conveyed to Osaka, accompanied by a seaman.
The emperor asked him many questions—there was nothing
that he demanded not, both concerning war and peace between
country and country. Adams was held in captivity, but was 'well
used. ' On a second occasion, the emperor interrogated him, ask-
ing him why foreign ships came so far.
I answered, We were a people that sought all friendship with all nations
and to have trade of merchandise in all countries, bringing such merchandises
as our country had, and buying such merchandises in strange countries as
our country desired: through which our countries on both sides were
enriched.
The Portuguese endeavoured to prejudice these strangers in the
minds of the Japanese ; but the emperor answered that, as yet,
they had not done any damage to him or his land.
Adams was allowed to rejoin his ship, and she went round to
Yeddo, where the emperor then was; and there she was detained,
her company being dispersed in Japan. When Adams had lived
four or five years in the country, the emperor asked him to build
a small ship for him, to which Adams pleaded that he was no
carpenter: "Well do it as well as you can, saith he; if it be
not good, it is no matter. ' The vessel was built, with a burden
of 80 tons, and was well liked, so that Adams was received into
greater favour, and put on a good allowance. He often saw the
emperor and even taught his majesty ‘some points of geometry
and mathematics. ' So influential did he become that his former
enemies asked him to befriend them in their business through
the emperor, and both Spaniards and Portuguese received more
friendly treatment in consequence.
Five years elapsed, and Adams besought his imperial patron
to allow him to return to his own country; but this request was not
granted, and he remained, apparently acting as nautical adviser to
the emperor. He was presently building a vessel of 120 tons for
imperial use, which, however, was lent in 1609 to enable the
governor of Manila to proceed to Acapulco, the governor's own
ship having been cast away and completely wrecked on the coast
of Japan. For this service, Adams had what he likened to a
lordship, with eighty or ninety husbandmen, 'who are as my
servants and slaves. ' Of the Japanese, Adams said that they were
good of nature, courteous above measure, and valiant in war; their justice is
severely executed without any partiality upon transgressors of the law. They
>
6


## p. 101 (#123) ############################################

Australia and Madagascar
IOI
are governed with great civility-I think no land better governed in the
world by civil policy.
This letter, addressed to Adams's unknown friends and country-
men, was dated 11 October 1611. The second letter, to his wife,
is also a recital of his experiences, but is not complete. Adams
died in 1620.
Much more might be written about the eastern navigations of
the century; but perhaps enough has been said to enable the
reader to understand what was the character of the literature of
the sea so far as it dealt with exploration and discovery. Before
leaving the subject, however, two other volumes may be referred
to, which are concerned with the discovery of two great islands
in the south and east one of them a continent-namely,
Australia and Madagascar. In the exploration of the eastern
hemisphere, as of the western, much was brought to knowledge by
the printing of translations or summaries of foreign books and
letters. The collections of Peter Martyr, Oviedo and Ramusio
had been a revelation to Englishmen of the great work done by
foreign seamen, and Eden, Hakluyt and Purchas worked indus-
triously in the field of their researches. Others followed in their
footsteps. Thus, a pamphlet printed in 1617 for John Hodgetts was
a translation of a Spanish letter under the title Terra Australis
incognita, or A new Southerne Discoverie, containing a fifth
part of the World, lately found out by Ferdinand de Quir
[Pedro Fernandez de Quiros) a Spanish captaine; never before
published. It is in the form of a humble petition to the Spanish
king not to neglect a golden opportunity, revealed by one who
had devoted fourteen years to the discovery and had wasted
fourteen months at the Spanish court in vain.
De Quiros says that this new discovery is of the fifth part of
the terrestrial globe, and 'in all probability is twice greater
in Kingdoms and seignories than all that which at this day
doth acknowledge subjection and obedience to your Majesty. '
De Quiros denominated his land 'Austrialia del Espiritu Santo 1,'
but Wytfliet had indicated the continent as 'Terra Australis' in
1598. The publication of de Quiros's account in an English form
caused some stir in this country; but the Dutch were before us
in exploring the continent, and it was not until 1770 that an
· De Quiros's 'Austrialia' was, apparently, the New Hebrides and not the actual
mainland. The legend of a great southern land had been current for some years, and
the connection of de Quiros's name with Australia may be compared with that of
Columbus's with America.


## p. 102 (#124) ############################################

102
Seafaring and Travel
Englishman, the great circumnavigator captain Cook, examined
the east coast.
The other volume referred to is that of a mercbant who had
been concerned in the East India trade, and had suffered much in
his efforts to draw the attention of his countrymen to the resources
of some countries little known to them. This merchant is Richard
Boothby, whose Briefe Discovery or Description of the most
famous Island of Madagascar or St Laurence in Asia near unto
East India was published in 1646, having been delayed two years
by the hindrance of a 'captious licenser,' who blamed the rude-
ness of the author's style, and would place the island in Africa,
whereas Boothby insisted that it belonged to Asia. The pamphlet
is dedicated to the king, the author saying that his estate
had been ruined through envy, malice and revenge in India, and
oppressed by deep ingratitude, partiality and injustice at home,
and imploring his majesty to support the plan of effecting an
English plantation in Madagascar, for, ‘he that is Lord and King
of Madagascar may easily in good time be Emperor of all India. '
The richness of the island and its resources are extolled as of
great promise to the mercantile community.
We now may turn to another important class of litera-
ture concerning the sea, namely that which tells how seamen
regarded their own profession and its duties, and in which they
gave the fruit of their professional knowledge and skill for the
advantage of their comrades and those who were to come after
them. The sea service was becoming more highly organised and
more scientific, and the distinction between war and merchant
vessels, which before had been scarcely noticeable, began to
be more clearly marked. Serious writers, like Henry Maydman,
Robert Crosfeild, captain St Lo and William Hodges, towards
end of the seventeenth century, began to concern themselves with
the provision of men for the fleet, and the health and treatment of
the seaman were much discussed. The seaman himself appeared
earlier in the Whimzies of Richard Brathwaite (1631) and in the
Characters attributed to Sir Thomas Overbury. The rise of a
school of professional seamen was a marked feature of the age.
There was a long-standing difference between hard, practical
seamen and gentlemen captains, and, as we shall presently
see, a controversy arose between the former and men of
more scientific training. Drake, certainly, had the root of the
matter in him when he said, on that memorable occasion during
his voyage of circumnavigation when he enforced the need of


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Sir William Monson
103
union in the fleet and of hard, honest work in the sea
service:
Here is such controversy between the sailors and the gentlemen and such
stomaching between the gentlemen and the sailors that it doth_even make
me mad to hear it. But, my masters, I must have it left. For I must have
the gentleman to haul and draw with the mariner, and the mariner with the
gentleman.
The literary remains of Sir William Monson-his Naval Tracts
-enable us to appreciate the outlook of an officer who was a
contemporary of Drake, but who lived until after the outbreak of
the civil war. Monson was a sea officer of some distinction and
strong character, and also a critic of naval affairs. His literary
memorials and tracts, originally brought to notice in the Churchill
collection of voyages, 1732, are now being made known both to
history and to literature in the publications of the Navy Records
Society. Monson became a student at Balliol college in 1581,
and ran away to sea. He rose rapidly, was Essex's flag captain
.
at Cadiz and accompanied him in the Islands voyage of 1597. He
was not concerned in any great events, but was imprisoned in the
Tower in relation to the Overbury case. His writings are divided
into six books, and he states that it is his purpose to describe the
acts and enterprises of Englishmen at sea, in the first two books;
to deal with the office of lord high admiral and other officers, and
the duties of seamen, in the third; to touch upon the voyages and
conquests of the Spaniards and Portuguese, in the fourth; to
handle certain projects, in the fifth ; and to discover the benefits
of fishing on the coasts, in the sixth. He borrowed largely from
Hakluyt and Purchas, but had no intention of dealing with history
or narrative. His object was to apply lessons to be learned from
certain facts in the past as warnings for the future, and he appears
to have been the first English seaman to make a critical examina-
tion of the work of seamen afloat in his own time, as well as of that
of some of his predecessors and successors at sea. As a strategical
writer, he cannot rank with Ralegh or Essex, but his opinions have
value as embodying the views of a vigilant, sagacious and thinking
officer; and, in the dedication of two books to his two sons, he
seems, almost, to anticipate Chesterfield. There was nothing in
him of high imagination, little of generous sympathy or enthusiasm
and, apparently, not much of the hard, fighting quality. The old
writer who introduces Monson in a preface states that, with respect
to the roughness which characterises his language, it should be
remembered that Monson had 'spent most of his time at sea,' and


## p. 104 (#126) ############################################

104
Seafaring and Travel
1
that his language had been formed, as it were, in Elizabeth's day,
and not in the refinement 'of our time,' i. e. of the Stewarts. In
the dedication of the first book to his eldest son, the young man is
counselled to seek the ways of peace and not to be deceived by
the glamour of the soldier's glory. Wars by land and sea, says
Monson, are always accompanied by everlasting danger and dis-
asters, and are seldom times rewarded.
For one soldier that liveth to enjoy that preferment which becomes his
right by antiquity of service, ten thousand fall by the sword or other casual-
ties; and if you compare that computation with any other calling or profession,
you will find much difference and the danger not so great.
Moreover, though arms have always been esteemed, they have in
part been subject to jealousies and envy:
Compare the estate and advancement of soldiers of our time but with the
mean and mercenary lawyer, and you shall find so great a difference that
I had rather you should become prentice to the one than make profession of
the other.
There is also an epistle dedicatory to the gentlemen who were the
author's intimate friends, and a farewell to the same. In the
latter, Monson again utters a warning that you beware of ad-
venturing yourselves and estates upon sea journeys. They might
perceive by his observations what peril such journeys brought
without profit, and what pains without preferment:
For there are few, if you will enter into particulars, whose employment
has gained them advantage; as to the contrary many are brought to want
and misery by them. . . . The miserable gentlemen that undertook such enter-
prises for gain, to recover their spent and consumed estates, were Cavendish,
Chidley, Manby, Cocke, with many others I could name, whose funerals were
all made in the bottomless sea, and their lands turned into the element
of water.
These, perhaps, were Monson's later reflections, or not, at least,
his general and customary ideas. Certainly, elsewhere, he glories
in our conquests and victories, both on sea and on land.
Books had begun to issue from the press in Elizabeth's reign
which showed the larger place that science was taking in the work
of the seaman. In the seventeenth century, the volume of this
literature grew larger, and several writers followed in the footsteps
of Eden, who translated the Compendium of Cortes in 1561, of
Bourne, who published the Regiment of the Sea in 1573, and of
Davys, whose Seaman's Secrets appeared in 1594. One of the
earliest of these was captain John Smith, the first governor of
Virginia, who wrote a sea manual which passed through several
editions. This was his Accidence, or the Path-way to Experience,
4


## p. 105 (#127) ############################################

Smith's Accidence
105
necessary for all young Sea-men, or those that are desirous to goe
to Sea, 1626. The volume differed in some respects from its prede-
cessors, and the author says it is upon a subject he never see writ
before. It is dedicated to the reader, and to 'all generous and
noble adventurers by sea, and well-wishers to navigation, especially
to the Masters, Wardens, and Assistance of the Trinity House. '
Smith declared that he had never kept anything to himself, and
that he knew he had been blamed for so doing. He describes
the duties of all the officers of the ship, as well as her timbers and
sails, and adds many quaint illustrations of the use of sea terms,
and the manner of working the ship and giving battle.
Right your helme a loufe, keepe your loufe, come no neere, keepe full,
stidy, so you goe well, port, warre, no more; beare up the helme, goe roumy,
beyare at the helme, a fresh man at the helme. . . . Boy fetch my celler of
bottles, a health to you all fore and afte, courage my hearts for a fresh
charge; Maister lay him a bord loufe for loufe; Midships men see the tops
and yeards well maned with stones and brasse bals, to enter them in the
shrouds, and every squadron else at the best advantage; sound Drums and
Trumpets, and St. George for England.
Smith goes on to describe the ordnance of the ship, with reference
to gunnery treatises, saying, “any of these will give you the
Theorike; but to be a good Gunner, you must learne it by
practise. ' The excellence of his maxims caused a demand for his
book: enlarged editions of the Accidence appeared under the
title The Sea-Man's Grammar; containing most plain and
easie directions how to Build, Rigge, Yard and Mast any Ship
whatever, and it was still being republished in 1691.
Smith represented both the scientific and practical sides of his
profession; but a conflict was growing up between theory and
practice which was not without influence on the literature of the
sea at this time. The new-born science of the sea was inclined to
despise the rough methods, and, perhaps, the rude manners, of the
men who had attained their objects and had fought tempests and
the dangers of rocks and lee shores in gales, with only the know-
ledge born of hard experience; while those of the older school
regarded with contempt the new-fangled theories and scientific
appliances of the modern seaman, which they did not understand,
and his love for comforts which some of them scorned.
We find the literary expression of this controversy in two
volumes, which are almost, if not quite, the earliest separately
published English narratives of voyages in search of a north-west
passage. These are The Strange and Dangerous Voyage of
Captain Thomas James in his Intended Discovery of the North-


## p. 106 (#128) ############################################

106
Seafaring and Travel
West Passage into the South Sea (1633), and the whimsically
named North-West Fox; or Fox from the North-West Passage,
of captain Luke Fox of Hull (1635). These explorers were both
engaged in their work in 1631, and met in the icy regions, their
work, apparently, being inspired by the healthful rivalry of the
Bristol and London merchants. James, who was furnished with
a ship by the merchants of Bristol, and is said to have belonged to
a good family, was a man of education, and a scientific seaman,
who, while knowing the importance of setting sail in a well-found
vessel with a trained company, was sensible of the necessity of a
proper knowledge of navigation, and of being supplied with proper
instruments. Accordingly, before putting to sea, he endeavoured
to extend his former studies by obtaining journals, plots (or charts),
descriptions, or whatever would assist him, and set skilful crafts-
men to make quadrants, staves, semicircles and compass-needles.
The narrative of his voyage is very interesting as a picture of
the life of the explorer in those times, and of professional
seamen at work. Fox, on the other hand, belonged to the old
school. He had spent his whole life in the practical business of
the sea
6
'Gentle Reader,' he says, “expect not heere florishing Phrases or Eloquent
tearmes; for this child of mine, begot in the North-West's cold Clime (where
they breed no Schollers), is not able to digest the sweet milke of Rhethorick,
that's food for them. '
He goes on to deride the 'mathematicall sea-man,' who, he avers,
would fail in contest with the 'ruffe and boisterous ocean. ' He
proceeds:
Being deprived of sun, moon and stars for long season, they will then
think that they only dreamed before; when they imagined of the course of
the seas, and that their books were but weak schoolmasters; that the talk of
art were far short of the practice, when, at beholding the stars, which they
thought to have used as guides and directions, seem now as they threatened
their ruin and destruction; nay, when they shall look forth and tremble at
the rising of every wave, and shall be aghast with fear to refrain those rocks
and dangers which lie hid within the sea's fairest bosom, together with the
greatness of the ocean, and smallness of their ship; for want of experience to
handle, not knowing how to shun, they will then think that the least gale is
of force to overthrow them, and know that art must be taught to practice by
long and industrious use. For it is not enough to be a seaman, but it is
necessary to be a painful seaman; for a seabred man of reasonable capacity
may attain to so much art as may serve to circle the earth's globe about; but
the other, wanting the experimental part, cannot; for I do not allow any to
be a good seaman that hath not undergone the most offices about a ship, and
that hath not in his youth been both taughớ and inured to all labours; for to
keep a warm cabin and lie in sheets is the most ignoble part of a seaman; but
to endure and suffer, as a hard cabin, cold and salt meat, broken sleeps,


## p. 107 (#129) ############################################

Theory and Practice
107
mouldy bread, dead beer, wet clothes, want of fire, all these are within board ;
besides boat, lead, top-yarder, anchor-moorings and the like.
But Fox was not so insensible of the value of written experience
as his words might imply, for he, like Eden, Hakluyt and Purchas,
was a collector of voyages, and he deserves an honourable place
here because his volume includes an account of expeditions from
early times down to Baffin and some later discoverers. The
narratives of James and Fox have been reprinted in a single
volume by the Hakluyt society. They did not explore beyond the
bay which takes its name, to use Purchas's expression, from that
worthy irrecoverable discoverer,' Hudson.
The controversy of those times has had its echoes in later days.
Fox was a representative seaman of an old school, but he and
those who thought with him could not stay the advance of science
into the seaman's domain. A truer understanding of the relative
positions of theory and practice presently arose, and a considerable
literature indicated the advances that were being made in the sea-
man's art. Sir Henry Manwayring, who was captain of the Unicorn
in the Ship Money fleet of 1636, was an officer who helped
to spread a knowledge of the practical things that concerned the
sea profession, and he did so for the assistance of the gentlemen
captains of the time, which was one of naval decay-the fleet of
Charles I being greatly disorganised, ineptly commanded and
much demoralised and mutinous. Manwayring's The Sea-Man's
Dictionary, or an Exposition and Demonstration of all the
parts and things belonging to a ship, was first published in
1644, a second edition appearing after the Restoration in 1670.
The author's object was to instruct those gentlemen who, though
they be called seamen,' did not fully understand what belongs to
their profession,' and to give them some knowledge of the names
of parts of ships and the manner of doing things at sea. The
information was intended to instruct those whose quality, attend-
ance, indisposition of body, or the like' prevented them from
gaining a proper knowledge of these things. The significance,
therefore, of Manwayring's book is that it throws a side-light
upon the well-known shortcomings of some of the cavalier
officers. The form of the book is alphabetical, in the manner of
a glossary or dictionary.
The last writer we need mention in illustrating this aspect of
the literature of the sea is captain Nathaniel Boteler, an officer of
whom very little is known, but who was evidently an experienced
student of his profession, and who had considerable knowledge of
6


## p. 108 (#130) ############################################

108
Seafaring and Travel
the internal economy of ships of war. His work, Six Dialogues
about Sea Services between an High Admiral and a Captain at
Sea, was published in 1685, but had evidently been written some
years earlier. It deals with the commander-in-chief, officers and
men, victualling, the names of the several parts of a ship, the choice
of the best ships and the signals, sailing, chasing and fighting of
ships of war. The admiral and the captain discourse on these
and many related questions, such as punishments, sometimes
by way of catechism, but, generally, by instructive comment
and criticism. Boteler was a writer with a sense of humour,
and some of his remarks are very incisive and instructive. He
had a very exalted idea of the position and duties of a captain,
and says that his charge was as high as that of any colonel on
land, ‘and for the point of honour, what greater honour hath
our nation in martial matters than in his Majesty's Navy? '
He would have the lieutenant admonished that he be not too
fierce in his way at first (which is an humour whereto young men
are much addicted), but to carry himself with moderation. So
does Boteler discourse upon the character and duties of the purser,
the boatswain and the other 'standing officers,' as also upon the
men, for whom he had a good deal of sympathy, while never over-
looking the necessities of discipline. Taken as a whole, Boteler's
Dialogues is one of the most interesting volumes dealing with the
sea service that appeared within the century.
If the subject treated in these chapters be pursued in regard to
later times, it will be found to embrace many new features and, in
some respects, to have a less specialised character. Records of
travel begin to take the place of narratives of discovery, and the lite-
rature of the sea and of land journeys widens into channels of many
varied interests. The literature of piracy occupies a position of
its own, to which reference will be made later when the writings
of Defoe are under consideration. The growing volume of the
literature of the sea has many ramifications, and it includes purely
technical treatises, historical narratives, controversial pamphlets,
theatrical productions, broadsheets of song and many other things
indicative of the channels through which the national interest in
the sea and national love for the sea service manifest themselves.


## p. 109 (#131) ############################################

CHAPTER VI
THE SONG-BOOKS AND MISCELLANIES
In an earlier chapter of this work? was described the revival
of English poetry under the influence of Italy and France, and
the progress of the school of Wyatt and Surrey to its decay.
The impulse was worn out; the chivalric ideal had ceased to be
a genuine source of inspiration, and there was need of new ideals,
new blood and new literary methods. We have now to consider
the later and more national poetry which the labours of Sidney
and Spenser called into being.
It is impossible, of course, to name a date as that at which
new methods were employed and new themes sung. Before the
school of Wyatt and Surrey had fallen into decay, the Elizabethan
outburst of song had begun, and the writers to be considered in
this chapter will be found to cover a period of nearly thirty years,
during which the full chorus sang from sunrise to high noon.
If this was a period, to a great extent, of poets by profession,
it was, also, to a degree never since equalled, a period when every
man was a poet not only in spirit but in practice. The accomplish-
ment which had belonged to a few courtiers in the days of
Henry VIII had spread to every man of education ; every one
with an emotion to express may be said to have expressed it
naturally in poetry. And some of the sweetest lyrics in Elizabethan
poetry were the work of men whose very names are to this day
unknown. They were passed round in manuscript, to be read
aloud or sung to the lute and viol in private houses, and have
survived in manuscript collections, in the song-books of the day, or,
occasionally, in printed miscellanies. When a song was popular,
it was repeated in various publications ; take, as an instance, the
dialogue, possibly written by Sir Walter Ralegh, between Meliboeus
and Faustus, beginning 'Shepherd, what's Love, I pray thee tell ? '
which appears in The Phoenix Nest (1593), England's Helicon
(1600) and Davison's Poetical Rapsody (1602) and is set to music
in Robert Jones's Second Book of Songs and Airs (1601).
1 See vol. 111, chap. VIII.


## p. 110 (#132) ############################################

IIO
The Song-books and Miscellanies
The poetry now to be considered falls, in the main, into two
divisions : there is the lyric of pure joy or grief, and there is
the longer, graver, reflective lyric, revealing an attitude towards
life which is, perhaps, more characteristically English. Poetry
of the former kind is rarer in our language than poetry of
the latter, and it is found at its best in the compositions of
the days of Elizabeth. For its forms—the pastoral, the sonnet,
the canzone and the madrigal—it is still dependent, no doubt,
as was the poetry of Wyatt and Surrey, on foreign models ;
but the models have now been perfectly assimilated. The voice
is pure English, and English of its day. The machinery of the
Middle Ages-courts of love, allegorical visions and so forth—has
passed out of use, and the feeling of the present moment is
naturally, simply and sweetly expressed. It would, perhaps, be
truer to say that the voice is not so much English as universal.
There is so much in it of the paganism which is of the essence of
the natural man that it can dispense with the particular. There
is practically no reference to events or tendencies of the time.
There is no sense of responsibility, no afterthought. To watch
its growth is like watching primroses break into bloom, or like
listening to the chorus of birds growing fuller in the woods as the
dawn grows towards morning; so spontaneous, so much the effect
of purely natural causes, does this poetry appear. The imagery,
where imagery is employed, is almost always pastoral. We have
seen a very early pastoral in Tottel s Miscellany, and have noticed
in Googe the use of pastoral in the conventional classical manner.
In the lyrists of the latter age its use is quite unconventional, and
brings with it no sense of artificiality. “Shepherd,' as we read,
means 'man,' and shepherdess' mere ‘woman’; the use of these
words and the talk about flocks, pipes and so forth, do nothing
to cloak the sincerity of the outburst of feeling.
The mass of this poetry that has survived remains still un-
measured, though the labours of Arber, Bullen and others have
done something to explore and map the large and intricate field.
These poems, it must be noticed, were copied again and again for
the purpose of singing. The practice of solo and part singing was
more general in Elizabeth's days than in our own. "There is not
any music of instruments whatsoever,' wrote William Byrd, 'com-
parable to that which is made of the voices of men. The lute,
the viol and the virginals' were in every household for accom-
1 For the musical instruments of the period see Grove's Dictionary of Music, and
Furnivall's Laneham's Letters (1908), pp. 65–68.


## p. 111 (#133) ############################################

Music and Poetry
III
paniment, as a piano is to-day, and were put to a better use; and
there can be no doubt that music had a great influence on the
quantity, and no small influence on the quality, of the lyric poetry
which was being produced with no thought, in many cases, beyond
that of putting the song (as we saw in the case of The Handefull
of pleasant delites) to a tune already known or of having it set
to a new one.
'Poetry makes melody, not melody poetry,' wrote Richard
Garnett, and he implied that the only thing music can do for
poetry is to increase the quantity of it. Certainly, in our own
day, we have a terrible example of the amount of 'poetry' which
a
'music' can produce; and, in the days of Elizabeth, music was
equally fruitful in this way. But a wide difference must be noted.
To-day, feeble and slipshod music produces still more feeble and
washy poetry ; in those days, music that was still in the very
salutary 'bondage' of a pretty severe formalism cooperated with
a lyric poetry of natural and sincere sweetness to produce perfect
song.
Elizabethan composers for the voice made use of two distinct
styles: the madrigal and the ayre. Of these, the madrigal was
a piece of continuous music, not broken into stanzas, but woven
from start to finish without break and without repetition. Further,
it was written in the 'polyphonic' style, in which four, five or six
voices sang, at the same time, independent melodies, which had no
necessary likeness in pitch or in rhythm. Different words were
often sung simultaneously, or the same words to different rhythms,
80 that if each singer was made to accent his words with the
greatest care, the impression on the hearer was general. This
accounts, to some extent, for the brevity, directness and simplicity
of the madrigal form of poem. The ayre, on the other hand, was
composed stanza by stanza, often repeating the same music to
different stanzas. The musical idea, whether the ayre were
composed for one or for several voices, was generally a single
idea, and the parts were made to conform more or less to a
single rhythm, which corresponded to the metre of the verse.
Writers of ayres, who threw their words into prominence and kept
the stanzas entire, necessarily had a much greater effect upon the
lyric than madrigalists, especially those who wrote for a single
voice with instrumental (usually lute) accompaniment'.
It is impossible to determine the shares accurately. The best
i Thanks are due to H. C. Colles for much assistance in the passages in this
chapter relating to Elizabethan music.


## p. 112 (#134) ############################################

II2 The Song-books and Miscellanies
1
1
lyric poetry of the age 'sings itself': it suggests its own tune
irresistibly, and is, in a sense, complete without the written
music; and there can be no doubt that the demands of increasing
variety and range in poetry spurred music on to greater freedom
in the effort to cope with it. On the other hand, the freest music
of the day was more rigid and more formal than the strictest
poetry; and it would not be rash to state that music directly
affected the quality of the poetry in two ways: first, by putting a
check on all temptation to neglect conciseness of expression and
strictness of form; and, secondly, by keeping it simple and
sensuous, as lyric poetry should be. The standing danger to
which music exposes poetry—that the rhythm of the poetry may
be sacrificed to that of the music-is very rarely incurred in the
Elizabethan ayres. Those who have had the privilege of reading
the book of words of a modern musical comedy will know how the
"lyrics' are, of themselves, for the most part, absolutely shapeless
and rhythmless. They only take shape when it is supplied by the
rhythm or melody of the music; and this is rarely the case. An
Elizabethan poet-amateur or professional-writing a lyric to
music of his own or another's had a different task. The tune was,
in itself, a little rigid in shape ; his lyric could not, therefore, be
shapeless. And, conversely, a composer putting a tune to a lyric
had before him something with a structure of its own which he
could not help respecting. In this connection, Thomas Campion,
whose work, as a whole, is considered elsewhere in this volume, is a
composer of especial interest. He wrote his words in order to set
them himself; his ayres are melodies extending over a single stanza,
and the contour of each melody is carefully devised, both in pitch
and rhythm, to express the sense, throwing the important words
into relief. He takes care, therefore, to bring the important words
in each stanza into the same position in the line; and, as in Burns,
each stanza corresponds not only in metrical rhythm, but in inner
sense-rhythm, to all the rest. At the opposite extreme, as com-
posers have found, stands Tennyson, who can only be set to music
on the durch-componirt principle. And, as time went on, not
only did the composer come to respect the structure of the lyric
more and more, but it became more possible for him to respect it
as the lyric became more perfectly shaped.
The earliest and most famous of composers of music for songs
and part songs (for Thomas Whythorne, who published sets in 1571
and 1590, need not be considered) was William Byrd, composer
of the famous masses, and 'one of the gentlemen of the Queen's


## p. 113 (#135) ############################################

Musical Composers
I13
Majesty's honorable Chapel. ' He published three song-books,
and contributed to several others. Nicholas Yonge did good
service in circulating Italian madrigals in the two parts of
Musica Transalpina (1588 and 1597). Next came John Dowland,
a great traveller, who, at one time, was lutanist to the king of
Denmark. Dowland, who is celebrated by Richard Barnfield in
the sonnet sometimes ascribed to Shakespeare, 'If Musique and
Sweet Poetrie agree,' made a distinct advance beyond Byrd in
consulting the form of the poem when setting it to music: witness
his setting of the poem, probably by Peele, ‘His golden locks
time hath to silver turned, which was spoken before Elizabeth by
Sir Henry Lee, when he resigned the office of champion in 1590,
and is quoted by Thackeray in The Newcomes. By 1612, how-
ever, when Dowland published his last collection, A Pilgrim's
Solace, we learn from his letter to the reader that the old musician
was already considered as composing “after the old manner. '
Other composers and collectors of music who fall within our
period are Thomas Morley, John Mundy, Thomas Campion, Philip
Rosseter, William Barley, Thomas Weelkes, George Kirbye, Gyles
Farnaby, John Wilbye, John Farmer, Robert Jones and Richard
Carlton ; while Thomas Ravenscroft, Michael Este, Thomas
Greaves, Thomas Bateson, Frances Pilkington, captain Tobias
Hume, John Coperario, John Bartlet, John Danyel, Richard
Alison, Thomas Ford, Alphonso Ferrabosco, William Corkine,
Robert Dowland, Orlando Gibbons and others carried on the
work well into Jacobean times. Of these, Byrd, Weelkes, Kirbye,
Wilbye, Este, Bateson and Gibbons wrote in the madrigal or
polyphonic form, while Dowland, Morley, Campion, Jones and
Ravenscroft were chiefly writers of ayres for one or more voices.
The song-books of all these and other collections in print and
manuscript have been searched by Bullen, whose editions of Eliza-
bethan lyrics brought to light long unsuspected treasures.
To examine the whole list would take too long. William Byrd,
who composed before the type of poem written for the madrigal had
become popular in England, drew partly on writers who belong to
the previous age-Oxford, Kinwelmersh, Churchyard, Sir Edward
Dyer and, perhaps, Henry VIII. Dyer, the friend of Sidney (who
left Dyer half his books), was ambassador to Denmark and elsewhere
for Elizabeth and chancellor of the Garter, some of his work
appears, also, in The Phoenix Nest, in England's Helicon and in The
Paradyse of Daynty Devises, and he was justly praised as “sweete,
solempne and of high conceit' by Puttenham in his Arte of English
8
E. L. IV.
CH. VI.


## p. 114 (#136) ############################################

114
The Song-books and Miscellanies
Poesie (1589). Younger men, however, like Ralegh and Thomas
Watson the sonneteer, also appear in Byrd's song-books. The bulk
of the poems he sets to music are anonymous; but his predilection
for didactic and religious verse gives an air as of the previous age
to his collection. Yet the voice of the new poetry is clear in some
of the pastorals. The influence of foreign poets is only seldom
directly apparent; but two, at least, of the poems appear again
one of them word for word—in the Musica Transalpina of Nicholas
Yonge, which is entirely composed of translations from French and
Italian authors made, in 1583, by 'a Gentleman for his private
delight. The authors at present identified in Dowland's song-books
are Fulke Greville, George Peele, the earl of Essex (or his chaplain
Henry Cuff), Sir Edward Dyer and Nicholas Breton. Among the
other song-books, the scanty number of names that can be men-
tioned is a testimony to the extent to which the habit of writing
lyrics prevailed among others than professed poets. And study
of these songs, composed for home use or the convenience of
a small circle of friends, with no more serious import than the
verses of Sir Benjamin Backbite or the acrostics of our grand-
fathers, leads only to deeper wonder at their perfection of form.
In them, the mood and the manner go hand in hand, as if
inevitably. There is no sense of strain, no artificial poetising, no
bombast and, in the best cases, no feebleness. There is, besides,
a quality of sweetness which is not a property of the words alone,
nor of the sense alone, and which, seeming even to be something
other than the perfect union of sound and sense, remains, in the last
resort, beyond analysis. It may, perhaps, be a quality of the time,
an essential sweetness in a class educated and civilised, but full of
the frank gaiety, the ebullience, the pagan innocence and even
the quick and stormy temper, of children. The England of the
day was full of renascence learning, and its singers swept as much
of it as they could master into their songs; but the spirit of the
land was still the spirit of childhood, frank in its loves and
hates, unsophisticated and eager for feeling and experience. The
whole beauty of the world which lay about them, spring and
summer, the flowers, morning and evening, running water, the
song of birds and the beauty of women, expresses itself in their
songs ; and, with the increase of national prosperity and the
freedom from the danger of a dominion they had always dreaded,
came an almost complete loss of that cringing sense of sin and
responsibility which the reformation and the political dangers it
had introduced had imposed upon earlier generations. England,


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Lyric Poetry in the Drama
115
in fact, to a great degree, was pagan, if we may use the word in
the sense that modern usage seems determined to establish. It
was bent upon enjoying its life in a very pleasant world. If a
mistress were kind, her kindness moved the swain to songs of joy;
if she were unkind, he turned on her with a pretty flouting that
is hardly less enjoyable than his praise. He did not fawn, nor
mope, nor serve, in the old, unhealthy, pseudo-chivalric fashion
of his fathers. If he were unhealthy, as, unquestionably, was
Barnabe Barnes, for instance, the fault was due to a different
cause.
Another valuable field for the lyric poetry of the time was
afforded by the drama ; and, in considering this, it is necessary
to bear in mind the important part played in the Elizabethan
drama by the children of the queen's chapel and other companies
of boy-actors who were trained musicians and made music a
prominent feature of their performances. Lyly, Marston, Jonson
and others who wrote for these companies would regard songs as
an essential feature of the book of the play, though, in certain
cases, the play was printed without them. Again, in masques,
acted by amateurs at court or in the houses of noblemen, music
played a large part, and Jonson, Daniel and other authors of
masques were careful to provide songs. Music was less cultivated
in the public theatre, but it was far from being unknown there ;
and the number of songs to be found in Shakespeare's plays would
of itself be sufficient proof that men-actors found it expedient to
consult the contemporary passion for music.
So early as the middle of the sixteenth century, we find, in
Ralph Roister Doister, a rollicking song from the hero of the
comedy; but the drama first became a fit field for the lyric with
John Lyly. His Alexander and Campaspe contains the beautiful
and familiar poem, ‘Cupid and my Campaspe played'; his Midas
is the source of a lyric almost equally well known, 'Sing to Apollo,
god of day. Lyly's example was followed, in particular, in the
plays of the university wits; and the practice became general.
Greene, Peele, Nashe, Dekker, Beaumont and Fletcher, Massinger,
Ford, Heywood and many others incorporated songs with their
dramas; and the custom continued till the closing of the theatres
in 1642, to be resumed at their reopening. Indeed, it was, to
some extent, under the pretext of music that Sir William D'Avenant
was able to revive the drama under the protectorate.
The practice of compiling miscellanies was continued, and the
first to show the influence of the new life and vigour was The
8-2


## p. 116 (#138) ############################################

116
The Song-books and Miscellanies
1
1
?
Phoenix Nest, ‘set foorth’ by ‘R. S. of the Inner Temple Gentle-
man,' in 1593. The Phoenix Nest is dedicated, as it were, to the
memory of the earl of Leicester, and opens with three elegies
upon Astrophell (i. e. Sidney). The volume contains poems by
.
certain anonymous writers who clearly belong to the old, rather
than to the new, school of poets. And, in the main, N. B. Gent,
as Nicholas Breton is here written, belongs to that school too.
A voluminous writer in verse and prose, Nicholas Breton, who
was born about 1542 and was probably in the service of Sidney,
or of his sister the countess of Pembroke, or of both, belongs in
spirit, by his protestantism no less than by his poetical usage, to
the school of Wyatt and Surrey. Many of his longer works are
written in the fourteen-syllable lines and the 'poulter's measure'
beloved of the poets of that school; and his use of stanzas of six
and eight lines, or of rime royal, does little to link him with
the new writers. In The Phoenix Nest, too, he indulges very
freely in the old allegory, a heritage from medieval times which
was soon to fall out of use. A strange description of a rare
garden plot is an allegorical poem in ‘poulter's measure. ' An
excellent dreame of ladies, and their riddles and The Chesse
Play are, also, allegorical. In the next anthology which we have
to consider, we shall find Breton in a different guise; but, in The
Phoenix Nest, the new note is struck most forcibly by Thomas
Lodge. The fifteen poems by that author which the volume
includes are the best of its treasures. Three of them are from his
Phillis (1593), a volume of eclogues, sonnets, elegies and other
lyrical pieces; the rest appear first in The Phoenix Nest, though
one, ‘Like desart woods,' is published in England's Helicon,
where it is given either to Sir Edward Dyer, or to 'Ignoto. '
It is worth noticing that Lodge, in one song, “The fatall starre
that at my birthday shined,' makes use of a metre which might
be scanned as, and is clearly modelled upon, alcaics, but is, in
practice, composed of iambic feet. The earl of Oxford has a
charming lyric, “What cunning can expresse,' and it is possible that
the longest poem in the volume, A most rare and excellent
dreame, is the work of Greene. The dream is the favourite one
of the visit of a lady to her sleeping lover. Her beauties are
described, and his parlous state explained.